Articles de revues : « Euro – Germany – Public opinion »

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Brettschneider, Frank, Michaela Maier et Jürgen Maier. « From D-Mark to Euro : the impact of mass media on public opinion in Germany ». German Politics 12, n^o 2 (août 2003) : 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644000412331307584.

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Curtis, K. Amber, et Julie Hassing Nielsen. « Personality’s cross-national impact across EU attitude dimensions ». Research & ; Politics 7, n^o 4 (octobre 2020) : 205316802097281. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168020972812.

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Studies increasingly suggest that personal predispositions affect political attitudes, including those towards the European Union (EU). Yet little is known about the extent to which personality effects on EU support generalize across European countries or attitude domains. We use original survey data from five EU member states (Denmark, Germany, Poland, Sweden, and the United Kingdom) to investigate how the Big Five (B5) traits affect four different facets of public opinion toward the EU (support for further EU unification, views on EU membership, trust in EU institutions and support for using the euro). While we find that each of the B5 matters in at least one place, we find little consistency in personality’s effects across countries. Neither does any pattern emerge across most dimensions of EU support. Our results underscore the importance of isolating the contextual factors that might condition personality’s impact. They further call for greater theoretical development regarding why and how only certain national environments appear to lend themselves to personality effects. At a minimum, they suggest scholars should be wary of drawing conclusions about the B5’s impact from single cases.

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Vidnianskyi, Stepan. « Stance of European Intellectuals on russia’s Aggression against Ukraine ». Diplomatic Ukraine, n^o XXIII (2022) : 458–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-31.

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The article analyses the stance of prominent European intellectuals on the brutal military aggression against Ukraine, a sovereign European country, unleashed by russia, a terrorist-state, which challenged all the democratic values of the Western civilisation and brought humanity to the brink of World War III. In their public appearances, publications and civil engagement, the most prominent representatives of European elites have influenced considerably the European public perception of putin’s war against Ukraine. To wit, Germans Jürgen Habermas and Martin Schulze Wessel, French Françoise Thom and Jonathan Littell, Belgian Bart De Baere, Czech Jan Rychlík, the world-renowned American historian Timothy Snider, and other intellectuals firmly believe that not just putin, but also all russians are responsible for the war, having supported his criminal aggression. Moreover, they believe that Europeans should show utmost support to Ukraine, which is not just fighting against the aggressor for the sake of its existence, freedom, democracy, and pro-European choice, but also against totalitarianism for the sake of the future of Europe. The author stresses that the Euro-Atlantic civilisation needs to unite in combating russia’s aggressive and insidious attempts at imposing on Europe, through its loyal foreign politicians, experts, and institutions, its desired perspective on the russian-Ukrainian war and, in general, Ukrainian history and culture. The author outlines three primary objectives of European intellectuals. The first lies in conveying the truth about the russian-Ukrainian war of 2014–22, its causes, and geopolitical implications, real and potential, to society. The second focuses on refuting russian deceitful propaganda. The third involves shedding light on the essence, components, and historical roots of ‘ruscism’, the dominant totalitarian ideology of contemporary russia, which poses a threat to the existence of the human civilisation and demands urgent attention and elimination. Keywords: russia, Ukraine, aggression, Europe, intellectuals, public opinion.

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Dalton, Russell J. « Germany Transformed : Public Opinion and German Studies ». German Studies Review 13 (1990) : 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431048.

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in't Veld, Jan. « A Public Investment Stimulus in Surplus Countries and Its Spillovers in the EA ». National Institute Economic Review 239 (février 2017) : R53—R62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011723900113.

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The Euro Area recommendations endorsed by the European Council in 2016 called for a differentiation of the fiscal effort by individual Member States, taking into account spillovers across Euro Area countries. This article shows model-based simulations of an increase in public investment in Germany and the Netherlands and their spillovers to the rest of the Euro Area. While spillovers in a monetary union may be small when monetary policy reacts by raising interest rates, when rates are kept constant and the stimulus is accommodated, spillovers can be sizeable. An increase in (productive) spending in Germany and the Netherlands can boost GDP in these countries and also have significant positive spillovers on the rest of EA GDP, while the effects on current accounts are likely to be small. Effects can be even larger when investment is directed to the most productive projects. With low borrowing costs at present, the increase in government debt for surplus countries will be modest, while there could be an improvement in debt ratios in the rest of the Euro Area.

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Simpson, D. « Germany : bogus polls and the Euro-pain syndrome ». Tobacco Control 11, n^o 2 (1 juin 2002) : 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/tc.11.2.90.

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Munzert, Simon, et Paul C. Bauer. « Political Depolarization in German Public Opinion, 1980–2010 ». Political Science Research and Methods 1, n^o 1 (juin 2013) : 67–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2013.7.

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Little is known about political polarization in German public opinion. This article offers an issue-based perspective and explores trends of opinion polarization in Germany. Public opinion polarization is conceptualized and measured as alignment of attitudes. Data from the German General Social Survey (1980 to 2010) comprise attitudes towards manifold issues, which are classified into several dimensions. This study estimates multilevel models that reveal general and issue- as well as dimension-specific levels and trends in attitude alignment for both the whole German population and sub-groups. It finds that public opinion polarization has decreased over the last three decades in Germany. In particular, highly educated and more politically interested people have become less polarized over time. However, polarization seems to have increased in attitudes regarding gender issues. These findings provide interesting contrasts to existing research on the American public.

