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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Eugenics – United States »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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1

Kamrat-Lang, Debora. « Healing Society : Medical Language in American Eugenics ». Science in Context 8, no 1 (1995) : 175–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700001940.

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The ArgumentAmerican eugenics developed out of a cultural tradition independent of medicine. However, the eugenicist Harry Hamilton Laughlin and some legal experts involved in eugenic practice in the United States used medical language in discussing and evaluating enforced eugenic sterilizations. They built on medicine as a model for healing, while at the same time playing down medicine's concern with its traditional client: the individual patient. Laughlin's attitude toward medicine was ambivalent because he wanted expert eugenicists, rather than medical experts, to control eugenic practice. In contrast, legal experts saw eugenics as an integral part of medicine, though one expert challenged basing the judicial system on eugenically minded medicine. All in all, the medicalization of American eugenics involved expanding the scope of medicine to include the mutilation of individuals for the benefit of society. The judicial system was medicalized in that an expanded medicine became the basis of legislation in the thirty states that permitted eugenic sterilizations
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Otsubo, Sumiko, et James R. Bartholomew. « Eugenics in Japan : Some Ironies of Modernity, 1883–1945 ». Science in Context 11, no 3-4 (1998) : 545–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700003203.

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The ArgumentJapanese eugenic discourse and institution building contrast sharply with comparable movements elsewhere. As a social-intellectual phenomenon, Anglo- American eugenics considered the Japanese racially inferior to Western peoples; yet eugenic ideals and policies achieved a remarkable popularity in Japan. Most of mainstream Japanese genetics was derived from orthodox Mendelian roots in Germany and (to a lesser degree) the United States. But French-style Lamarckian notions of the inheritability of acquired characters held surprising popularity among enthusiasts of eugenics. Japanese eugenicists could condemn the actions of foreign eugenicists like Charles Davenport in the United States for their efforts to forbid Japanese immigration in the 1920s, yet appeal to these same eugenicists as a source of legitimacy in Japan.These paradoxes can partly be explained against a background of relative isolation in a period of profound social change. Few Japanese eugenicists had close personal contact with foreign eugenicists, and most of their knowledge was acquired through reading rather than direct exposure. The eugenic ideal of ethnic purity was attractive to a society long accustomed to monoracial self-imagery. The need to defend national independence in an era of high imperialism seemed to require the most up-to-date policies and ideas. And Japan's own acquisition of an overseas empire seemed to demand a population management philosophy ostensibly based on scientific principles. These and other forces supported the implementation of eugenic policies and prescriptions among the Japanese people in the first half of the twentieth century.
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Hubbard, Ruth. « Eugenics and Prenatal Testing ». International Journal of Health Services 16, no 2 (avril 1986) : 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/1yke-php6-h69a-yrkv.

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Prejudices against people with disabilities, pool people, and immigrants during the nineteenth century generated a science of “race improvement” called eugenics. In the United States, a number of eugenic measures were enacted early in this century, but it was in Nazi Germany that eugenics flourished under the name of racial hygiene (Rassenhygiene). In the guise of furthering the health of the German people, German scientists and physicians initially designed programs of sterilization. Next came euthanasia and finally mass extermination of “lives not worth living.” Remembering this history, many German women oppose the new technical developments in prenatal diagnosis because they see them as yet another way to specify what kinds of people are and are not fit to inhabit the world. This paper tries to place the new technologies in the context of eugenics and to point out some of the ways in which the new, supposedly liberating, choices in fact limit women's control over our lives.
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Stern, Alexandra Minna. « Eugenics, sterilization, and historical memory in the United States ». História, Ciências, Saúde-Manguinhos 23, suppl 1 (décembre 2016) : 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-59702016000500011.

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Abstract From the 1920s to the 1950s, California sterilized approximately 20,000 people in state homes and hospitals based on a eugenic law that authorized medical superintendents to perform reproductive surgeries on patients deemed unfit and “suffering from a mental affliction likely to be inherited.” Working with a unique resource – a dataset created from 19,000 sterilization recommendations – my team and I have reconstructed patterns and experiences of institutionalization of sterilizations. This article presents several of our important initial findings related to ethnic and gender bias in sterilization policies, and reflects on the relevance of the history for contemporary issues in genomics and social justice.
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Ramsden, