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1
Cherkasova, E. « Spain : Opinion on European Integration ». World Economy and International Relations, no 11 (2014) : 48–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-48-53.
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The article analyzes the changes that characterize Spanish approach to political aspects of European integration, and more specifically, the approach of different political parties to the process. Spanish political circles and even think tanks pay relatively little attention to theoretical aspects of European integration, whereas practical relations with the EU are of paramount importance. This is due to the fact that the question of belonging to the EU was settled in Spain long ago and definitively. Majoritarian character of Spanish democracy facilitates the transfer of powers from Brussels to Madrid, i.e. objectively favors the choice of federalization. Nevertheless, Spain continues to upload its national preferences onto the EU decision-making process. In recent years, Spain’s influence and authority in the EU have declined because of the economic crisis. This loss of authority will be overcome as soon as the economic growth is resumed. Constantly emphasizing its belonging to the core of the EU, the “Old Europe”, and to the core of the euro zone, maintaining close relationship with the Latin group within the EU, Spain has consistently advocated a united and strong Europe with a Common Foreign and Security Policy.
2
Olha Hordiichuk, Olha Hordiichuk. « THE MENTALITY ASPECTS OF UKRAINE'S EUROPEAN INTEGRATION ». Socio World-Social Research & ; Behavioral Sciences 06, no 04(02) (25 novembre 2021) : 102–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/swd0604(02)2021-102.
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The article examines the mentality closeness of Ukraine with Western European civilization. The geopolitical position of Ukraine on the border of Europe (West) and Asia (East) complicates the civilizational self-identification of Ukrainians is emphasized. Such features are due, on the one hand, to strong ties with European countries and de facto geographical affiliation with Europe, and on the other – proximity to Eastern civilization and long-term influence of Russia, which led to involvement in Asian civilization. Ukraine has been a part of the European space since the adoption of Christianity is substantiated. Its European essence has been historically shaped by geographical location, inclusion in European civilization by economic and cultural ties. The basic values and features of the Ukrainian mentality were correlated with the mental principles of the peoples of European countries and it was found that the greatest similarity between Ukraine and European states at the mental level are Ukrainian freedom, individualism and desire for democracy as opposed to Russian despotism and authoritarianism. These features of the Ukrainian mentality have enabled the historical preservation and revival of the Ukrainian nation, help to develop further and become a developed European country not only geographically and economically, but also spiritually is claimed . After all, it is not enough to achieve high economic standards and decent material life as an external form, to integrate into Europe is important at the internal level – values, spiritual and cultural, increase the number of active educated citizens, which is the core of development and progress – actively build civil society. In case of Ukraine's accession to the EU, Europeans will be able to discover Ukraine not only as an arena of political scandals and national upheavals, but also to discover positive mentality traits of Ukrainians – peace and tolerance, emotionality, creativity, high receptivity to new ideas, ability to adapt to different conditions is noted. Keywords: mentality, Ukraine, Europe, civilization theory, European civilization, Eurasian civilization, value system European integration, national identity, civil society.
3
Zhao, Jianyang. « The Rise of Populism and Implications on European Integration ». Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 2 (6 novembre 2022) : 227–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/hbem.v2i.2367.
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Since 1990, populism has become increasingly important in European politics. It is often associated with Euroscepticism and exclusionism. The topic of this paper is the negative relationship between populism and European integration in Europe in recent years. This paper aims to explore what obstacles populism has caused to the process of European integration by observing the ideas and policies of populist politicians and political parties, combined with the past research of many scholars. After describing three aspects, this paper concludes that populism is hindering the progress of European integration by increasing public suspicion of regional cooperation organizations, encouraging exclusive socio-economic policies, and emphasizing national identity rather than European identity. This trend may also continue in the foreseeable future, giving consideration to the current European political and economic situation.
4
MKRTCHYAN, LIKA. « The Border-making Policy of the Europe-an Union : Eastern Enlargement ». Journal of Education Culture and Society 3, no 2 (12 janvier 2020) : 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20122.7.18.
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Having no internal borders, what is a border for the European Union (EU)? Which cri-teria does this powerful organization pursue in its decision-making on further expansion: geographical, political, cultural, economic or all of these? What is the profi t of the Union in advancing its external borders to the east? And why to the east and not the south or west across the Atlantic? Does it still mean that there is the reason for enlarging eastward based on the geographical belonging to Europe?1.This paper discusses the expansion of the European Union to the east with the main focus on its political and economic aspects of integration. The fi rst part includes intro-duction to the concept of Europe, historic background about the formation of the united Europe in terms of geography, culture, politics and economy, juxtaposing opinions and viewpoints of different experts and political scientists on “what is Europe?” and what are the core issues of its enlargement. The second and third parts are dedicated to the advan-tages and disadvantages of European Integration for both parties concerned – the EU and the candidate/member state, in the case of the former having its own “demarcation policy” towards certain regions of the continent when it comes to unifi cation. And the fourth part is about the communication and miscommunication of the informative bodies of the Euro-pean Union that are responsible for public awareness on any process that goes on within the European family. The lack of information results in the ignorance of citizens of Euro-pean and partner countries, which, of course, refl ects on the further processes of expansion on the political level and cultural perception and mentality on the social level.The conclusion sums up the research, and the bibliography lists the books, articles, monographs and Internet sources used in the course of the study.
5
Arefyev, P. « Manufacturing industry of European countries. May Europe be considered the assembly shop of Russia ? » Siberian Financial School, no 2 (10 juin 2021) : 37–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.34020/1993-4386-2021-2-37-41.
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The article deals in detail with the problem of determining the place of Russia in the global value chain based on the study of manufacturing industries. The author analyzes in detail the effectiveness of Russia’s integration into the GVC, based on the study of the industry structure and comparison of export volumes. Based on the latter, we can say that the goods of manufacturing industries are in the leading positions in Russia’s total exports for 2019. However, it is necessary to keep in mind the risks associated with the political aspect of economic integration. Another obstacle is the problem of competitiveness, which slows down Russia’s integration into the world market. Despite this, predicting the growth of economic indicators, we can conclude that the Russian manufacturing industry has broad prospects for development.
6
SONG, XINNING. « European ‘models’ and their implications to China : internal and external perspectives ». Review of International Studies 36, no 3 (juillet 2010) : 755–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000835.
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AbstractEuropean Studies in China developed very rapidly in the last twenty years. The reasons for that are not only because of the smooth evolution of EU-China relations and wider and deeper economic interdependence between two economic giants, but also the relevance of the European models to China's domestic political and social development, as well as China's external relations. The article reviews the evolution of the European Studies in China and finds out that more and more research on European affairs relates to China's internal and external development. Two major aspects of the learning process are exploited further. Firstly, European models for China's domestic political and social development, including European party politics and Democratic Socialism, European social policy and social security systems, and European regional policies. Secondly, European models for China's foreign policy and external relations, including European neighbourhood policy, European concept of effective multilateralism, Europe as an example of peaceful rise, and functionalism as the way to East Asian regional integration. The EU or Europe has higher profile in China than any other Asia Pacific country. From the domestic political and social development and China's preference in international affairs we can see the silhouette of the European models. Chinese would like to learn more from Europe than the United States. It also shows clearly that the role of the EU as a social power.
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GHIDIRMIC, Bogdan, et Alexandru MATEI. « EUROPEAN UNIFICATION AND EUROPEAN INTEGRATION AS A PHILOSOPHICAL PRINCIPLE ». Theoretical and Practical Research in the Economic Fields 10, no 2 (31 décembre 2019) : 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505/tpref.v10.2(20).09.
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In the mentioned coordinates of the European studies, the European unification is an attempt to establish a conceptual, philosophical framework for these studies, oriented, according to their stage, towards the fundamental aspects: the specificity of Europe and the European crisis; European unification; the cardinal philosophical problems of European unification and the resistance it faces. Using disciplinary approaches (economics, political science, sociology, history, etc.), she seeks to clear the philosophical side and support it, away from the positivist rendering of what is, but also from the usual slip in generalizations without sufficient basis, which is encouraged by generous topics, which are in public controversy.
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Atapin, Evgenii. « Evolution of British Euroscepticism in the Second Half of the 20th Century ». Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no 5 (décembre 2022) : 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.5.13.
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Introduction. The United Kingdom is the most prominent example of a Eurosceptic country in the EU. For many years the United Kingdom did not feel a part of Europe. Great Britain was geographically separated from continental Europe and psychologically distant from the European integration movement established by the 1957 Treaty of Rome. The British Eurosceptic tradition rested on these geographic and psychological characteristics. Eurosceptic traditions included political, economic, linguistic, cultural and historical aspects that made it difficult for the United Kingdom to accept European integration. Methods and materials. The research methodology is based on narrative and comparative methods. The materials of the study incorporate statements of certain British politicians about attitudes towards European integration, works devoted to the analysis of Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom and manifestos of some far-right political parties. Analysis. A study of the attitude to European integration of the two main political forces of Great Britain, namely the Conservative and the Labour Parties, in the second half of the 20th century is carried out. Results. The study results in the creation of a periodization of British Euroscepticism in the second half of the 20th century. Three stages of evolution of British Euroscepticism in the period under study are distinguished: 1) the stage preceding the entry of Great Britain into the European Communities, conventionally called “Labour”; 2) the stage of the United Kingdom’s participation in the “common market”, conventionally called “Conservative”; 3) the stage of Britain’s participation in the European Union, conventionally called “Right-wing populist”. Their chronological framework is established and their main characteristics are given.
9
Falaleev, P. I. « The Marshall Plan and the European Integration : The Stance of Great Britain and France (1947–1948) ». Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no 3 (20 novembre 2020) : 165–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-165-190.
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The development and implementation of the Marshall Plan has been studied quite thoroughly in both Russian and foreign academic literature. Nevertheless, certain aspects of this problematique require further examination, particularly the reaction of the Western European countries to the initiative of the Secretary of State G. Marshall, as well as the impact of the Plan on the process of the European integration in general. The paper demonstrates that this reaction was far from simple and often contradictory since the key Western states had very different views on the future of mutual relations, as well as on the prospects for post-war recovery and development of Europe. The paper examines the evolution of the French and British leaders’ views on these issues from the first discussions of the projects to provide US aid to Western Europe to the implementation of the Marshall Plan. The negotiations revealed significant points of disagreement among the parties particularly regarding the relations with the USSR, the German question, and conditions for receiving assistance from the United States. The author stresses that the need to defend their interests during the course of negotiations with the US representatives contributed greatly to the rapprochement of Britain and France and, at the same time, catalyzed debates on the integration of Western Europe. In this regard the author emphasizes that the idea of regional economic integration received mixed reaction in the American elites. While some considered this process as an effective means of bringing the Western countries together, particularly, over the German question, others feared that integration of Western Europe could potentially lead to the emergence of a new competitor to the USA. The author concludes that the growing popularity of integration projects in Europe in 1947–1948 stemmed from a range of factors, including both a combination of internal European political processes and short-term and long-term consequences of the Marshall Plan. Whereas in terms of economic development of Western Europe the latter were rather ambiguous and are still the subject of controversy, in terms of world politics the Marshall Plan exacerbated block-to-block confrontation in Europe, characteristic of the Cold War period.
10
Czymara, Christian S. « Propagated Preferences ? Political Elite Discourses and Europeans’ Openness toward Muslim Immigrants ». International Migration Review 54, no 4 (24 décembre 2019) : 1212–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0197918319890270.
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Immigration is among the most vividly discussed topics in Europe’s national parliaments in recent years, often with a particular emphasis on the inflow of Muslims. This article examines the link between articulations of national political parties (political elite discourses) and natives’ attitudes toward immigrants in Europe. It provides a nuanced view of this relationship by (i) distinguishing more (inclusionary) from less (exclusionary) immigration-friendly political elites and (ii) isolating natives’ openness toward two specific groups: Muslim immigrants and ethnically similar immigrants. Combining the European Social Survey with party manifesto data and other sources, the analysis reveals that political elite discourses perform better in explaining natives’ attitudes compared to national demographic or economic aspects. Native Europeans’ attitudes toward Muslim immigrants are more hostile in countries where political elites are more exclusionary and more welcoming where political elites are more inclusionary. In contrast, Europeans’ views on ethnically similar immigrants seem largely unaffected by exclusionary political elites. These findings suggest that political elites can play an important role in fostering or impeding immigrant integration by shaping public opinion, particularly toward more marginalized immigrant groups.
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Kolianov, A. Yu. « European Identity Today : Thought or Feeling ? » Discourse 5, no 5 (18 décembre 2019) : 76–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32603/2412-8562-2019-5-5-76-87.
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Introduction. The paper analyzes the strategies for the formation of European identity. The author examines how identity was conceptualized in political science through the history of the development of the concepts of nation and community. The constructivist interpretation of the nation as an “imaginary community” and the understanding of identity as a direct holistic understanding of oneself as a unique unit of the national political culture in relation to the rest of the world today form the basis of the political direction of European integration.Methodology and sources. In conducting the study, a comparative historical method, an analysis of sources (official documents, scientific and journalistic texts), a discourse analysis, and also data from opinion polls were used.Results and discussion. Political crises of the last two decades have shown that the dominant theories of European integration in the last century, focused on economic aspects, are not always able to give adequate answers to the political challenges of our time, which sometimes puts the construction of a united Europe in a precarious position. The question of what makes Europe common remains open and no less, and perhaps even more relevant than before. The political essence of united Europe remains abstract and is not fully understood by Europeans as the subjective component of an individual political culture. In this paper, an attempt is made to trace the transformation of a request for political identity. Promising for the sociocultural development of European identity and the formation of a collective sense of self is a guide to the deliberative activities of the population and elites to determine the vector of political integration. A constructivist approach in this direction allows us to make positive forecasts for relations between the EU and Russia.Conclusion. The obviousness of the ideological request for the construction of a European identity is manifested in the nature of current scientific discourse, broadcast through the media and mass culture products, and is also formulated in the system of priorities of Europeans. In fact, the 2010-ies became for the EU a period when the political component of integration processes began to come to the fore.
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Majerová, V., et L. Kocmánková. « The contemporary stage of the Czech countryside : European integration expectations ». Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 48, No. 6 (29 février 2012) : 251–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/5313-agricecon.
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The contemporary Czech countryside underwent an important change during the last ten years. The political, economic and social system of agriculture and rural areas went through a basic transition. We can say that the transformation of agriculture after 1989 is one of the principal milestones of rural development, as for example the agrarian crisis in the end of the 19th century, the land reform in 1919 and the collectivisation in 1949. The processes of restitution and privatisation changed the ownership structure of land and property. The share of rural population employed in agriculture decreased. Unemployment grew, offer of work opportunities and possibilities decreased in turn. Social, civic and religious life regenerated. There are many new organizations and institutions, open borders cause positive as well as negative events. The Czech countryside comes near to European rural areas in many aspects. However, there is a considerable differentiation of approach to one’s own future. Some social groups of rural population were strongly affected by the transformation, especially people with low qualification, poor health, socially handicapped, less adaptable, and incapable of retraining. On the other hand, for other social groups opened so interesting options of employment or enterprise which were not even thinkable of before 1989. The standard of living, life style and attitudes of rural inhabitants differentiate. Results of a nation-wide research, “Trends of Social Change in Agriculture and Rural Areas”, predicate main changes in the economic and social spheres. Detailed knowledge of economic and social processes of the Czech countryside is necessary for co-operation within the framework of the European Union.
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Sabic, Dejan, Mila Pavlovic, Snezana Vujadinovic et Miroljub Milincic. « Global and regional aspects for development of Serbia and the Balkans : The events from the past as a message for future ». Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 90, no 1 (2010) : 159–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd1001159s.
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In 2010 Serbia faced with many social, economical and political issues such as the economic crisis, unemployment, uncertain candidate for membership in the European Union, cooperation with the International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague and others. Recurrences of the past are still being felt in the political than some of the European Union with Serbia. Serbia has a long way toward permanent membership, and to intensify regional cooperation in Southeast Europe (SEE) through active membership in regional organizations and initiatives. Although this region for many years been burdened with the past and lack of understanding among nations, the steppes of integration is still achieved and is still stricken by stereotyped comparisons with a barrel keg, and so damn yard. The aim of this paper is to point out some directions for further development of the region and review of the circumstances that have contributed to this state, to show the events of the past who may be a message for the future. .
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Zdioruk, Serhij. « UKRAINE ON THE WAY OF INTEGRATION TO THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY ». Politology bulletin, no 84 (2020) : 170–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2020.84.170-191.
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The article analyzes the problems of political and religious influence of Russia on the formation of the Ukrainian state in historical retrospect and in modern conditions of hybrid war. Europe wants to see the civilized Ukraine, based on the primacy of law, sustainable development, values of democracy and freedom for all citizens without exception. It is not only about political and economic aspects, but also about spiritual and cultural ones. Constituting the Local Ukrainian Orthodox Church is a powerful spiritual and ideological pillar of the Ukrainian State in building a democratic society, strengthening its image in the world. With the above in view and under the described situation the issue of fast integration of Ukraine into the European and world community becomes more urgent. Religion plays a significant role in this process, which is so important to regulate by the legislation. Thus we see the need for continued reform of the Ukrainian legal system starting from the fundamental political system governed by the Constitution of Ukraine, electoral laws and in particular the body of laws governing the fundamental rights and freedoms of the citizens of Ukraine. The article suggests some high priority measures aimed on creation of conditions for realization of integrative opportunities of religious factors. The proposals provide concrete and effective tools, the implementation of which is aimed at neutralizing the threats of «russkiy mir» in Ukrainian society and formulates recommendations for effective organization of political and legal mechanisms to protect national interests and strengthen national security of Ukraine.
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Atanasova, Irina, et Tsvetomir Tsvetkov. « Globalization and Income Inequality : Comparative Analysis of the European Countries ». SHS Web of Conferences 92 (2021) : 08003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20219208003.
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Research background: The globalization of the European countries within the EU and the Eurozone is primarily economic and is expressed by the free trade and the movement of capital and labour, which determines the incomes and the GDP. Globalization and its impact on inequality is becoming an essential and problematic issue, especially in the context of on-going economic integration processes between the countries in Europe, which seek to converge their economic, social and political systems in the Euro area. The process of inequality has become even more relevant in the context of globalization. Purpose of the article: The paper aims to examine the impact of globalization on the inequality in the developed and the emerging economies in Europe. Methods: On the basis of an econometric assessment, a comparative analysis of the effect of globalization on the inequality in the developed European countries and the emerging countries is carried out. Findings & Value added: The paper analyses the essential aspects and the effects of the income inequality dynamics, both horizontally and vertically. It also addresses the question of whether the effect of globalization on the economic growth and the inequality is the same for the developing and the developed countries, respectively. Based on the research, seven important conclusions are reached.
