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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Europe, Eastern – Politics and government – 1991-2007 »

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Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Europe, Eastern – Politics and government – 1991-2007"

Benz, Arthur. « The European Union’s Trap of Constitutional Politics : From the Convention Towards the Failure of the Treaty of Lisbon ». Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 17, n^o 1, 2 & 3 (11 juillet 2011) : 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c92h3w.

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In a national referendum held on 12 June 2008, 53.4 percent of Irish citizens voted “no” to the Treaty of Lisbon. As its provisions require ratification by all member states, the Irish vote marks a further setback for attempts at consti- tutional reform of the European Union (EU). The Lisbon reform treaty, officially entitled the Treaty of Lisbon amending the Treaty on Euro- pean Union and the Treaty establishing the Eu- ropean Community,1 was signed by the prime ministers and presidents of EU member states in December 2007. It was the result of a pro- cess set in motion by the European Council in a meeting held in Laeken, Belgium in December 2001. Intended to make the “ever closer union” more democratic, and to facilitate the adjust- ment of European institutions to the new po- litical situation brought on by the accession to the EU of Central and Eastern European states, the “Laeken Council” issued a declaration trig- gering efforts to constitutionalize the European Union. To this end, a reform process was ini- tiated involving a body called the Convention on the Future of Europe (Convention), made up of European and member state government representatives and parliamentarians.2 This re- form process resulted in the recommendation in 2003 of a draft Treaty Establishing a Constitu- tion for Europe (Constitutional Treaty),3 which was subsequently approved by the Intergovern- mental Conference and the European Council in Rome in October 2004. Despite several mem- ber states ratifying the Constitutional Treaty, it was rejected by popular referenda in France and the Netherlands in the spring of 2005. At that time, and in view of the obvious risks to ratifi- cation in some other member states, the process of constitutionalization ground to a halt.

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Mason, David S. « Attitudes toward the Market and Political Participation in the Postcommunist States ». Slavic Review 54, n^o 2 (1995) : 385–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501627.

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In the aftermath of the anti-communist revolutions of 1989-1991, the new governments in eastern Europe faced the herculean task of attempting simultaneously to build market economies and democratic political institutions. Though capitalism and democracy are often considered to be natural allies, in the cases of these new states they sometimes pull against each other. The costs of the economic transition, in terms of growing unemployment, inequality and inflation, may erode support for the new governments and lead to calls for a "strong" government or leadership to cope with economic dislocations.

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Mitchell, Tony. « Mixing pop and politics : rock music in Czechoslovakia before and after the Velvet Revolution ». Popular Music 11, n^o 2 (mai 1992) : 187–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000004992.

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Rock and pop music in the USSR and eastern Europe has become an area of increasing interest to both the western mass media and cultural studies since glasnost, perestroika, the collapse of the Eastern bloc Communist regimes and the constitution of new western-styled democratic governments. This is largely because rock music has represented probably the most widespread vehicle of youth rebellion, resistance and independence behind the Iron Curtain, both in terms of providing an enhanced political context for the often banned sounds of British and American rock, and in the development of home-grown musics built on western foundations but resonating within their own highly charged political contexts. As the East German critic Peter Wicke has claimed,Because of the intrinsic characteristics of the circumstances within which rock music is produced and consumed, this cultural medium became, in the GDR, the most suitable vehicle for forms of cultural and political resistance that could not be controlled by the state. (Wicke 1991, p. 1)

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Zięba, Ryszard. « Twenty Years of Poland's Euro-Atlantic Foreign Policy ». International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 13, n^o 1 (23 novembre 2011) : 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10223-011-0004-2.

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During the years 1989-1991, after a deep transformation of the internal system and the international order in Europe, Poland pursued a sovereign foreign policy. The new policy had the following general goals: 1) to develop a new international security system which would guarantee Poland’s national security; 2) to gain diplomatic support for the reforms conducted in Poland, including primarily the transformation of the economy and its adaption to free market mechanisms, which were designed to result in economic growth; and 3) to maintain and increase the international prestige of Poland and the Poles, who had been the first to commence the struggle to create a democratic civil society in the Eastern bloc. Implementing this new concept of foreign policy, Poland entered the Council of Europe in November 1991. The following year, Warsaw started to strive for membership of NATO, which was achieved in March 1999. A few years later, Polish leaders pursued policies in which Poland played the role of a “Trojan horse” for the USA. This was manifested most clearly during the Iraqi crisis of 2003, and in the following years, particularly in 2005-2007. From spring 1990 Poland aspired to integration with the European Community; in December of the following year it signed an association agreement, which fully entered into force in February 1994. In the period 1998-2002 Poland negotiated successfully with the European Union and finally entered this Union in May 2004. In subsequent years Poland adopted an Eurosceptic and sometimes anti-EU position. The new Polish government, established after the parliamentary election of autumn 2007, moved away from an Eurosceptic policy and pursued a policy of engagement with European integration.

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Podolak, Małgorzata, et Sabina Grabowska. « Głosowania referendalne w Rumunii – sukces czy porażka demokracji bezpośredniej ? » Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 68, n^o 4 (31 août 2022) : 137–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.04.11.

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In the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the institution of a referendum is the most popular tool of direct democracy used in the decision-making process. We can see the extension of the scope of issues that are put to the vote, in addition to traditional issues, the subject of a referendum are issues that strongly polarize public opinion and evoke significant emotions. The article presents the political practice of referendum votes in Romania. In the years 1991–2019, eight votes were held on the most important issues of public life, including the recall of the president twice Traiana Băsescu. The matters put to the vote to a large extent result from the existing conflicts in the ruling camp, between the president and the government and parliament, as well as from party rivalry and preferred issues consistent with the party’s programs and social expectations.

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Lemonakis, Christos, Alexandros Garefalakis, Xanthos Georgios et Hara Haritaki. « A study of the banks’ efficiency in crisis : Empirical evidence from Eastern Europe, Balkans and Turkey ». Journal of Governance and Regulation 7, n^o 3 (10 août 2018) : 8–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/jgr_v7_i3_p1.

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This study focuses on the efficiency measures of banking institutions from sixteen Eastern European countries, the Balkans and Turkey. Authors use a two-step approach to study the efficiency of banks at the regional level during the critical period 2007-2011. First, the study examines whether banks are actively operating differently at a regional level during the under-review period to focus on the development of the crisis. Secondly, authors use the performance measure (Technical Efficiency -TM) that was obtained from the analysis using basic banking accounting characteristics such as capital ratios, assets quality, leverage, liquidity, and operations financial ratio as independent variables. Authors also use Global Governance Indicators to describe the ability of the respective governments to formulate effectively and properly policies related to Political Stability and the Rule of Law. Their results suggest that bank accountant and managers of all regions should focus upon profit efficiency, proper capitalization, in order to increase their banks’ profitability. In all regions, there is a need for a benchmark in lowering Banks’ operating expenses, in order for them to become more efficient. Finally, credit expansion in Eastern Europe and Balkans countries needs to be under a cautious umbrella in order banks should take the momentum for reaching their more efficient operational levels.

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Vagapova, Natalia. « POLITICAL THEATER ON THE SCENES OF BELGRADE INTERNATIONAL THEATRE FESTIVAL ». Urgent Problems of Europe, n^o 2 (2021) : 154–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.07.

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The article presents a cultural and political analysis of the activities of the Belgrade International Theater Festival (BITEF) - a significant theatrical, general cultural and social phenomenon in Serbia, the Balkans / South-Eastern Europe, and throughout Europe as a whole. Before the collapse of the SFRY (1991-1992), being the official showcase of self-government socialism, the festival was at the same time one of the most representative shows of new theatrical trends in Europe. It was attended by troupes from the countries of the East and West - Western and Eastern Europe, the USSR, the USA, Latin America, China, Japan. Not being by definition a festival of political theater, thanks to the moral and civic position of its founders and leaders M. Trailovich and Y. Chirilov, BITEF has become a space of aesthetic and social free-thinking in the SFRY and in neighbouring socialist countries. The organizers of BITEF found an opportunity to provide a platform for theatrical «dissidents» with their performances dedicated to rethinking modernity and the recent past in any genre. During the existence of the FRY (1992-2003), BITEF became an annual cultural manifestation in opposition to the regimes in power in Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, with their ideology of chauvinism and isolation from the outside world. At this time, the compilers of the festival programs began to attach special importance to performances of a political and social orientation. Many theaters from Serbia, as well as from the former neighbours of the Yugoslavian federation, and now the newly independent states, in their productions offered not so much a political, as a moral and ideological alternative to ethnic nationalism, militarism and political intolerance. Since 2006, in the independent Republic of Serbia, BITEF has strived not only to revive the traditions of Serbian theater, but also to preserve the best traditions of the theatrical art of the peoples of the former Yugoslavia, placing them in the context of the common European and global development of theater and culture, ideology and philosophy, literature, aesthetics, ethics. In principle opposing nationalism and militarism from the standpoint of humanism, BITEF plays an outstanding role in shaping public attitudes in Serbia, in weakening and overcoming conflicts, in normalizing relations between the peoples of the disintegrated Yugoslavia, in creating an atmosphere of freedom and tolerance.