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Curtice, John. « It's Not Just the Economics, Stupid. UK Public Opinion and the Euro ». New Economy 10, n^o 2 (juin 2003) : 113–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0041.00301.

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Hobolt, Sara B., et Christopher Wratil. « Public opinion and the crisis : the dynamics of support for the euro ». Journal of European Public Policy 22, n^o 2 (12 janvier 2015) : 238–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2014.994022.

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Krushinsky, V., et B. Pryimak. « GERMANY’S ATTITUDE TOWARD THE EUROPEAN INTEGRATION AND EURO-ATLANTIC ASPIRATIONS OF UKRAINE ». Actual Problems of International Relations, n^o 131 (2017) : 22–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2017.131.0.22-33.

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Despite the long history of relations Ukraine had a sidetrack in the German Eastern European politics. Ukrainian-German relations were in the shadow of German-Russian. This led to inconsistencies in the development of the German strategy for Ukraine and its European and Euro-Atlantic aspirations. Another cause is a dualism of German foreign policy – as a nation-state on the one hand and on the other – as the informal leader of the EU, the most influential country in the union, whose foreign policy to some extent affects Europe overall. As the informal leader of the EU, Germany wants to strengthen the organization, including by means of the expansion and attraction of the new member-states. At the same time, Germany cannot let the entry of economically weak and politically unstable states that will dilute the strength of the organization. This opinion is shared by the German foreign policy, since the increased number of weak economies in the EU will increase the burden on the economy of Germany. On the one hand this will prorogue considerably Ukraine’s entry to the EU and NATO, but at the same time the situation may change for the better in the event that positive changes take place in Ukraine. The breakdown of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries is characterized by significant changes in the format of relations between countries, including the Eastern region, in particular the relations between Ukraine and Germany changed significantly. There is an abandonment of the fixed spheres of influence concept and political supremacy of some states over others. Germany and many of countries in the region are united in the European Union and NATO. There are new mighty centers of power, especially Poland, which is trying to play an independent role. This dictates the need for Germany to take into account the position of the Polish foreign policy strategies under development in the region.

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Mommsen, Wolfgang J. « Public Opinion and Foreign Policy in Wilhelmian Germany, 1897–1914 ». Central European History 24, n^o 4 (décembre 1991) : 381–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019221.

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The age of high imperialism was also the age of the emergence of mass journalism. This heralded a steady widening of what might be called the “political nation,” that is, those groups who took an active interest in politics in contrast to the mass of the population still largely outside the political arena. Up to the 1890s politics tended to be Honoratiorenpolitik—confined to “notables” or Honoratioren, a term first applied by Max Weber around the turn of the century to describe the elites who had dominated the political power structure up to that time. Gradually “public opinion” ceased to be, in effect, the opinion of the educated classes, that is, the classes dirigeantes. In Wilhelmian Germany the process of democratization had been successfully contained, if seen in terms of the constitutional system; the age of mass politics was still far away.

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Tziridis, Konstantin, Jana Friedrich, Petra Brüeggemann, Birgit Mazurek et Holger Schulze. « Estimation of Tinnitus-Related Socioeconomic Costs in Germany ». International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, n^o 16 (22 août 2022) : 10455. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph191610455.

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Despite the high prevalence of tinnitus in Germany of nearly 12% of the general population, there have been no systematic studies on the socioeconomic costs for German society caused by tinnitus so far. Here we analyzed data from 258 chronic tinnitus patients—namely tinnitus severity and health utility index (HUI)—and correlated them with their tinnitus-related public health care costs, private expenses, and economic loss due to their tinnitus percept as assessed by questionnaires. We found correlations of the HUI with health care costs and calculated the mean socioeconomic costs per tinnitus patient in Germany. According to our most conservative estimate, these sum up to EUR 4798.91 per year. Of that EUR 2206.95 account for the public health care, EUR 290.45 are carried by the patient privately and the remaining EUR 2301.51 account for economical loss due to sick leave. With a prevalence of 5.5% with at least bothersome tinnitus, this sums up to 21.9 billion Euro per year and with 25.82 sick leave days; tinnitus patients miss work more than double the time of the average German employee (10.9 days). The findings fit within the cost ranges of studies from other European countries and the USA and show that the socioeconomic burden of this disease-like symptom is a global problem. In comparison with the costs of other major chronic diseases in Germany—such as chronic obstructive pulmonary diseases (ca. 16 billion Euro) or diabetes mellitus (ca. 42 billion Euro)—the relevance of the ‘symptom’ tinnitus for the German social economy becomes even more obvious.

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Franczak, Karol. « “Germany in ruins”. Framing new political movements in Germany in the Polish opinion-forming press ». Lodz Papers in Pragmatics 15, n^o 1 (26 juillet 2019) : 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lpp-2019-0006.

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Abstract One of the main goals of contemporary media, along with the experts and professionals, who speak in them, has been to explain complex issues and provide the audience with clear descriptions of social reality. This is mostly achieved by the production of ideologically useful interpretative schemes that facilitate understanding of the issues present on the media agenda. An important strategy of shaping the public opinion in the way in which public affairs and the activity of social life participants is framed. Analyses of such practices have been conducted for over thirty years within various research approaches collectively referred to as framing analysis. This research provides several arguments helping one to develop a more critical perspective on the representations of social phenomena dominant in the media and discourses of symbolic elites (e.g. opinion writers, academics, experts, journalists, politicians), along with the analyses of the origin of such phenomena, moral judgements and preferred "corrective policies". One of the phenomena defined by the media in Europe as the most important one for the past several years, is the so-called "New Right". The aim of the paper is to analyse the interpretative schemes used by the journalists of four Polish opinion-forming weeklies and to describe the activity of its German manifestation – the Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamisation of the Occident (Pegida) social movement and the Alternative for Germany party (AfD).