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Kalický, Juraj, Jana Lasicová et Jaroslav Ušiak. « Central European states from a conservative perspective in the period 1990–2004 ». Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 39, no 4 (25 mai 2018) : 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.39.4.1.
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CENTRAL EUROPEAN STATES FROM A CONSERVATIVE PERSPECTIVE IN THE PERIOD 1990–2004The post-communist transition of Central European States the V4 countries and their neighbours, when speaking about a broader Central Europe took place in the last decade of the 20th century until the years 2002 and 2004, when the V4 countries were allowed to access the EU and NATO. In this case, the term transition accounts for changes in the political status of states, a transition period in which basic pillars of the state — political system, the market economy, replaced the centrally-planned economy, the security and agenda of human rights, were assessed by new criteria. It was a complicated process that had to be reflected from the perspective of science and research, but also it had to be accepted from the perspective of citizens who did not always perceive the changes in a positive way. Central Europe lacked public discussion, a space that was supposed to be dedicated to the supporters of integration, but also to opposing opinions in order to make transparent attitudes, objections, but mainly, to introduce comprehensible projects of further development. Today many theoreticians from Western Europe view the absence of public discussion to be a serious lack of planning in the preparation period. Mainly future positive benefits were presented, liberalism as the best solution of economic problems was unilaterally preferred. Little attention was given to possible impacts of the other ideological or theoretical concepts, e.g., conservatism, which puts an emphasis on the important role of the state, traditions, paternalism, and other aspects, which could, at first sight, operate as controlling mechanisms, even barriers to liberalism and integration. At that time, conservatism seemed to be an outdated ideology. But in practice, the situation was different. Conservative parties, and particularly the conservative perspective of reality, became an essential way of problem solving. The article aspires to explain some aspects of the impact of conservatism on the positive process of transition and transformation in Central Europe.
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Knyazeva, Svetlana. « THE PROBLEM OF THE EU INTEGRATION OF THE BALKAN COUNTRIES AND THE EU ENLARGEMENT IN THE CONTEXT OF THE VALUE MODEL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION ». Urgent Problems of Europe, no 2 (2021) : 176–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.08.
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The article examines a wide range of the problems associated with the boundless enlargement of the European Union which makes it possible to place the Balkans in the context of general European development. To become a member of the EU is the important goal of the post-socialist countries of the Balkans/South-Eastern Europe. Bulgaria, Romania, and the post-Yugoslavian states of Slovenia and Croatia became full members of the EU. Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Albania are still at different stages of integration into the European community. This accession is the logical completion of the processes of social, political, economic and legal transformation of the Balkan countries, in which they themselves and the European Union as a whole and its individual member states are interested for reasons of geopolitics and geoeconomics. However, the accession to Europe (or the return to Europe) of the Balkan states with their authoritarian and socialist past includes not only the reform of the economic, political and legal systems, but also a change in value orientations. While in the states of the so-called «founding fathers» of the EU a Western European corporate civic identity is being formed, in the countries of the former Eastern Europe and the Balkan region, ethnic identity remains remains largely in the mainstream of public consciousness. The author examines axiological, ideological and psychological aspects of the accession of post-socialist countries to the EU, and also analyzes specific foreign policy problems associated with this process and the role of regional international organizations in the «europeanization» of the Balkans and in the settlement of ethnic and interstate conflicts in the region that still remain acute. Negative tendencies, first of all - the strengthening of populist sentiments and the coming to power of politicians reflecting these sentiments, pose challenges and threats not only to the European Union, but also to Russia.
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Vermeersch, An. « All's Fair in Sport and Competition ? The Application of EC Competition Rules to Sport ». Journal of Contemporary European Research 3, no 3 (30 novembre 2007) : 238–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v3i3.48.
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The commercialisation and internationalisation of sporting activities alongside ongoing European integration has put the relationship between the European Union and the sports world under strain. The Bosman case marked the start of an intense debate on an appropriate regulatory framework for this evolving relationship. Whereas the Community judges in previous sport related cases had consistently opted for settling the dispute on the basis of free movement provisions, the Piau and the Meca-Medina & Majcen cases entail the first rulings on the application of EC competition law to sport. This paper tackles the difficulty of separating the economic aspects from the sporting aspects of a sport and the consequences of anti-trust law for sporting associations. Whether the Court of Justice provided satisfactory guidelines to deal with upcoming legal actions and more generally, whether these guidelines on the application of competition law might influence the governance of sport in Europe, is also considered.
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Ilyushyk, O. M., et N. I. Didyk. « Administrative and legal foundations of the state policy of the European integration of Ukraine ». Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no 4 (27 novembre 2022) : 195–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2022.04.35.
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The article is devoted to the study of the essence and structure of the administrative and legal mechanism of state policy in the field of European integration of Ukraine. The article examines the main aspects of Ukraine's accession to the European Union. Membership in this organization is considered as a key practical means of forming an effective open economy. The experience of member countries, namely their current economic development and political situation, is analyzed: both positive and negative examples are highlighted. The potential benefits and possible threats in the development of our state upon joining the European Union have been determined and substantiated. The main barriers to Ukraine's acquisition of membership of the European Union and options for their elimination are considered. European integration, declared as a strategic direction of Ukraine's development, is not only a foreign economic vector, but also a reference point of values for the entire Ukrainian society. Ukraine's integration into the European Union today is supported by all government structures and the vast majority of the Ukrainian population, 81%. However, many objective and subjective difficulties arise in this strategic direction of our state's development. Moreover, overcoming them depends not only on Ukraine, but also on external factors that are outside its borders. Special attention is paid to the social, economic and cultural problems of modern Ukraine. Conclusions were made about the need to make balanced political and economic decisions, which depend on the prospects of Ukraine's integration into the European Union. The article is devoted to the coverage of the topic of the legal basis of membership in the European Union, the criteria that the state must meet in order to acquire the status of a candidate for membership. In the European Union, a strict approach is applied to the issue of granting membership, which is explained by the fact that a member of the European Union cannot be any state that territorially belongs to Europe, but only a state that adheres to the basic values of the association and together with the member states brings them to life.
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Barwiński, Marek. « Polish Interstate Relations with Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania After 1990 in the Context of the Situation of National Minorities ». European Spatial Research and Policy 20, no 1 (3 juillet 2013) : 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/esrp-2013-0001.
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When we compare the contemporary ethnic structure and national policy of Poland and its eastern neighbours, we can see clear asymmetry in both quantitative and legal-institutional aspects. There is currently a markedly smaller population of Ukrainians, Belarusians and Lithuanians living in Poland than the Polish population in the territories of our eastern neighbours. At the same time, the national minorities in Poland enjoy wider rights and better conditions to operate than Poles living in Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania.
Additional complicating factor in bilateral relations between national minority and the home state is different political status of Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine and different processes of transformation the consequence of which is differentiated state of political relations of Poland with its eastern neighbours. Lithuania, like Poland, is a member of EU, Ukraine, outside the structures of European integration, pursued a variable foreign policy, depending on the ruling options and the economic situation, and Belarus, because of internal policy which is unacceptable in the EU countries, is located on the political periphery of Europe.
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Bruni, Elsa M. Bruni. « University, reform, evaluation : the Italian case ». Civitas et Lex 23, no 3 (7 décembre 2019) : 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/cetl.4383.
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This essay deals with the Italian University reform, analysing its origins and main educational and managerial aspects, including the different positions on the identity and the role of this institution and of the diverse routes of higher education. The reform was passed while in the Old Continent an ancient ‘idea’ of Europe as a confederation of states activating an effective integration and unity process was taking shape, one aimed at ‘nationalizing’ and bringing together in the best possible way peoples that had shared for centuries religions, anthropological values, economic forms, legal codes, political institutions, and scientific knowledge. Moving from these premises, University is investigated not only as a crucial training place where research is carried out in synergy with didactics, but also as the driving force behind the most advanced scientific development, affluence, technological advancement, innovation, ideas and talents.
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Bar Cendón, Antonio. « España y la UE : objetivo ideológico y proyecto político (1978-2018) // Spain and the EU : Ideological objective and political project (1978-2018) ». Revista de Derecho Político 1, no 101 (28 avril 2018) : 777. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.101.2018.21978.
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Resumen:El reingreso en el contexto europeo, del que España fue expulsada tras el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, ha sido durante largo tiempo el objeto del componente ideológico y del proyecto político de la práctica totalidad de las fuerzas políticas españolas. El ingreso de España en las Comunidades Europeas, en enero de 1986, vino a suponer la realización de ese objetivo ideológico y de ese proyecto político. Desde entonces, España experimentó importantes cambios que mejoraron notablemente su estructura económica, pero también otros aspectos políticos y sociales. Estos cambios han sido descritos y analizados por la doctrina científica con todo detalle y extensión. Este trabajo, sin embargo, trata de describir y analizar cuáles han sido las aportaciones de España al proceso de integración europeo y su desarrollo en cada fase del mismo, y lo hace partiendo precisamente de lo que fueron los planteamientos políticos e ideológicos de las principales fuerzas políticas del momento. Algo que no se ha hecho hasta el presente con la debida extensión e interés que merece el tema.Abstract:The return to the European context, from which Spain was expelled after the end of the Second World War, has been the object of the ideological component and of the political project of almost all of the Spanish political forces for a long time. The admission of Spain into the European Communities, in January 1986, meant the realization of that ideological objective and political project. Since then, Spain experienced important changes that significantly improved its economic structure, but also other political and social aspects. All of these changes have been extensively described and analyzed by the specialized literature. This paper, however, tries to describe and analyze Spain’s contributions to the European integration process at each phase of its development, and it does so departing precisely from a description of the political and ideological positions ofthe political forces of that period. This is something that has not been done so far, with the extension and interest that the subject deserves. Summary:1. Introduction. 2. Europe as an ideological objective. 3. Europe as a political project. A) The first step: The Single European Act. B) Citizenship and cohesion: The Treaty of Maastricht. C) The foreign role and the social policy: The Treaty of Amsterdam. D) Enhancing the institutional position: The Treaty of Nice. E) From toughness to concession: The European Constitution. F) Weakness and relocation: The Treaty of Lisbon. 4. Conclusion.
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Sidorova, E. « Overcoming COVID-19 Impact in the EU : Supranational Financial Aspect ». World Economy and International Relations 65, no 1 (2021) : 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-1-24-32.
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The COVID 19 pandemic has led to an acute socio-economic crisis in the world, including in Europe. Anti-crisis measures at the supranational level are considered. The pandemic, which, after the Brexit decision, became another test for European integration, led to the development of a number of anti-crisis measures by the European Commission. On May 27, 2020, the European Commission presented a draft of measures to combat the pandemic, where the main role assigned to the EU Common Budget. The crisis has demonstrated that more funds and powers at the supranational level need to respond to emergencies. The Europeans were forced to take an unprecedented step – a possible “temporary increase in the Own resources ceiling,” which is legally limited and very slowly changing. The results of the meeting of the European Council in July 2020, dedicated to the Commission project were analyzed. A comparison made between the final indicators adopted at the Council, with the figures of the current Multiannual Financial Framework and the project of the European Commission for 2018–2020. Sources of financing for the European Economic Recovery Plan presented. The modern system of own resources does not contribute to the implementation of all the most important EU strategies and initiatives in the field of sustainable economic growth and development. New own resources will not only complement traditional ones, but also demonstrate priorities in the field of environmental policy and fair taxation. The Commission new project enhances the role of the Common Budget in integration and links it closely with the implementation of the long-term strategic priorities of the EU’s economic development. The conclusion is about the multi-vector impact of COVID 19. This force majeure circumstance, if the member states effectively unite their efforts to prepare the foundations for economic recovery, may become an impetus for further deepening European integration.
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Ruda, Victoria. « Emergence and Development of the Foreign Political Dimension of the EU : PreMaastricht Period ». European Historical Studies, no 7 (2017) : 6–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.07.6-16.
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Almost from the very outset the development of the common foreign policy and establishing the common defense have been the main aims of the European Community, but the real cooperation in these fields turned out to be quite complex and run into certain obstacles. As part of the European Community, the member states realize the necessity to comply with the common policy in order to become a full-fledged member on the political arena, but this does not take their fears to lose their national sovereignty and to give up some political advantages acquired through either the geographical position or the economic or political and military peculiarities. This explains to a certain extent the complexity of the consensus in searching process between the West European countries in the sphere of the common foreign and security policy. The integration process in Europe was concentrated on the economic cooperation in the first place. Later on the leaders of the West European countries recognized the readiness of the European countries to take a common position on the political and economic aspects of the security and the importance of the foreign policy cooperation in regard to the economic one was for the first time officially admitted. The development of the foreign policy pillar in the pre-Maastricht period clearly distinguished the sphere of competencies of the EU and NATO. The signing of the Single European Act allowed the EU country members to occupy the common position and coordinate their foreign policy. All this allowed the cooperation in the political sphere, which was evolving in two directions: first, conducting the coordinated foreign policy and secondly, ensuring the common security policy with a prospect of establishing the common defense as its separate pillar.
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Lee, Taek Young, et R. G. Korol. « Issues of Integration of Trans-Korean and Continental Railways ». World of Transport and Transportation 20, no 2 (24 décembre 2022) : 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.30932/1992-3252-2022-20-2-9.
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Since the 1990s, the Government of the Republic of Korea has pursued a systematic policy of connecting the railways of the Korean Peninsula to organise a Trans-Korean railway with access to the mainland railway network but has not achieved the implementation of this project. Differences in economic systems and infrastructure of two countries are deterrents to organisation of the Trans-Korean railway.The paper considers main historical periods, reflecting the stages of reunification of the Trans-Korean railway with the possibility of organising a transcontinental transportation. For the Republic of Korea, the emergence of a Trans-Korean and continental railway transportation will allow reorienting container flow from sea and road transport to the railway in the Asia-Europe direction, which will significantly speed up and make the delivery of goods more stable. The predicted volume of container flow between Korea and Eurasia can reach 300,000 containers per year by 2040. The objective of this study is to analyse the state, problems and trends in organisation of the Trans-Korean railway with an access in future to the transport network of the Asia-Pacific region. In this study, methods of analysis, synthesis and comparison are used.Possible solutions for integration of Trans-Korean and continental railways are presented in five aspects. Long-term policies and plans drawn up based on consultations between the leadership of two Korean countries need support through revealing interests of international organisations and neighbouring countries. The strengthening and development of the railway infrastructure of the DPRK is possible with the help of joint projects with the Republic of Korea and neighbouring countries. The creation of a transcontinental railway and the development of technology for accelerated customs clearance of containers will allow the countries of the Korean Peninsula to reach a new level of political and economic cooperation.
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Sharoichenko, Natalia. « Spain and the European Union : topical issues of interaction ». Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no 4 (28 décembre 2017) : 70–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-70-73.
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This article analyzes various aspects of interaction of Spain and European Union (EU) at the present stage. Due to the fact that the studied period is less than six months (including several events happened in a period less than a month) before presenting the paper, this research is topical and covers issues which were not examined before in academic literature. The aim of the study is to analyze major problems on which Spain has made suggestions for positive changes in the EU recently. The research was conducted with the help of such methods, as event-analysis, comparison and system approach. The article implies consistent and coherent analysis of important recent events, political and economic processes which actors were Spain and the European Union. In order to make the research comprehensive, materials of international media, official statements and papers of researchers from Spanish-speaking countries on associated topics were studied. The main conclusion on Spain’s participation in political and economic processes at the level of the EU is that Spain suggests different ways to strengthen economies of the Eurozone, accelerate integration in the framework of the EU, resolve migration crisis and fight against terrorism in Europe. Thanks to economic growth during this year and relative stabilization of political situation after the party crisis, Spain began to participate more actively in international projects within the EU, and it is engaged in a constructive dialogue on the most urgent European problems.
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Gregg, Benjamin. « Introduction ». Comparative Sociology 9, no 5 (2010) : 563–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913210x12548913482311.
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AbstractI introduce the five articles in this special issue of Comparative Sociology as each applies the theory of enlightened localism. First I outline the theory in question and then highlight those aspects that each of the authors deploys, the criticisms each levels at it, and the suggestions each offers toward its improvement. Lea Ypi applies the theory to human rights in a way that might reconcile universal norms with the need for individual motivation that can only be local. Jonathan White uses the theory to develop a conception of the European Union that would preserve rather than, as now, repress the partisan politicking at the core of democracy. Junmin Wang finds the theory helpful in analyzing the unintended decentralization of political power in China as a consequence of recent economic reforms. Ko Hasegawa seeks an enlightened localist solution to the problematic integration of a minority population into mainstream Japanese society. Manuel Ahedo enlists the theory in combating ghettoized schooling all too typical for immigrant children in Europe with ideas for integrating the children of immigrants with those of long-established residents. I conclude by listing some of the questions raised by the articles and to be addressed by future research ‐ concerns that might move an enlightened localist approach forward.
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Kosic, Ankica, et Anna Triandafyllidou. « Representations of the European Union and the nation(-state) in Italian party discourse ». Journal of Language and Politics 3, no 1 (27 mai 2004) : 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.3.1.06kos.
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Research on party attitudes towards European integration has concentrated on the relationship between party ideology and positions related to European integration as an economic and/or political process, ignoring the representational aspect of party discourse. This study aims to contribute towards filling this gap by examining how Italian parties represent the European Union, the nation(-state) and the relationship between the two in their electoral platforms and parliamentary debates. We shall therefore analyse critically how parties use specific representations of Europe, the EU and the nation to frame and support their ideologies and positions and how they shape these representations in different ways depending on the challenge they are confronted with. We shall also look beyond presumed clear-cut relationships between party ideology and party attitudes towards European integration, exploring the complexities and ambiguities of party discourse and highlighting how specific EU or nation representations are used as legitimisation strategies by parties in combination to their left- or right-wing ideology.
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Balázsi, Ágnes. « Grassland management in protected areas – implementation of the EU biodiversity strategy in certain post-communist countries ». Hacquetia 17, no 1 (1 juin 2018) : 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hacq-2017-0008.