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Spohr, Kristina. « Precluded or Precedent-Setting ? The “NATO Enlargement Question” in the Triangular Bonn-Washington-Moscow Diplomacy of 1990–1991 ». Journal of Cold War Studies 14, n^o 4 (octobre 2012) : 4–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00275.

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Controversy arose in the mid-1990s when Russian officials accused Western governments of reneging on binding pledges made to Moscow in 1990 during German unification diplomacy. According to the allegations, Western leaders had solemnly promised that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) would never expand beyond Germany into Central and Eastern Europe. Were such pledges ever made? Was the Soviet Union betrayed, and if so, by whom, how, and when? Or have various tactical comments been misinterpreted in hindsight? This article seeks to offer new answers to these questions by exploring not simply U.S.-Soviet-West German triangular diplomacy in 1990 but also the evolution of different approaches, ideas, and visions regarding Germany's security arrangements and the wider European security architecture. These ideas were floated publicly and privately, at home and abroad, by Chancellor Helmut Kohl, Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher, and other senior West German officials. In showing how ultimately a “unified Germany in NATO” came about after months of intense diplomacy in 1990 to resolve the “German question,” this article refutes the recently made claim that the extension of full membership to the whole of Germany was a precedent-setting expansion of NATO.

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Ferreira Jr., Amarilio. « The British National Union of Teachers (NUT) against the background of the Cold War : An International Peace Conference between teachers in Western and Eastern Europe ». Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 6, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2019) : 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.175.

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The aim of this article is to explain the political and trade union stance of the British National Union of Teachers (NUT) – representing the teachers of England and Wales – against the arms race and nuclear warheads set up in the European Continent during the Cold War (1947-1991). After adopting resolutions in support of «Education for Peace» at its Annual Conferences (Jersey, 1983 and Blackpool, 1984), the NUT held an International Peace Conference (1984) involving Western and Eastern European countries in which teachers’ unions from the following countries participated: the United States, Finland, the Soviet Union, the German Democratic Republic and Bulgaria. The international event was held in Stoke Rochford Hall (England) during the British miners’ national strike against the socioeconomic reforms instituted under the governments of Margaret Thatcher (1979-1990). The article started from the methodological presupposition based on the principle of political connection on an international scale within the scope of the trade union movement of teachers. Indeed, despite differences in nationalities, the educational processes institutionalized by schooling have acquired a universal character. Thus, teachers, irrespective of their nationality, are workers who are politically committed to the cultural values consecrated by the knowledge accumulated by humanity throughout history, especially when it comes to peace among peoples. It should be emphasized that the topic addressed has never before been analysed on an international level, and that primary sources that fall within the historical context of the facts studied were used in the production of the article.

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Ćetković, Stefan, et Aron Buzogány. « The Political Economy of EU Climate and Energy Policies in Central and Eastern Europe Revisited : Shifting Coalitions and Prospects for Clean Energy Transitions ». Politics and Governance 7, n^o 1 (28 mars 2019) : 124–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i1.1786.

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The countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have commonly been regarded as climate and energy policy laggards blocking more ambitious EU decarbonization targets. Although recent literature has increasingly acknowledged the differences in national positions on energy and climate issues among these states, there has been little comprehensive evidence about their positioning on EU climate and energy policies and the domestic interests which shape government preferences. The article addresses this gap by tracing the voting behavior of six CEE countries (Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Bulgaria, and Romania) on EU energy-related legislation in the Council of Ministers between 2007–2018. The article shows that the contestation of energy policies, particularly of climate-related legislation, in the Council of Ministers has increased over time and that these six CEE countries have indeed most often objected to the adoption of EU legislation. The CEE states do not, however, have a common regional positioning on all EU energy policies. Voting coalitions among the six CEE countries differ substantially across energy policy areas. The lack of a common regional position and changing national preferences have enabled the adoption of a relatively ambitious EU Energy and Climate Package for 2030. The differences in national voting patterns are explained by the evolving interests and the ability of key domestic political and economic actors to adapt to and explore benefits from the ever-expanding EU energy and climate policies.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Europe, Eastern – Politics and government – 1991-2007"

PIKULIK, Alexei. « Comparative pathways of Belarus and Ukraine (1991-2007) ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15404.

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Defence date: 14 December 2010
Examining Board: László Bruszt (EUI) (Supervisor); Sven Steinmo (EUI); Terry Lynn Karl (Stanford University); Béla Greskovits (Central European University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis explains the divergent outcomes in the evolution of political and economic institutions in two neighboring countries : Belarus and Ukraine between 1991 and 2007. Beyond the principal focus on these two pathways, the thesis also incorporates the examination of a third one, that of Russia, for various empirical, theoretical and methodological reasons. It explores in detail how the disparity in a quality of domestic political competition (largely determined by the strength of nationalist movements, the constellation of elites, and the European leverage and linkage) together with the variables of the external rent flows (timing of the external rent-expansion, costs, ownership and the perceived stability of rents) set the two countries on divergent paths. Going deeper, it analyses the logic behind both reproduction and change of political and economic institutions in Belarus and Ukraine. The focus on the dimension of external rents is the main added value and that what contributes to the uniqueness of this project, for it explains - why, when, how and in conjunction with what other factors, external economic rents steered the pathways away from autocratic socialism.

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Livres sur le sujet "Europe, Eastern – Politics and government – 1991-2007"

Talczewski, Krzyszlof. Eastern Europe : 1953-1991. Princeton, N.J : Films for the Humanities & Sciences, 1998.

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1928-, Legters Lyman Howard, dir. Eastern Europe : Transformation and revolution, 1945-1991 : documents and analyses. Lexington, Mass : D.C. Heath, 1992.

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Paul, Chilton, Ilyin Mikhail V et Mey Jacob L, dir. Political discourse in transition in Eastern and Western Europe, 1989-1991. Amsterdam : John Benjamins Publishing, 1998.

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Arne, Westad Odd, Holtsmark Sven G et Neumann Iver B, dir. The Soviet Union in Eastern Europe, 1945-89. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1994.

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European-Japanese, Conference on Reform and Change in Eastern Europe in the 1990s (1991 Bonn Germany). Central and Eastern Europe in transition : Proceedings of a European-Japanese Conference on Reform and Change in Eastern Europe in the 1990s, March 5-7, 1991. Bonn : Forschungsinstitut der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik, 1991.

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F, Brown J. Hopes and shadows : Eastern Europe after communism. Durham : Duke University Press, 1994.

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Hopes and shadows : Eastern Europe after communism. Harlow : Longman, 1994.

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Zbigniew, Rau, dir. The Reemergence of civil society in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. Boulder : Westview Press, 1991.

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Comrades no more : The seeds of political change in Eastern Europe. Cambridge, Mass : MIT Press, 2003.

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Christopher, Menges Constantine, et Program on Transitions to Democracy (George Washington University), dir. Transitions from communism in Russia and Eastern Europe : Analysis and perspectives. Lanham : University Press of America, 1994.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Europe, Eastern – Politics and government – 1991-2007"

Kaša, Rita, et Inta Mieriņa. « Introduction ». Dans IMISCOE Research Series, 1–10. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-12092-4_1.