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Elekdag, Selim, et Dirk Muir. « Das Public Kapital : How Much Would Higher German Public Investment Help Germany and the Euro Area ? » IMF Working Papers 14, n^o 227 (2014) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781498329934.001.

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Moszyński, Michał. « Ordoliberalism and the macroeconomic policy in the face of the euro crisis ». Equilibrium 10, n^o 4 (31 décembre 2015) : 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/equil.2015.034.

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The global economic crisis and the crisis in the euro zone exposed the deep differences of opinion between German economists and scientists from Anglo-Saxon countries. The German approach conceptually differs in the views on the strategies and tools of anti-crisis policy, especially fiscal stimulus in the Keynesian-style, quantitative easing monetary policy of the ECB, the question of financial assistance to Greece and restructuring its debt. The other areas of difference are the approach to the rules in macroeconomic policy, fiscal consolidation, and interpretation of current account surplus. Given the size and performance of the German economy it is important to understand the reasons for these opposites, which constitute the research goal of this article. Considerations are based on the thesis that ordoliberal thought still has a strong impact on the practice of macroeconomic policy in Germany and also at the European level. The analysis is built on the short overview of ideological foundations of the German social market economy and its most important postulates, which then will be applied for interpretation of intellectual distinctions between economists from Germany and other countries in the theoretical and practical dimensions of the economic policy observed in Europe. The methodology includes the critical literature studies and the comparative analysis of macroeconomic policy through the prism of economic thought.

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Barbera, Antonio, Paloma Merello et Rafael Molina. « Determinants of corporate effective tax rates : evidence from the euro area ». Academia Revista Latinoamericana de Administración 33, n^o 3/4 (3 août 2020) : 427–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/arla-12-2019-0238.

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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate the effect of the determinants of corporate effective tax rates (ETR) of listed companies in euro area.Design/methodology/approachWith a large and recent panel of 2,870 listed companies for the period 2005–2016, the authors use the generalized moments method (GMM) to estimate global models for three groups of countries and specific models for six selected countries: Germany, Spain, France, Italy, Belgium and Greece.FindingsThe results confirm that ETR have different determinants depending on the countries analyzed. There is a significantly positive relationship with leverage and negative with size and financial profitability. However, economic profitability shows a statistically positive effect in the new members, but negative effect on old ones. In the individual analysis, Germany and Spain maintain this negative association with return on assets (ROA), but Belgium and Greece show a positive effect. The effect of the economic cycle shows statistically relevant, negatively in Germany but positively in Belgium and Greece.Originality/valueThis paper makes a novel contribution to the current debate on the need for harmonization of corporate income tax in the European Union (EU). For the first time, the group of countries whose common currency is the euro is considered with a great level of detail. In addition, the impact derived from the enlargement of the euro area and the individual analysis of the main countries is included. The European authorities must take into account the specific differences found in the ETR determinants because it hinders to take measures that limit tax competition.

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Dudzik, Iwona, et Irena Brukwicka. « Potential benefits and risks from Poland’s accession to the euro area ». VUZF Review 7, n^o 1 (28 mars 2022) : 169–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.38188/2534-9228.22.1.17.

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This paper reviews the selected issues related to the potential benefits and risks of Poland’s accession to the euro area. Poland has joined the European Union in 2004. Being a member of the Economic and Monetary Union, Poland was obliged to adopt the euro as its currency, but the date of the above currency introduction was not specified. Poland’s joining the euro area is often discussed in political and economic debates. Such debates benefit primarily from politics and ideology, and the economic issues, associating possible benefits and risks resulting from Poland’s accession to the euro area. The opponents of the common currency deal with issues related to the financial crisis in the territory of the euro zone counties. According to the study conducted in 2010 by the Public Opinion Research Center, it was observed that the number of Poles supporting Poland’s accession to the euro area was decreasing. The survey conducted by CBOS in 2017 showed that the number of respondents who were against Poland’s accession to the euro area was 72%. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the basic benefits and costs that result from the adoption of the common currency by Poland.

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Anderson, Christopher J., et Jason D. Hecht. « The preference for Europe : Public opinion about European integration since 1952 ». European Union Politics 19, n^o 4 (9 août 2018) : 617–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518792306.

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To determine how public opinion matters for the politics of European integration, we need to know what Europeans say about Europe. Yet, despite a proliferation of analyses of public support for Europe, fundamental questions remain. First, does aggregate opinion reflect a single preference for Europe? Second, is the content of opinions similar across countries? Third, have opinions about Europe become more structured over time? Finally, what are the long-term dynamics in opinions about Europe? To answer these questions, we construct a new dataset of historical public opinion since 1952 in France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom. Over the long run, aggregate opinion toward Europe reflects one dominant underlying dimension and its content is similar across countries. We examine the trends in support for Europe.

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Schaefer, Martin. « 20 years of independence : Public opinion on Ukraine in Germany and France ». ЄвроАтлантика, n^o 3 (2011) : 53–57.

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Machtans, Karolin. « “Racism Is Not An Opinion” : Muslim Responses to Pegida and Islamophobia in Germany ». German Politics and Society 34, n^o 4 (1 décembre 2016) : 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340406.

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Islamic organizations in Germany find themselves in a dilemma. On the one hand, they feel the need to take a public stance on the acts of violence committed by Muslim terrorists worldwide. On the other hand, they also feel the need to speak up against the growing Islamophobia in Germany, propagated by movements such as Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamization of the Occident (Pegida). As Islamic organizations in Germany band together, they appear to the German public as a homogeneous group unified by religious and ethnic affiliation, not recognized in their diversity. Hence, the external pressure exerted by German populists and sensationalist media that foment Islamophobia creates the risk of inadvertently reinforcing what one seeks to combat: namely, the stereotype of a monolithic and static entity that Muslims in Germany do not in fact represent. Moreover, the perceived need to speak with one voice might silence necessary debates among the different Islamic associations in Germany.

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Gabel, Matthew, et Simon Hix. « Understanding Public Support for British Membership of the Single Currency ». Political Studies 53, n^o 1 (mars 2005) : 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00517.x.

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There has been much public debate about whether a referendum on British membership of the European single currency could be won despite opinion polls showing a widening gap between those opposed to membership and those in favour. However, academic research provides little insight into why British attitudes towards the Euro vary at an individual level, and hence what factors might be crucial in a referendum campaign. Existing studies suggest, among other things, that British political parties can shape voters' preferences on important public policy issues. We explore this and other explanations using data from recent Eurobarometer and British Elections Study surveys. We find that general evaluations of the EU, British national identity and concerns over the democratic character of EU governance are stronger predictors of support for the single currency than which party a person supports. However, we also find that the influence of these factors varies with a citizen's level of information about the Euro, which suggests that the supply and use of information might be crucial in a referendum campaign.

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Solodoch, Omer. « Regaining Control ? The Political Impact of Policy Responses to Refugee Crises ». International Organization 75, n^o 3 (2021) : 735–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818321000060.

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AbstractIn response to the political turmoil surrounding the recent refugee crisis, destination countries swiftly implemented new immigration and asylum policies. Are such countercrisis policies effective in mitigating political instability by reducing anti-immigrant backlash and support for radical-right parties? The present study exploits two surveys that were coincidentally fielded during significant policy changes, sampling respondents right before and immediately after the change. I employ a regression discontinuity design to identify the short-term causal effect of the policy change on public opinion within a narrow window of the sampling period. The findings show that both Swedish border controls and the EU–Turkey agreement significantly reduced public opposition to immigration in Sweden and Germany, respectively. In Germany, support for the AfD party also decreased following the new policy. Public opinion time trends suggest that the policy effects were short lived in Sweden but durable in Germany. These effects are similar across different levels of proximity to the border and are accompanied by increasing political trust and a sense of government control over the situation. The findings have implications for understanding the impact of border controls on international public opinion, as well as for assessing the electoral effect of policy responses to global refugee crises.

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Czarny, Elżbieta, et Jerzy Menkes. « European Union and European Germany ». Oeconomia Copernicana 6, n^o 4 (31 décembre 2015) : 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/oec.2015.026.

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We analyze the correlation between the European integration and incorporating Germany into the process of European cooperation. We point out that the European integration after WWII was determined by the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community in the year 1951. This Community made it possible to control the steel industry of the Member States (among them Germany) within the framework of the common market. It was aimed at stable and harmonized development, as well as at preventing an uncontrolled growth of military-industrial complex, increasing the production for the army and decreasing the probability of the outbreak of the next war. Then - after the deepening of cooperation (taking her new areas) – the European Communities (EC) were created. They are still institutional foundations of the EU. One of the main reasons of the EC creation was the willingness to ensure lasting peace in Europe and to create „security community” through a.o. incorporation of Germany into the group of cooperating states. In this paper, we analyze the security system components created (e.g.) by the EC/EU, as well as the origin and changes of their characteristics. We compare the process of German unification (and more general: of defining the German unity, and broader: unity of the German speaking territory) after WWI and WWII. The analysis of similarities and differences leads us to the present stage of the European integration, when the unification of two German states was accomplished for the price of German acceptance of deepening of the integration and the creation of the European monetary union. We analyze various consequences of unification of Germany and the creation of the euro zone. In our opinion, they go far beyond the economic or political ones, and are connected with the EU Eastern enlargement.

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Joris, Willem, Leen d’Haenens et Baldwin Van Gorp. « The effects of metaphorical frames on attitudes : The Euro crisis as war or disease ? » Communications 44, n^o 4 (26 novembre 2019) : 447–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/commun-2018-2021.

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Abstract Previous research has identified the frames and metaphors used in the reporting on the Euro crisis. War and disease turned out to be the two most frequently used metaphorical frames. Since coverage of the current financial crisis may have a tangible effect on public opinion, research into the effects of metaphorical frames on attitudes is needed. By employing two survey experiments, a student sample (N = 259) and a nonstudent sample (N = 507), this article traces the effects of both metaphorical frames. Our results show that individuals take over the metaphorical frame elements in their evaluation of the Euro crisis. Participants in the war conditions significantly more often referred to war when answering the open questions. Alternatively, when the Euro crisis was framed as a disease, participants were more likely to use words and sentences containing disease frame elements.

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Frolova, Elena Vladimirovna. « Healthcare in Germany ». Spravočnik vrača obŝej praktiki (Journal of Family Medicine), n^o 1 (1 janvier 2021) : 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/med-10-2101-09.

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Germany has long and firmly held a leading position in many areas: in the field of industry and entrepreneurship, culture and tourism, the introduction of advanced technologies and sports. Medical care is no exception. Annually, about 11.5% of GDP is allocated from the federal budget for health care; in 2019, 15.3 billion euro were spent on the expenditures of the German Ministry of Health, the lion's share of which (94.6%) went to providing public insurance. The first Law on Compulsory Health Insurance for the Whole Working Population entered into force in Germany back in 1883, before that it was valid only in Bavaria. This Act, proposed by German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, was, in fact, the prototype for the introduction of a compulsory health care system around the world. Today, the compulsory health insurance system covers 90% of the German population. All residents of the country with a compulsory health insurance policy are entitled to almost the same range of medical services. At the same time, the amount of medical care received with compulsory health insurance does not depend on the amount of the insurance premium. The cost of health insurance for each citizen is determined based on the amount of his income.

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Giubboni, Stefano. « European Citizenship and Social Rights in Times of Crisis ». German Law Journal 15, n^o 5 (1 août 2014) : 935–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200019210.

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European citizenship celebrated its twentieth anniversary during the most difficult and uncertain moment of the Union's crisis. The real economy has now been fully saturated by the financial crisis far beyond the borders of the Euro-Mediterranean area, with devastating social effects in those countries most affected. The prolonged vertical drop of the gross domestic product in Greece—the epicenter of the crisis—has been intertwined with a dramatic and unprecedented growth of levels of unemployment and social suffering in a vortex destructive to the point of validating the perception, now widespread not only within the bewildered public opinion of that unfortunate country, that the “rescue” of the Union has been based on a cure that is worse than the disease. The recent general elections in Italy, a country key for the stability and indeed the survival of the Euro-zone, have produced a situation of fragmentation and political instability that is both unprecedented and disquieting. Among the few elements of certainty in Italy can be found a widespread Euro-skepticism, if not an openly anti-European mood, that is also unprecedented in the history of the country's public opinion, which historically is among the most favorable towards a strengthening of the integration process. With the worsening of the economic and social crisis, the very tenacious confidence in Europe as a positive “external constraint” which has supported Italy's efforts towards reforms, commencing with its admission into the Euro-zone in the latter 1990s until the most recent experience of the technocratic government headed by Mario Monti, seems to have declined. Everywhere in Europe, a sense of frustration and distrust in recent years has grown against the Union and its frantically sought capacity to respond to the crisis without finding truly effective outcomes.

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Risse-Kappen, Thomas. « Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies ». World Politics 43, n^o 4 (juillet 1991) : 479–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010534.

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The paper discusses the role of public opinion in the foreign policy-making process of liberal democracies. Contrary to prevailing assumptions, public opinion matters. However, the impact of public opinion is determined not so much by the specific issues involved or by the particular pattern of public attitudes as by the domestic structure and the coalition-building processes among the elites in the respective country. The paper analyzes the public impact on the foreign policy-making process in four liberal democracies with distinct domestic structures: the United States, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, and Japan. Under the same international conditions and despite similar patterns of public attitudes, variances in foreign policy outcomes nevertheless occur; these have to be explained by differences in political institutions, policy networks, and societal structures. Thus, the four countries responded differently to Soviet policies during the 1980s despite more or less comparable trends in mass public opinion.

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Belina, Bernd. « What's the Matter with Germany ? On Fetishizations of the Euro Crisis in Germany's Public Discourse, and Their Basis in Social Processes and Relations ». Human Geography 6, n^o 2 (juillet 2013) : 26–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861300600203.

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I use hegemonic German interpretations of the current crisis of the Euro as my point of departure to discuss why ideological interpretations of the crisis prevail in Germany. As such worldviews are rooted in social processes and relations, I discuss some that are relevant to the present conjuncture: uneven development and circuits of trade and credit/debt within the Eurozone, the history and scalar construction of the EU and the Euro, and the role of German export oriented capital. I focus on three fetishizations that structure interpretations favoring the interests of capital over those of the working classes: the fetishization of credit/debt, the fetishization of competitiveness, and the fetishization of territory.

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Tolmacheva, Anastasia. « Immigration Problems in Terms of German Public Opinion (Case Study of Internet Media During 2015–2019) ». Sociologicheskaja nauka i social'naja praktika 8, n^o 4 (21 décembre 2020) : 152–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/snsp.2020.8.4.7662.

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Modern Germany plays active role in global migration movement and public opinion has an important part in the adaptation and integration of immigrants. Their count has seen yearly increases and this will continue, also due to children born in their families in Germany. The country has seen debates ongoing for the last 10 years regarding the necessity of the immigration. The debates in political circles could not help but touch ordinary German citizens who meet the foreigners both in professional and everyday life. Nowadays Internet is the most convenient place for the local population to express its opinion. People can use website comments and blogs to openly express their position and get feedback from their fellow citizens. Migration crisis of 2015–2016 showed that Germans care about what’s happening in their country, they actively defend their opinion and urge the government to hear them. It is expressed in numerous discussions taking place on the Internet. This article analyses German public opinion based on publications in periodic mass media during last five years (2015–2019) and also their discussions on the Internet. A spectrum of the main problems is established which mainly cause debates: necessity of admitting refugees, country’s capacity for their integration, increase of Muslim population in the country etc.

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Rammeloo, Stephan. « Past, Present (and Future?) of the German Volkswagengesetz under the EC Treaty ». European Company Law 4, Issue 3 (1 juin 2007) : 118–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eucl2007031.

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On 13 February 2007, the Opinion of Advocate General Dámaszo Ruiz-Jarabo Colomer was made public in the case brought before the ECJ by the European Commission against the Federal Republic of Germany regarding the Volkswagengesetz. The author discusses this opinion and reflects on the possible outcome of these proceedings.

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Rye Olsen, Gorm. « European public opinion and aid to Africa : is there a link ? » Journal of Modern African Studies 39, n^o 4 (décembre 2001) : 645–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003731.

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The current international debate on aid to Africa seems to assume that public opinion matters, i.e. it presupposes the existence of a ‘bottom-up’ relationship between public opinion and aid policy. This paper shows that it is rather the other way round. It is only possible to understand the relationship between decision-making on aid and public opinion as a ‘top-down’ relationship. The conclusion is supported by case studies of five European aid donors: France, the UK, Germany, Denmark and the European Union. The ‘missing link’ between opinion and policy-making is mainly to be explained by the high degree of centralisation of decision-making and the weak link between government and society in this particular policy field. On the other hand, opinion surveys show that there are strong popular sentiments in Europe in favour of ‘helping the poor’. Also, surveys indicate that European public opinion believes that emergency assistance basically is the rationale for development aid. The humanitarian attitudes in favour of ‘helping the poor’ find an outlet in the growing amount of emergency assistance going to Africa, thus leaving decision-making on development aid to the elite in a typical top-down way.

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Rasmussen, Anne, Lars Kai Mäder et Stefanie Reher. « With a Little Help From The People ? The Role of Public Opinion in Advocacy Success ». Comparative Political Studies 51, n^o 2 (22 mars 2017) : 139–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414017695334.

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Recent years have witnessed an increased interest in research on advocacy success, but limited attention has been paid to the role of public opinion. We examine how support from the public affects advocacy success, relying on a new original data set containing information on public opinion, advocacy positions, and policy outcomes on 50 policy issues in Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. Claims by advocates are measured through a news media content analysis of a sample of policy issues drawn from national and international public opinion surveys. Our multilevel regression analysis provides evidence that public support affects advocacy success. However, public opinion does not affect preference attainment for some of the lobbying advocates whose influence is feared the most, and the magnitude of its impact is conditional upon the number of advocates who lobby on the policy issue in question.

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Wainwright, David, et Anne Christine Hanser. « The Formation of Organ Donation Policy in Germany : Evidence, Politics and Public Opinion ». Universal Journal of Public Health 2, n^o 5 (juin 2014) : 137–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.13189/ujph.2014.020501.

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Hoskin, Marilyn. « Public Opinion and the Foreign Worker : Traditional and Nontraditional Bases in West Germany ». Comparative Politics 17, n^o 2 (janvier 1985) : 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/421729.

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ANDERSON, CHRISTOPHER J., et KATHLEEN M. O'CONNER. « System Change, Learning and Public Opinion about the Economy ». British Journal of Political Science 30, n^o 1 (janvier 2000) : 147–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000077.

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This study examines attitudes about the economy under conditions of system change. We argue that citizens in new market economics are relative novices with regard to understanding the new economic environment at the beginning of the transition phase, but that they accumulate experience as time passes. We develop and test two hypotheses: (1) we expect that, over time, economic perceptions more closely track objective economic performance; (2) as a corollary, we hypothesize that, over time, economic policy priorities of citizens in a new market economy more closely track objective economic performance. Time-series data of objective economic indicators and public opinion collected in East Germany between 1991 and 1995 are analysed using regression analyses and tests of structural change in parameters. We find that East Germans' economic perceptions correspond to actual economic trends as they develop experience with the political-economic system. The implications of our findings for research on the relationship between the economy and political support in societies in transition are discussed.

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Perry, Joe. « Opinion Research and the West German Public in the Postwar Decades* ». German History 38, n^o 3 (septembre 2020) : 461–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghaa063.

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Abstract This article investigates the history of opinion research in West Germany in the decades following the Second World War, which witnessed the emergence of a dense network of research institutes, including the Institut für Demoskopie-Allensbach (IfD), Emnid and Infratest. It argues that ‘opinion research’—a term used to encompass political polling as well as market research—helped consolidate an emerging West German consumer society based on liberal, free-market capitalism and offered West Germans new ways of imagining this new national collective. The opinion surveys and the subjectivities they measured were mutually constitutive of this reconfigured ‘public’, as exposure to survey results in countless media reports both reflected and shaped popular understandings of self and society. To make this argument, the article explores the US influence on German opinion research from the 1920s to the 1960s and the ‘modern’ language and techniques of survey research in the FRG. It offers an account of sex research as a case study of the same and concludes with a brief discussion of opinion research and its role in shaping contemporary understandings of the public sphere.

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Heidbrink, Ingo. « Renewable vs fossil fuel : How a fossil-fuel powered industry pushed a renewable resource out of the ice market in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries ». International Journal of Maritime History 34, n^o 1 (février 2022) : 172–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08438714221080268.

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Artificially produced ice replaced natural ice as a cooling agent in a process of displacement that lasted several decades. This article uses the German market as an example to identify the three main factors that underpinned this process. First, it argues that the displacement process was largely driven by marketing and image campaigns created by the proponents of artificial ice-making technology, together with the general technophilia that prevailed in Imperial Germany. Second, the article shows how Europe's last major cholera outbreak in Hamburg was utilised to promote the transition from natural to artificial ice, and how public opinion and established knowledge disseminated by public authorities were by no means aligned, with natural ice – particularly imported Norwegian natural ice – becoming a victim of adverse public opinion. Third, the article explains why the fisheries, notably the developing steam trawling industry, which was a major and large-scale industrial user of ice in Germany, continued to use natural ice for a relatively long time regardless of public opinion and any perceived pollution of the ice. Rather, decisions to switch from natural to artificial ice in the fisheries were informed by economic and pragmatic reasoning.

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LECHNER, Gerhard. « HYPERINFLATION IN THE EURO AREA ? » JOURNAL OF EUROPEAN ECONOMY 20, Issue Vol 20, No 2 (2021) (juin 2021) : 233–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/jee2021.02.233.

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In the non-academic sector in Germany, it is often advocated that the expansion of the ECB’s money supply would inevitably lead to high inflation or even hyperinflation. This paper explores the question of whether inflation could arise in the euro zone, if so how high it would be and whether it would be hyperinflation. The work is based on theoretical considerations on the subject of hyperinflation and inflation and outlines a possible scenario in which the latter could actually become a reality. The thesis is that the greatest danger to the euro zone would come if Italy and / or Spain chose to leave the Union. Covid-19 has increased the risk of divergent economic developments in different countries in the euro zone. Italy and Spain have to reckon with a dramatic increase in public debt, weak growth and deteriorating conditions on the labour market. The main risk is unlikely to be that the euro zone will not help Italy or Spain, but the people in these countries may feel that aid is not enough, thus making an exit a serious option. If these countries left the Eurozone, then they would likely opt for an orderly exit. That means Italy would join EMS II after a one-time devaluation and not leave the EU. If the exit was not negotiated, then a disorderly parting would commence, which is the scenario with a high risk of hyperinflation.

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Toshkov, Dimiter, Lars Mäder et Anne Rasmussen. « Party government and policy responsiveness. Evidence from three parliamentary democracies ». Journal of Public Policy 40, n^o 2 (19 novembre 2018) : 329–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x18000417.

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AbstractDoes party government moderate the responsiveness of public policy to public opinion? Analysing a new dataset, we examine whether the ability of governments to respond to the public on 306 specific policy issues in Denmark, Germany and the UK is affected by the extent of coalition conflict and by the fit of the considered policy changes with the government preferences. We find a systematic but relatively weak positive impact of public support on the likelihood and speed of policy change. Contrary to expectations, a higher number of coalition partners are not associated with fewer policy changes nor with weaker responsiveness to public opinion. We also find no evidence that responsiveness to public opinion is necessarily weaker for policy changes that go against the preferences of the government. Rather, it appears that public and government support for policy change are substitute resources.

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Lamberti, Marjorie. « German Antifascist Refugees in America and the Public Debate on “What Should be Done with Germany after Hitler,” 1941–1945 ». Central European History 40, n^o 2 (14 mai 2007) : 279–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938907000544.

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The debate over “what should be done with Germany after Hitler” became so intense in America in 1943–44 that competitive organizations were created to influence public opinion and official postwar planning. German refugees fought on both sides in the crossfire of opinion. Recent historical scholarship has discussed the failure of the German political emigration to gain formal political recognition from the United States government and the right to participate in Allied planning for postwar Germany. Though correct, this contention should not obscure the significant role that some of the anti-Nazi exiles played in framing the public debate on the treatment of Germany. They swam against the tide of extreme anti-German sentiments at the height of the Second World War, and their views found considerable resonance among American intellectuals. The public debate on the Allied policy for postwar Germany was more extensive than many historical accounts suggest in focusing on the proposals of Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau and the infighting within President Roosevelt's administration. German antifascist emigrants in America devised the arguments and rhetorical tools against the movement for a draconian peace long before the political controversy over the Morgenthau Plan in September 1944. Their contribution to the wartime debate on Germany's future helped to prepare Americans to accept the modification of Washington's tough policy for occupied Germany before the Cold War turned a onetime enemy into an ally. By the terms in which they cast this debate, they contributed also to the marginalization of the Holocaust in the wartime discourse on Germany more than historians have hitherto recognized.

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Krasowski, Aleksander, Joachim Krois, Sebastian Paris, Adelheid Kuhlmey, Hendrik Meyer-Lueckel et Falk Schwendicke. « Costs for Statutorily Insured Dental Services in Older Germans 2012–2017 ». International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, n^o 12 (21 juin 2021) : 6669. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18126669.

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Objectives: We assessed the costs of dental services in statutorily insured, very old (geriatric) Germans. Methods: A comprehensive sample of very old (≥75 years) people insured at a large Northeastern statutory insurer was followed over 6 years (2012–2017). We assessed dental services costs for: (1) examination, assessments and advice, (2) operative, (3) surgical, (4) prosthetic, (5) periodontal, (6) preventive and (7) outreach services. Association of utilization with: (1) sex, (2) age, (3) region, (4) social hardship status, (5) International Disease Classification (ICD-10) diagnoses and (6) Diagnoses Related Groups (DRGs) was explored. Results: 404,610 individuals with a mean (standard deviation, SD) age 81.9 (5.4 years) were followed, 173,733 did not survive follow-up. Total mean costs were 129.61 (310.97) euro per capita; the highest costs were for prosthetic (54.40, SD 242.89 euro) and operative services (28.40, SD 68.38 euro), examination/advice (21.15, SD 28.77 euro), prevention (13.31, SD 49.79 euro), surgery (5.91, SD 23.91 euro), outreach (4.81, SD 28.56 euro) and periodontal services (1.64, SD 7.39 euro). The introduction of new fee items for outreach and preventive services between 2012 and 2017 was reflected in costs. Total costs decreased with increasing age, and this was also found for all service blocks except outreach and preventive services. Costs were higher in those with social hardship status, and in Berlin than Brandenburg and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. Certain general health conditions were associated with increased or decreased costs. Conclusions: Costs were associated with sex, social hardship status, place of living and general health conditions. Clinical significance: Dental services costs for the elderly in Germany are unequally distributed and, up to a certain age or health status, generated by invasive interventions mainly. Policy makers should incentivize preventive services earlier on and aim to distribute expenses more equally.

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Kołodziej, Elżbieta. « THE IMPORTANCE OF THE BANKING UNION FOR THE STABILITY OF THE FINANCIAL SECTOR IN THE EURO AREA ». Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural and Agribusiness Economists XIX, n^o 6 (10 janvier 2018) : 129–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.7917.

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The research goal of this study is to assess the significance of the banking union for the stability of the financial sector in the euro area. A review of available literature, legal acts and the analysis of statistical data relevant to the research objective of the work turned out to be necessary to prepare the work. The financial crisis that began in 2007 had its source in the deregulation of financial markets, the lack of legal framework for supervisory institutions and inadequately functioning market information system. Public aid for banks in the EU within 5 years (2008-2012) amounted to nearly EUR 4 trillion. The majority of public aid (75%) was addressed to euro area banks. The largest amounts of public aid were directed to support banking systems in Ireland, the United Kingdom, Germany and Spain. In the case of Ireland, this led to almost bankruptcy. The crisis has led to changes in the approach to the security of the financial sector including the banking sector of countries belonging to the euro area. The most important project implemented in response to the financial crisis is the banking union. The banking union is based on three pillars: the Single Supervisory Mechanism (SSM), Single Resolution Mechanism (SRM), the Single Deposit Guarantee Scheme (SDGS).

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Arlt, Dorothee, et Jens Wolling. « Fukushima effects in Germany ? Changes in media coverage and public opinion on nuclear power ». Public Understanding of Science 25, n^o 7 (2 août 2016) : 842–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963662515589276.

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Jeffery, Charlie. « Balancing Territorial Politics and Social Citizenship in Germany and Britain : Constraints in Public Opinion ». German Politics 16, n^o 1 (mars 2007) : 58–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644000601157384.

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Hodgson, Guy Richard. « Nurse, martyr, propaganda tool : The reporting of Edith Cavell in British newspapers 1915–1920 ». Media, War & ; Conflict 10, n^o 2 (14 décembre 2016) : 239–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635216676852.

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Edith Cavell’s death by a German firing squad in 1915 proved to be a significant moment for First World War propaganda. News of the British nurse’s death caused a torrent of outrage in Britain and around the world, inspired thousands of Allied troops to enlist and helped sway US opinion against Germany. Newspapers, as the principal source of communication between the government and the people, were essential in relaying this message and this article studies the roles played by the Daily Mail, the Manchester Guardian and the Daily Express. The results show the newspapers were eager participants as Britain sought to stiffen public hostility towards Germany and justify the suffering on the Western Front and at home. This article also examines the immediate post-war period as the newspapers changed from persuaders to reflectors of public opinion.

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Jelinski, Lena, Katrin Etzrodt et Sven Engesser. « Undifferentiated optimism and scandalized accidents : the media coverage of autonomous driving in Germany ». Journal of Science Communication 20, n^o 04 (7 juin 2021) : A02. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.20040202.

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When, to what extent and under what conditions autonomous driving will become common practice depends not only on the level of technical development but also on social acceptance. Therefore, the rapid development of autonomous driving systems raises the question of how the public perceives this technology. As the mass media are regarded as the main source of information for the lay audience, the news coverage is assumed to affect public opinion. The mass media are also frequently criticized for their inaccurate and biased news coverage. Against this backdrop, we conducted a content analysis of the news coverage of autonomous driving in five leading German newspapers. Findings show that media reporting on autonomous driving is not very detailed. They also indicate a slight positive bias in the balance of arguments and tonality. However, as soon as an accident involving an autonomous vehicle occurs, the frequency of reporting, as well as the extent of negativity and detail increase. We conclude that well-informed public opinion requires more differentiated reporting — irrespective of accidents.

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Buhaichuk, Anton. « PUBLIC OPINION ON ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS AND THEIR SOLUTIONS IN UKRAINE AND GERMANY : A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS ». Knowledge, Education, Law, Management 1, n^o 7 (2021) : 119–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.51647/kelm.2021.7.1.19.

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Kritzinger, Sylvia. « public opinion in the iraq crisis : explaining developments in italy, the uk, france and germany ». European Political Science 3, n^o 1 (septembre 2003) : 30–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2003.31.

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Wood, Stephen. « Germany and the Eastern Enlargement of the EU : Political Elites, Public Opinion and Democratic Processes ». Journal of European Integration 24, n^o 1 (janvier 2002) : 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036330290014642.

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Andreyenkov, Vladimir. « Analysis and Questionnaire of the Survey "Public Opinion in the Soviet Union and West Germany" ». Bulletin of Sociological Methodology/Bulletin de Méthodologie Sociologique 22, n^o 1 (mars 1989) : 4–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/075910638902200102.

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