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Abstract The post-communist countries of Central-Eastern Europe (CEE) when implementing agricultural and conservation policies, face other challenges than Western European countries: (1) specific institutional design for each, developed on the remnants of totalitarian system causing difficulties for transposing directives; (2) different integration of Natura 2000 network into national protected area governance resulting in slow elaboration of the management plans; (3) farming landscapes were better preserved than in Western Europe, but lacking the continuity of extensive farming so large areas of conservation; and (4) formal protection of sites, lacking in many cases financial support. This paper summarizes: the historical background of the last century that changed the farming landscapes of the CEE countries and the challenges in the management of protected areas in an unsteady socio-economic and political context. The results are focusing on the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Romania. Two main conclusions are proposed. First, socialism and capitalism slowly abolished family farming, causing people to become disconnected from the landscape - a key element in conservation oriented grassland management. Second, the gaps of knowledge on different aspects of policy implementation sabotage the results of conservation initiatives.
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Đorđević, Snežana. « Local Government Capacities for the Integration of Migrants ». Hrvatska i komparativna javna uprava 18, no 3 (4 septembre 2018) : 468–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31297/hkju.18.3.5.
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This paper explains the role of local governments (cities, regions) in the implementation of immigration policy in Europe. It covers the period since the 1960s and explains various waves and types of immigration, state policies, and the capacities of local government to help with immigrant integration. Several case studies are presented: Antwerp (Belgium), Malmö (Sweden), and Bologna and the Veneto region (Italy). The policy of migrant integration is exceedingly complex, requiring persistent dedication on part of all countries to mitigate the biggest problems of the contemporary globalised world (wealth distribution; poverty reduction; prevention of economic and political conflicts, especially wars; development of human rights; ecology), and to upgrade democratic capacities in each society. The contribution of this paper is to show that liberal policy in this field is the best option for the effective integration of migrants. Host state and local governments should be more sensitive to the nature and needs of the migrant population, and to foster a better understanding of the values, customs, and culture of both migrants and the domestic population. Useful measures which can help migrants in the process of integration are: tailored education, training for skills and jobs, participation in decision-making processes in the host country, and cooperation between the migrants’ home and host countries. It is important that political leaders continuously convey the message to the public that migrants represent great social capital and potential for the economic development of their society. The public should understand that in the contemporary globalised world society should be open to capital and labour migration, and that in this process our communities are given the chance to be multicultural, open, tolerant, and richer in every aspect. At the same time, all citizens, including the migrant population, have an obligation to protect democratic values and to contribute to the social development of both their home and host societies.
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CHRISTIAENS, KIM, JAMES MARK et JOSÉ M. FARALDO. « Entangled Transitions : Eastern and Southern European Convergence or Alternative Europes ? 1960s–2000s ». Contemporary European History 26, no 4 (17 octobre 2017) : 577–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000261.
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Ever since the fall of the Iron Curtain and the enthusiasm it inspired about the potential for European unity and democracy, it has become fashionable to see post-war European history in terms of convergence. Historians have researched the integration of the European continent into the global, in the context of the Cold War, decolonisation and economic globalisation. Internally, processes of convergence are seen to link the trajectories of nations on a continent where integration eventually trumped the divisions of nationalism, regionalism and the Iron Curtain. This story of an ‘ever deeper and wider union’ was also reflected in the ways in which the transformations of Southern and Eastern Europe were narrated. The idea of a so-called ‘return to Europe’ inspired histories that connected the fall of right-wing authoritarian regimes in the Southern European states of Portugal, Greece and Spain from the mid-1970s with the end of communism in Eastern Europe from 1989. This dominant account has presented Southern and Eastern European ‘peripheries’ moving towards the (Western) European core and its norms, values and models of liberal democracy. Even though some have raised objections to these teleological and Western-dominated narratives of transition they have remained strikingly potent in histories of post-war Europe. Only very recently have they received historiographical critique. Partly this is due to the enduring appeal of centre-periphery approaches that continue to influence intellectual debates about European identity and history. This is also because research on the transitions in Southern and Eastern Europe has for a long time remained rather insular. Historians have been slow to enter a research field that has been dominated by institutional and political approaches, and they have remained more focused on national histories. Where historians of either Eastern or Southern Europe have addressed the transnational or transregional aspects of transition, this has mainly focused on the appeal of the West or its Atlanticist dimensions.
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Voitsikhovskyi, Andrii, Oleksandr Bakumov, Olena Ustymenko et Mykola Marchuk. « The Legal Mechanisms of Ensuring Regional Cooperation in Combatting Crime Within the Framework of the Council of Europe : Experience of Ukraine ». Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 13, no 1 (22 mars 2019) : 138–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a130101.
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Implementation of legal reform in Ukraine, the content of which can be defined as a gradual movement towards a democratic and rule of law state, makes the problem of counteraction to crime especially relevant. Nowadays it is the object of broad regulatory measures, in particular, international and legal regulation of cooperation between states in combatting crime. The multifaceted nature of modern international relations in one way or another causes expansion of the spheres of cooperation between states in counteracting crime, which requires universal and regional international cooperation. It is quite clear that universal international cooperation cannot cover all aspects of the cooperation of states. Regional international cooperation helps to get more effective cooperation between states located in the same geographic region. Cooperation of the states at the regional level in combatting crime is mainly carried out in the framework established by regional international organizations of both general and special competence. The regional level of international cooperation allows the states to react promptly to any manifestations in the criminal sphere that pose a threat of the international nature. In this case, the mechanism of such a cooperation and elements of control, as a rule, have a great degree of specificity and details. Regional international organizations in Europe have a great deal of experience in intergovernmental cooperation in the field of combatting crime, which is explained by the historically established process of economic and political integration. The problem of counteracting crime is given considerable attention within the Council of Europe, which is the most representative European intergovernmental organization established on May 5, 1949, aimed at achieving greater unity between its members in order to preserve and realize the ideals and principles that are their common good, as well as to promote their economic and social progress. The Council of Europe is a purely European organization, with 47 Member States.
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Baumann, Florian. « Europe’s Way to Energy Security : The Outer Dimension of Energy Security : From Power Politics to Energy Governance ». European Foreign Affairs Review 15, Issue 1 (1 février 2010) : 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2010005.
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Abstract. European integration with its common markets for coal and nuclear fuels and, nowadays, ambitions of a comprehensive energy policy makes Europe one of the most interesting regions with regard to energy security. However, not only the European Union (EU) but also the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) are or will be relevant actors in the global struggle for affordable, sustainable, and sufficient supplies of energy. All three have developed more or less distinctive instruments to secure their members access to energy. Nevertheless, there are three problems that prohibit the Europeans from being important players in global energy politics. First, the EU Member States do not have sufficient indigenous reserves of energy and thus are dependent on foreign suppliers. Second, Europe and its partners lack, as of yet, a comprehensive strategy for dealing with the external aspects of energy politics, including supply security as well as the political and economic challenges of import dependency and energy cut-offs. Third, only if inner-EU coherence can be established – and later on, regional and global energy governance – will the problem of energy security be resolvable. Finally, a coherent, internal EU position will be necessary to establish regional and global energy governance – the key to stabilizing future energy relations.
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Czykierda, Michał. « Unia Rynków Kapitałowych – ewolucja czy rewolucja europejskiego modelu rynku kapitałowego ? » Studia Iuridica 76 (17 janvier 2019) : 153–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.8617.
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In September 2015, the European Commission announced the first actions of its plan to build a Capital Markets Union in Europe. The undertaken restructuring of the financing model is designed to make a shift in the main channel through which enterprises raise investment funds, from loans to capital, and – as a result – contribute to more dynamic growth in the EU Member States. I describe the key features of the Commission’s plan and discuss the economic rationale behind it. The plan has many strengths but also some weaknesses, such as limited ambition in the supervision and enforcement of securities regulations. Other challenges to the development of European capital markets include the financial transactions tax, the low-interest-rate environment, cultural reasons, and potential political opposition. My paper deals first of all with highlighting the structure of the financial sector in the European Union. It provides a overview of the role of the different financial and no financial sectors in offering capital funds to accomplish the needs of households, companies, governments, etc.. I also describe the history of capital market integration in the EU. The paper also analyses some important aspects of the implementation of the Capital Markets Union, which will be a key step in completing the EU Single Market. I concluded that the integration of the capital markets will be a strong step in supporting economic growth and competitiveness in the EU in the long run.
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Stevanović, Miroslav, et Dragan Đurđević. « The problem of the Eurozone in the process of European integration from the aspect of entrepreneurship planning in the Republic of Serbia ». Megatrend revija 18, no 4 (2021) : 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2104129s.
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The situation in eurozone, which encompasses some of the most developed countries, inevitably impacts the planning of individual entrepreneurship in Serbia, as the candidate for EU membership. In this article, we analyze how much the eurozone is part of economic integration in Europe or the result of that process in the context of the political process of EU enlargement. In this context, we look into the motives for integration and enlargement, the institutional framework for the functioning of the monetary union, and the implications on the concept of European integration. The findings indicate that entrepreneurship planning, today, cannot rely on the monetary stability provided by the institutions of the eurozone and that there are indications of divisions within the EU itself. Moreover, some of the observed problems indicate that monetary policy is one of the key sources of disagreement within the European Union and that for now, it is unlikely that real monetary stability will be ensured outside the accounting operations of the European and national central banks. The conclusion that follows is that, while the Republic of Serbia still has monetary sovereignty, entrepreneurship, primarily small and medium-sized, must focus primarily on internal resources and find internal models that will provide a market orientation of capital, in which the leading role could be played. has a chamber connection.