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Abstract This volume contributes to research on migration from Latvia, a country in Central Eastern Europe (CEE), following the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1991. The experience of independent Latvia with borders opening up to the world and more specifically to the West has turned out to be both a rewarding and wounding experience for communities in the country. On the rewarding side, individuals have gained liberty – an ability to travel the world freely, to see and live in the countries which were beyond the closed doors of the Soviet Union just some decades ago. This freedom, however, has also brought the sense of cost to the society – people are going abroad as if dissolving into other worlds, away from their small homeland. The context of decreasing birth rates and ageing in the country seems to amplify a feeling of loss which is supported by hard evidence. Research shows a worrying 17% decline in Latvia’s population between 2000 and 2013. One third of this is due to declining birth rates and two-thirds is caused by emigration (Hazans 2016). This situation has turned out to be hurtful experience for communities in Latvia causing a heightened sense of grief especially during the Great Recession which shook the country at the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century. By 2013 the feeling of crises even larger than the economic downturn came to a head in Latvian society, pushing the government for the first time in the history of independent Latvia to recognise the migration of the country’s nationals and to acknowledge diaspora politics as an important item on the national policy agenda.

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Forestier-Peyrat, Étienne, et Kristy Ironside. « The Communist World of Public Debt (1917–1991) : The Failure of a Countermodel ? » Dans A World of Public Debts, 317–45. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48794-2_13.

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AbstractThis chapter looks at the construction of a communist community of public debt in the twentieth century. Despite emerging as some of public debt’s most vehement critics in the early years of that century, communist governments made relatively conventional use of public debt to fund economic initiatives, foster bonds within the socialist bloc, and gain political influence. As these regimes’ economies stagnated, they borrowed heavily from capitalist lenders and ran into economic troubles in the 1980s, but they did not repudiate their debt, as the Bolsheviks had in 1918. Instead, they accepted technical solutions to their economic woes, which, in turn, helped to erode their already tenuous popular legitimacy in Eastern Europe.

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Pettai, Vello. « Estonia ». Dans Coalition Governance in Central Eastern Europe, 170–206. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198844372.003.0005.

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Since re-emerging as an independent state in 1991, Estonia has had to build up an entirely new constitutional and political system. This has meant that following an initial period of fluidity amongst parties and voters, patterns of politics have slowly begun to consolidate along more predictable lines. In particular, Estonia’s coalition politics have been dominated by centre-right constellations, mainly because of the strong role played as of the mid-1990s by the market-liberal Reform Party. The party has been a pivotal, if not leading force, in all of Estonia’s government coalitions between 1999 and 2016. This has allowed it also to influence greatly patterns of consolidation in coalition governance, namely the professionalization of coalition agreements, the development of coordination mechanisms between coalition partners, and mechanisms of mutual oversight in coalitions. While governments have not succeeded in lasting a full parliamentary term, the re-organizations that have taken place between elections have not generated prolonged crises of governing. The main blockage or weakness in the system was the continued side-lining of the left-leaning Centre Party from playing a direct role in coalition politics. Although the party regularly obtained up to a quarter of the national vote and filled an important place in the party landscape by representing the bulk of minority-Russian voters, it was never considered as a government formateur because of the overbearing style of its founding leader (Edgar Savisaar). It seems that only after he is replaced will a major re-shuffling of Estonia’s coalition landscape be possible.

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Čakar, Dario Nikic. « Croatia : Strong Prime Ministers and Weak Coalitions ». Dans Coalition Governance in Western Europe, 640–79. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198868484.003.0019.

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Since regaining its independence in 1991, Croatia experienced major transformation of constitutional and political system in 2000, when illiberal semi-presidential rule was replaced with functional parliamentary democracy. These changes also established a new pattern of executive politics, with coalition governments as a norm. Furthermore, in the post-2000 period the prime ministerial government was established as the dominant governance model, with prime ministers taking over the leading role in coalition politics. Building on this notion, this chapter identifies several major features of coalition governance in Croatia: very general and rather brief coalition agreements without written rules on cabinet decision-making and on how to resolve internal conflicts; an informal and personalized way of handling conflicts between coalition parties; the dominant position of the prime minister and limited ministerial autonomy; and the policy and personnel conflicts between coalition parties as the main reason for cabinet termination. Thus, similarly to some other countries in Central Eastern Europe region, all three stages of coalition governance in Croatia are heavily dominated by top party leaders and particularly prime ministers, thus creating the patterns of informal and personalized coalition decision-making. The prime ministerial dominance is reflected in weak coalition arrangements, with very limited coordination established between coalition parties and the lack of broader conflict resolution mechanisms, which makes coalition cabinets especially fragile and unstable, particularly when challenged by the inclusion of new parties in government.