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Rostetska, Svitlana, et Svetlana Naumkina. « PARADIGMS OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION PROCESSES IN THE EU, VISEGRÁD GROUP, AND UKRAINE ». Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no 3 (1 août 2019) : 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-3-184-192.
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The scientific interest of the development of the theory and practice of cooperation of Central European countries of the Visegrád Group in the context of modern European integration processes is important for developing and implementing the strategy of foreign and domestic policy in European countries and Ukraine at the modern stage. At the beginning of the XXI century, under the changes in the geopolitical situation on the European continent, the countries of Central Europe (full members of the European Union) build a new operating system of international relations and accordingly continue to delegate some of their powers to suprastate institutions of the EU. The purpose of this scientific study is to determine paradigmatic aspects of European integration processes, modern threats arising in the EU, prospects for the interaction of EU countries, and to form a new format of cooperation of Ukraine and countries of the Visegrád Group. The aim of the creation of the alliance of the Visegrád Group (1991) was the desire to contribute to the construction of European security architecture and economic cooperation through the effective cooperation within European institutions. The whole activity of the Visegrád Group is aimed at strengthening stability in the Central European region. Risks in the economic sphere and strengthening of Euroscepticism are considered traditional for the EU functioning. In view of signing the Rome Declaration in 2017, the EU threats and challenges for the short-term (2018–2020) include: hybrid consequences of the aggression of the Russian Federation in Ukraine, European migrant crisis, a series of terrorist acts in European cities, unpredictable policy of the newly elected US president D. Trump in relation to the European security system, strengthening the position of far-left and far-right political forces in European states, Brexit and its consequences, in particular, risk of domino effect in other member countries of the Union. Therefore, we consider it appropriate to carry out system analysis of key relevant challenges and threats to the EU for 2018–2020 and to consider interconditionality and interdependence of problems that may affect the EU future. Given the defined trends, development and economic stability of each state are strategically important, however, special attention in this context should be paid to the analysis of the development of large countries of the European Union, such as Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary. V4 countries are characterized by sustainable economic growth. If to analyse the Visegrád Four as a single national state, then the Visegrád Group is the fifth largest economy in Europe and the 12th in the world. The authors consider it too simplistic to define the essence of the Visegrád alliance only as a consolidation of the efforts of Central European countries for the sake of “returning to Europe” through Euro-Atlantic integration. In the modern dimension of events, the interaction format V4 + Ukraine is much more complex and more promising than it appears. Since joining NATO and the European Union in 1999 and 2004 by the Visegrád Group (i.e. Central European countries) geopolitically changes the status of the Central European Region, transforms bilateral and multilateral relations of Central European countries – full members of the EU with Ukraine. Moreover, this changes the system of relations within the Visegrád Four, as well as with other member states of the European Union.
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Stoika, Viktoriia. « Integration of Islamic banking in the national banking sector : foreign experience ». SHS Web of Conferences 65 (2019) : 09004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196509004.
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The rules of banking management in Muslim countries are based on the Sharia Law, that is, a set of rules and laws relating to the management of the economy, social, political and cultural aspects of Islamic society. Sharia Law also prohibits the conclusion of immoral transactions and endorses social justice, which is ensured through the distribution of risks and returns, and the implementation of social investment. In the context of economic globalization, this phenomenon is already quite distinguished and is considered a worthy competitor to the traditional banking system. Features of Islamic banking institutions activities become their advantages in comparison with traditional banking institutions. That is why Islamic banks have become active participants in the global financial market, despite the specific nature of their operations and the difficulties of their adaptation to international practice. Islamic banking has spread not only in the developed countries of Western Europe, but also in Central Asia. The study of the process of Islamic banks activities in the financial markets of such countries as Great Britain, Germany, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan allows us to identify two forms of their functioning: establishment of Islamic windows by banking institutions of these countries and direct entry of banks that originate from Islamic countries. The experience of the above-mentioned countries regarding the integration of Islamic banking into the national financial sector has shown, first of all, the need to develop an appropriate regulatory framework, to form an appropriate infrastructure, to conduct awareness-raising activities, to strengthen international cooperation with investor countries.
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Chodubski, Andrzej. « Jedność europejska : wizje i sposoby urzeczywistniania integracji ». Przegląd Politologiczny, no 2 (2 novembre 2018) : 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2012.17.2.1.
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The idea of European unity is a political challenge that has been addressed in various forms since the states started forming in the vicinities of the Rhine, Danube and Elbe. In the course of history European integration has evolved to face the challenges of a) merging, crossing and diffusion of cultural patterns represented by different local, regional and supra-regional communities; b) the submission or conquests of regions by empires and imposing defined patterns of cultural life on them; c) the reinforcement of the continental identity vis à vis other civilizations, in particular Asiatic ones; d) the guarantee of safety for states and nations as well as the promotion of the ideas of liberty, the rule of law, self-governance and democracy. In creating the spiritual unity of Europe, the repertoire of values developed by the cultural life of ancient Greece and Rome, as well as Judeo-Christian communities, is commonly referred to. European identity is characterized by a division into cultural and political identification. The idea of European unity is both an intellectual, and a theoretical-doctrinal concept, oriented at the broadest range of cultural and civilizational integration of the continent, as well as a concrete political and economic undertaking. At present, particular significance is attached to the attitude of public opinion when implementing it. The Union’s integration is an aspect of numerous implementation projects which depends on the support and legitimization of public opinion.
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Studinski, Volodymyr. « The Lublin triangle in Europe’s economic security system in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war of 2014-2022 ». University Economic Bulletin, no 53 (25 juin 2022) : 132–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2306-546x-2022-53-132-138.
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Formulation of the problem. At the present historical stage, the issue of European continental security is becoming especially relevant against the background of Russian aggression. This is obvious and hardly questionable. Ukraine has always played the role of a defender of Western civilization in European history. Apart from Ukraine, Poland and Lithuania have performed and continue to perform the same function. Speaking in the language of historical analogies and comparisons, it is impossible in this aspect not to mention such a large and powerful state formation as the Commonwealth. Ironically, this state also emerged against the background of Muscovy's expansion in the east. The need for common security in Central Europe has always been and remains relevant. Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine are at the forefront of Europe's sustainable development. Today it is the forefront of the entire civilized world. Therefore, the formation of the Lublin Triangle between Kyiv, Warsaw and Vilnius is a historical, political, economic, humanitarian necessity. In fact, the Lublin Triangle is a tripartite regional alliance for political, economic, cultural and social cooperation between Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine, aimed at strengthening dialogue between countries, supporting Ukraine's integration into the European Union and NATO and jointly countering Russian aggression in Ukraine. The idea of such a union belonged to Vyacheslav Chornovil and Adam Czartoryski. The economic component of this association is extremely important, as it is the basis for the formation of a system of sustainable development of the region. European aggression is contrasted with European balance and economic stability. Analysis of recent research and publications. The theme of the Lublin Triangle and the importance of this organization in the modern development of Europe is becoming increasingly important. However, this issue is still more in the political and journalistic sphere of consideration. Economic research on this topic has not yet been developed. Although some attempts are being made. Rather, the scientific issues themselves are determined, which in the future will have different areas of research. The purpose of this study is to analyze the state and prospects of the unification of Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine as a stabilizing economic factor in the security system of Europe within the framework of the Lublin Triangle. Results of the research. The analysis of this issue proves that the unification of the three states - Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine, within the Lublin Triangle has serious prospects and can act as a powerful formation in the economic security of Europe, especially in the context of Russian military expansion. Conclusions. The Lublin Triangle, as an intergovernmental union, is primarily designed to counter Russian aggression and pressure on the European Union. The role of Ukraine, Lithuania and Poland for many centuries has been to protect the European continent from Russia's imperial advance on Europe and to slow down the development of European countries. At the present time, this problem has become very acute and significant. The countries of the Lublin Triangle have a strong economic potential, are of serious trade and communication interest in the North-South, West-East directions, and are a kind of outpost in defense of Western civilization. The Lublin Triangle political union is quite capable of economically protecting Europe from the negative impact of Russia's expansion on the EU.
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Pentland, Charles. « L’option européenne du Canada dans les années 80 ». Études internationales 14, no 1 (12 avril 2005) : 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701466ar.
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The year 1982 marked the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Treaty of Rome, creating the EEC, and the tenth anniversary of Canada s Third Option, which aimed in part at using the new Europe as a counterweight to American influence. This article attempts, first to set the last ten year s of Canada s European policy in the context of postwar economic and strategic relationships and, secondly, to evaluate the European aspect of the Third Option and its prospects for the 1980s. Canada s image of, and policy towards, Western Europe, has always had two distinct elements — economic and strategic - whose interplay describes various phases of the relationship. Until about 1957, the two images were roughly congruent and Canada s economic and military policies mutually reinforcing. A multilateral Atlantic economic community was seen as the underpinning of collective defence. The next fifteen years or so saw the breakup of this patte m, with the emergence of the Community, continued British attempts to join from 1961 on, and the decline in Canadian support for NATO. The birth of the Third Option and the pursuit of the Framework Agreement with the Community saw the gradual revival of Canada's military relationship with Europe, this time in the service of economic diversification and growth. A variety of factors, however - global, European, North American and domestic Canadian - hampered the development of the new link with the Community. Many of these, especially the structural ones underlying the crisis of the world economy and the stagnation of European integration - are likely to persist through the 1980 s. For the next few year s, then, the European option will probably be (a) less communautaire, (b) a less important focus in trade policy relative to other areas, and (c) once more in the service of military and political ends.