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Koulov, Boian, et Linda McCarthy. « European Geography ». Dans Geography in America at the Dawn of the 21st Century. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198233923.003.0056.

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The European Specialty Group (ESG) was founded with considerable enthusiasm in 1992. Its organization and the rapid membership increase were in response to the historic changes following the fall of the Iron Curtain, the reintegration of the European continent, and a heightened interest in the evolution of European political and economic life. The purpose of the ESG is to move beyond the Cold War legacy of East–West division of the continent and foster research, teaching, and scholarly interaction on the geography of the new Europe. The ESG also serves as a bridge between US geographers working on Europe and their counterparts in the rest of the world. Finally, the group promotes the study of Europe within the discipline of geography and facilitates the exchange of information and ideas among its members and Europeanists in other disciplines, government, and private agencies. Research on Europe has been undertaken at a variety of spatial scales. A number of books reflect the pan-European scale (Berentsen 1993, 1997; Harris 1991, 1993a, b, 1997; Jordan 1996; McDonald 1997; Murphy 1991; Unwin 1998). The national scale also has received attention due to the continued importance of the different national contexts despite increased European integration, in conjunction with difficulties created by the lack of comparable statistical databases at a sub-national scale for the countries across Europe. Regardless of spatial scale several consistent themes have emerged. Within political geography focus is clearly on the new divisions of Europe, states–nations relationships, sub-national political transformation, the twin forces of democratization and nationalism, and ethnic conflict. Within economic geography research has centered around issues of “widening” versus “deepening” in the EU, globalization and pan-European integration, the impacts and implications of the incorporation of Central and Eastern European nations into the European economy, and the spatially uneven nature of economic change. Geographers also have been active in addressing issues of environmental damage, population, and migration. This chapter takes a regional approach that reflects the typical focus of most research. The material is treated systematically within sections on Western, Nordic, Eastern, and Mediterranean Europe.

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« European Union, but their immediate impact has to be looked at in a different light. There was no shortage of speeches, and presumably internal memoranda, drawing attention to the significance of events beyond the Eastern border, but it is hard to see what practical difference they actually made in the short term to policies being pursued by the member states or to the development of the Community. The process which would lead to the Maastricht Treaty on European Union was set in motion in the first part of 1988. The treaty itself was signed at the end of 1991. There is no evidence that this process would have proceeded differently even if none of the events to the East had occurred ! In concluding this chapter it may be appropriate to summarise the major events which led up to the Maastricht Treaty and its subsequent ratification. Although implementation of the single market brought the Commission to the centre stage, the real driving force for developing the Community was undoubtedly the European Council. In the course of 1988 and 1989 it agreed to establish two separate but parallel IGCs to consider respectively Political Union and Economic and Monetary Union. After some preparations, the two IGCs came into formal existence at the Rome European Council in December 1990. Working throughout 1991 they reported to the Maastricht European Council just one year later, resulting in the Treaty on European Union. Inevitably the attitudes of France and Germany were crucial. Initially there was some difference of emphasis. Once German reunification was secured, Kohl’s major aim was to complete the process of locking the newly united Germany irrevocably into an integrated Europe through Political Union. Mitterrand’s concern was the preeminence of the Deutschmark and the desirability of establishing some European political control over monetary issues. By mid 1990 the positions of the two chief partners were broadly in line, henceforth working towards both political and economic and monetary union, with strong support from Italy, who took over the Council Presidency in the second half of the year. Meanwhile ,British policy was in turmoil. Following her third successive election victory, Thatcher became increasingly strident in her condemnation of further European integration. This was undoubtedly fuelled by growing concern over possible German dominance. However, many of Thatcher’s leading ministers were committed to extending the European agenda. During 1989 the British government both agreed that at last it would join the exchange rate mechanism and vainly opposed the establishment of the IGC on EMU. Late in 1990, following the resignation of Geoffrey Howe as Foreign Minister, essentially on issues concerned with Europe, Thatcher was deposed as Prime ». Dans The Uniting of Europe, 87. Routledge, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203131503-17.

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