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Isobchuk, M. V. « SUPRA-REGIONALISM IN THE CONTEXT OF MULTI-LEVEL POLITICS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION ». Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no 4 (13 décembre 2021) : 511–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-511-516.
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Regionalism’s studies in the context of current political events remain relevant for the academic field. However, most of these studies are focused on regionalism, concentrated within one territorial-administrative unit. At the same time, in the European space there is a phenomenon, when regionalism is dispersed over the territory of several regions. Examples of such a world are Transylvania, Silesia, the Basque Country, etc. However, today in political science there is no theoretical framework for such cases. This article offers a conceptualization of this phenomenon, which is proposed to be called supra-regionalism and a typology of supra-regionalisms in the modern world is proposed. Supra-regionalism is a political movement that has a territorial base in several administrative-territorial units, and converts aspects of regional identity (ethnic, economic, political, etc.) into political action, the goal of which is to achieve/preserve the special status of the regions it represents. In the course of the study, a number of criteria were proposed to assess the effectiveness of supra-regionalism. These include its entire integrity - that is, the uniformity of electoral support within the region, as well as the presence of mechanisms for interregional integration and representation of the supra-region. These parameters were developed based on the concept of multilevel control. Among these parameters: political representation of supra-regionalism, constitutional foundations of identity, non-electoral representation, special meetings, representation in Brussels, cross-border regions, participation in European projects. Based on a low-casus comparison of seven European supra-regionalisms, conclusions are drawn regarding the consistency of supra-regionalism in Europe at the moment. First of all, it should be noted that the main (and almost the only) mechanism for the integration of supra-regionalism is party organizations. In general, supra-regionalisms use other opportunities, including the opportunities provided by the European Union for joint representation and implementation of policy in the interests of the supra-region. Moreover, there is a tendency towards a more effective disappearance of supra-regionalisms in the European Union.
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Aleshin, Alexander. « UK – EU Security and Defence Cooperation after Brexit ». Urgent Problems of Europe, no 4 (2020) : 278–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2020.04.12.
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The United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union launched a transformation of the Euro-Atlantic security area, which led to uncertainty and the creation of political forks for key regional actors on military integration. The Euro-Atlantic security complex has moved towards bipolarity with centers in NATO and the EU, but so far this is only a trend. The consequence of Brexit is the strengthening of polycentricity in the European sub-complex of the Euro-Atlantic security area and the strengthening of the leadership of the EU, Paris and London. The future system and structure of this sub-complex largely depends on the results of negotiations between the UK and the EU both on trade and economic issues, and on cooperation in the field of security, defence and foreign policy cooperation. The economic aspects of Brexit are still not clear, the economic losses due to the coronavirus pandemic and the slowdown in the global economy are obvious, which leads to unpredictability in the formation of military and foreign policy budgets of both the UK and the EU member states. The UK intends to establish the most deep and comprehensive military-political cooperation with the EU. In the absence of institutional mechanisms for the interaction of Brussels with London on security issues, the country seeks to strengthen bilateral ties in the field of foreign policy, security and defence with EU leaders, primarily France and Germany. An important influence on the above processes have external actors, among them the United States play a paramount role. The UK is likely to seek its place between the USA and the EU, which will force London to deliberately combine multilateral and bilateral cooperation with individual countries. The security area in Europe will gain more certainty after the conclusion of a political agreement between the UK and the EU, but this will not happen until the conclusion of a trade and economic agreement.
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ASIRIAN, Siuzanna, Tetiana SEMENCHENKO et Olena LESHCHENKO. « Stages of Ukraine's accession to the European Union and future prospects ». Economics. Finances. Law 11/1, no - (18 novembre 2022) : 10–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37634/efp.2022.11(1).2.
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Introduction. Accession to the European Union provides a large number of economic, political, cultural and social benefits. Back in 1994, Ukraine expressed its aspiration to become a member of the EU and is still not a member of the EU. Today our country is a candidate for EU membership. The purpose of the paper is to consider the general stages and criteria of EU accession and to analyze Ukraine's path towards EU accession and future stages of accession. Results. Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union defines the geographical criterion for accession to the EU. Being the largest country in Europe by area, located in its eastern part, bordering the EU member states: Romania to the southwest, with Hungary, Slovakia and Poland to the west - Ukraine undoubtedly meets the geographical criterion. The Copenhagen criteria are: political, economic and membership criteria. As for the Copenhagen criteria, the answer to the question whether Ukraine meets them is currently different among international scholars. In our opinion, indeed, at the current stage of European integration Ukraine has already implemented a number of political conditions, in particular, partially fulfilled the requirement of the European Union to carry out a number of reforms and adapt Ukrainian legislation to the European one. As for the stages of accession to the EU, they are evaluation; negotiations; ratification. Usually, accession is preceded by years of cooperation with the European Union. To express its intention to do so, the state and the Community conclude an international agreement on in-depth cooperation, which provides for an active political dialogue. Negotiations are a process that involves the adoption of established EU legislation, preparations for its proper application and compliance, as well as the implementation of judicial, administrative, economic and other reforms necessary for the country to meet the conditions of accession, known as the accession criteria. After that, the last stage is ratification. Ukraine has successfully passed the first stage and received the status of a candidate state. Conclusion. On February 28, 2022, the President of Ukraine signed the application for Ukraine's membership in the EU - this marked a new stage for our country on the path of European integration. In this regard, close cooperation between Ukrainian officials and representatives of the European Union is currently underway to simplify and speed up the overall lengthy accession procedure. Ukraine will be able to achieve an appropriate level of economic development, high quality of life, make effective and accessible the provision and protection of human rights, implement all aspects of democracy, introduce energy security.
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Костєнніков, Дмитро. « Theoretical-conceptual basis of the mechanism of public regulation of qualified labor immigration ». Public administration aspects 8, no 1 (29 février 2020) : 68–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/152007.
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The modern progress of the process of integration of Ukraine into the European space explains the objectivity of supporting this process with the phenomenon of immigration. This state of affairs increases the attention of scientists to the study of the impact of immigration on the economic, socio-political, legal state of the state and raises issues of national security and national interests. Ukraine needs to develop a long-term state immigration policy, which will result in the country's real readiness for the immigration process and the resolution of any problematic issues related to that process. As international experience shows, the migration of skilled labor has both positive and negative aspects. Without proper management mechanism and the basis, the state's unwillingness to immigration, both legal and illegal, the state suffers losses and is exposed to negative criminogenic phenomena. Instead, if it is prepared, the state can receive financial contributions to its own budget from the labor of immigrants, without incurring losses and costs for their maintenance. Theoretical and conceptual understanding of the problem of immigration of skilled labor in Ukraine is necessary for solving theoretical and practical problems for making administrative decisions, in particular on the issues of employment of immigrants, creation of appropriate national and regional immigration policy and prevention of illegal migration, economic security of the state, its economic and social interests. Today, there is an urgent need for a comprehensive study of the issue of public regulation of skilled labor immigration, taking into account both European legislation and other regions of the world. The integration of Ukraine into European and international institutions requires bringing its current immigration legislation into line with European and international standards. The countries of Europe have already gone through the appropriate stages of the influx of labor and have emerged from the crisis states that this leads to, so as never before, it is important to gain a positive experience in solving this problem in Ukraine.
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Yao, Keisuke. « The Fundamentally Different Roles of Interpreters in the Ports of Nagasaki and Canton ». Itinerario 37, no 3 (décembre 2013) : 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000855.
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With the expansion of Western power from the seventeenth century onward, many Asian countries were confronted with difficult political and economic problems in their relations with Europe. In several countries in Asia, in order to suppress Western cultural influences within their own nations, governments often employed foreigners as interpreters for their own diplomacy and trade with Europeans, with some governments even prohibiting their people from learning foreign languages.But, in the case of Japan, interpreters played a crucial role in both the study of the Dutch language and the integration of Western knowledge during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It seems that early-modern Japanese interpreters were quite different from the interpreters of Western languages in other countries in Asia, as in Nagasaki interpreters of the Dutch language were shogunate-appointed Japanese nationals.Here I will examine and compare several aspects of the Chinese pidgin-English interpreters at Canton and the Japanese Dutch-language interpreters at Nagasaki, in particular their origins, incomes, duties, learning, and businesses. Through this examination I will demonstrate how the so-called Westernisation processes adopted in China and Japan were actually reflected in and represented by the different models of foreign trade at the ports of Canton and Nagasaki.
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Pituhina, M. « Developing International Migration Policy : Russia’s Contribution ». World Economy and International Relations 59, no 12 (2015) : 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-12-99-104.
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The article deals both with the international migration policy and the migration global governance. In the 21st century, the role of migration in the international political process is growing increasingly, the migration discourse is being seriously transformed, the migration situation in Northern and Western Europe changes completely. It is obvious that preventive measures are highly necessary to take. The experience of Northern Europe seems to be highly important for both successful practices determination and migration policy regulation in Russia. By September 2015, the Member States of the United Nations will have negotiated a set of sustainable development goals (SDGs). These goals will frame a new international development agenda to replace the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which expire at the end of 2015. Nowadays the International Organization for Migration is trying to integrate the migration subject into the international agenda, and there are three aspects highlighted: fostering partnerships on mobility and development; promotion and protection of migrants’ rights and wellbeing; reduction of human mobility costs. Today, Russia is active at migration global governance as well. It is visible that both the migration subject integration into the global agenda and the Millennium Development Goals revision are highly important for Russia’s authority strengthening on the international stage, in terms of present-day sanctions. This is the right way which reveals new possibilities for Russia as a global actor as well as new perspective for its influence on the international political process. The author also tries to interlink the migration process and the international political process, the international migration policy and the migration global governance. A new term of the international migration policy is introduced.
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Koltsov, Vitalii, et Yuliia Lomzhets. « FOREIGN POLICY IMPERATIVES FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE VISEGRAD GROUP AND UKRAINE ». Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 6, no 4 (24 novembre 2020) : 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2020-6-4-81-89.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the main stages of creation and development of the Visegrad Group as a regional grouping, which is successfully developing when being a member of NATO and the European Union. This kind of research is especially relevant in connection with the exacerbation of the economic crisis due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The purpose of the research is to analyze the strategic stages of creation and development of various cooperative aspects of the Visegrad countries; such a format of interaction has not lost its relevance after accession to the European Union. Analytical separation of periodization of the stages of formation, identification of problems and solutions faced by the Visegrad group’s countries is important for creating a modern economic and political worldview of cooperation and indentifying the main areas of cooperation in Europe. Based on the use of documents, including protocols and declarations as a result of meetings at various levels within the Visegrad Group, the specific stages of its development and interaction with Ukraine in a wide range of components that are the essence of Euro-Atlantic integration are analyzed and identified. Specific examples illustrate that Ukraine has always been in the field of key interests of the Visegrad Four, getting effective assistance and support in various forms from it. There have been identified not only practical issues of regional cooperation and security, but also some aspects of the value and civilization dimension. The member countries of the Visegrad Group, having initiated the format of cooperation “V4 + Ukraine”, took an active part in the most important processes that Ukraine went through on its way. The assumption is proved that the experience of the Visegrad countries is relevant and useful for Ukraine on the way to the realization of its Euro-Atlantic integration aspirations. Despite the difficulties within the European Union, between Ukraine and some of the signatories of the 1991 Visegrad Declaration, cooperation with Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary is the most effective communication platform for intensifying a broad dialogue between Ukraine and the European Union.
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Zavhorodnia, V. M. « The origin and development of the European Union sports policy and law. » SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no 39 (2022) : 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2022.i39.p.50.
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The presented work is devoted to highlighting the processes of evolution of the EU sports law and policy, identifying facts and events that have contributed to the development of communitarian regulation in this area and establishing trends and directions significant for Ukraine in the European integration aspect. Integration processes, first purely economic and then increasingly multidirectional, could not but affect this vital sphere of social life on the European continent and internationally. Sport is an essential element of the self-realization of a human personality and a sphere of economic activity. It is also a form of international communication, cross-cultural communication, the assertion of authority, and a positive image of countries. Also, sports can be an instrument of political and diplomatic influence or even a means of responding to violations of international law and order. The evolution of EU sports policy and law has been a difficult and long way in the general context of European integration processes. Initially, the sport was not covered by Community law and the spheres of competence of the Communities. However, since the 60s of the last century, the foundations of the European sports model began to form. Implementing the Council of Europe’s standards in the Member States’ practice was essential in forming this model. The European sports model implies, on the one hand, the unity of values and sports traditions of Europe. On the other hand, it is based on considering the national characteristics of European countries, pluralism, and diversity of the organization of sports relations and activities of non-governmental sports organizations. To the main features of the European sports model, which have developed historically and are preserved to this day, the author refers voluntary participation in sports competitions, non-discrimination, democracy, solidarity, compliance with the rules of “fair play,” good governance, and prevention of corruption and abuse. The article characterizes the role of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in the creation of the EU acquis in the field of sport. CJEU developed the legal criteria system for extending communitarian rules and principles to the economic aspects of sports activities, including regulating relations with non-state actors such as national Olympic committees, sports federations, etc. Relevant CJEU decisions are analyzed in the study, approaches to the application of EU competition rules in sports, as well as to labor relations, freedom of movement of workers, and the provision of services, are revealed. Further integration and reform of the EU under the provisions of the Lisbon Treaty led to the emergence of a sector of the EU policy in the field of sports and several regulations and organizational measures aimed at realization of this policy. Implementation of the relevant standards in the national legislation, introduction of the best practices of governance in the field of sports in the state policy and activities of non-governmental sports organizations are important components of the implementation of Ukraine’s European integration aspirations, fulfillment of obligations under the Association Agreement and prospectively – the criteria for the EU membership.
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Kourachanis, Nikos. « From camps to social integration ? Social housing interventions for asylum seekers in Greece ». International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 39, no 3/4 (8 avril 2019) : 221–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-08-2018-0130.
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PurposeThis paper offers an empirical study of the Emergency Support to Integration and Accommodation (ESTIA) programme, as the policy initiative for the provision of housing and social integration for asylum seekers over the last few years in Greece. Greece is a country that is geographically situated on the southern external borders of Europe and has been experiencing a rise in refugee flows since 2015. At a first glance, it seems that ESTIA’s central aim is social integration. The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether the design and implementation framework of ESTIA essentially promotes the goal of social integration or whether it is merely a gesture that has no real effect.Design/methodology/approachThe field research focussed on an evaluation of the ESTIA programme on the basis of its impact on the social integration of its beneficiaries. This was attempted by examining the attitudes and perceptions of key stakeholders during its design and implementation stages. In order to examine these dimensions, qualitative research methods were developed. In particular, in-depth interviews were conducted with key informants involved in the design and implementation processes of ESTIA.FindingsSocial integration is something much more than providing permanent shelters to asylum seekers. ESTIA has been designed and implemented with a view to providing better temporary housing conditions for its beneficiaries. The rest of the range of actions for their social actions was left to voluntary actions by the implementing agencies, without offering them any financial support – a fact that suggests that the use of the term “social integration” in relation to this programme is disingenuous. Such an intervention does not aim at significant social integration but, primarily, the temporary management of extreme impoverishment. ESTIA can, therefore, be added to the scientific literature as yet another case study where the complex concept of social integration is misused by the EU and European states to legitimise the policies of repression and control of refugee populations.Originality/valueThis is the first field research that examines the design and implementation framework of ESTIA, the most important programme for the social integration of asylum seekers in Greece. The presentation of research findings is expected to make a significant contribution to the improvement of many aspects of the design and implementation framework of ESTIA.
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Alborova, Dina, Boris Koybaev et Elena Galkina. « Non-Use of Force Agreement as a Factor of Influence on Security Issues in the System of International Relations (On the Example of Georgian-Ossetian Conflict and Conflicts in Europe ». Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no 3 (juillet 2020) : 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.3.11.
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Introduction. In recent decades, the issue of security has remained very acute and most pressing in modern international relations. Security is the key word that defines domestic and foreign policies of states in both the Caucasus region and a number of European regions. In the late 80s of the 20th century, the collapse of the Soviet Union was painful, accompanied by the economic collapse, the rupture of socio-economic and political ties, awakening of national identity, which often took the form of nationalistic character. Painful processes took place in Eastern and Southeastern Europe, in the Caucasus, which flamed with conflicts. Owing to ethno political conflicts new state formations appeared. Methods and materials. This article uses a set of methods for studying international politics, mainly the comparative, systemic, structural and functional ones, as well as methods for analyzing and processing documents, including content analysis. The use of the conflictological paradigm is the main methodological tool of this study. The authors also use the case study method for studying various conflicts (Georgian-Ossetian conflict, in Cyprus, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in Transdniestria, etc.). The article analyzes the UN Resolutions, treaties, and memorandums relating to the non-use of force in the Georgian-Ossetian conflict and conflicts in Europe. Analysis. One of the key aspects of regional security in the system of international relations is the issue of signing the Treaty on the Non-Use of Force. This issue has also been discussed at the official site – the Geneva meetings. The South Caucasus is an unstable, conflict-prone region with many problems. Here interests of both world and regional players collide, which cannot influence stability and security in regional international relations positively. Moreover, new challenges are swaying the situation, in particular, in the form of world terrorism and wars in the neighboring Middle East. Each of the countries located in the South Caucasus is fully aware of the need for stable peace and security in the region, but, at the same time, they do not have a common opinion on the issues relating to the mechanisms for achieving this state. As regards, in particular, the Georgian-Ossetian relations, the situation is aggravated by the foreign policy of these countries – while Georgia is taking steps towards European integration and joining NATO, South Ossetia is more and more integrated into the socio-economic and political legal components of the Russian Federation, denoting its strategic partnership with Russia as a guarantee of its own security. Results. The examples of conflicts in Europe and the Georgian-Ossetian conflict analyzed in the article show that the Agreements on the nonuse of force could serve as a basis for the cease-fire, divorce of the warring parties and the beginning of preparing a platform for the negotiation process. Nevertheless, there is not unequivocal answer to the question of whether such agreements are a guarantee that one of the parties may not violate the agreement and hostilities will not resume again.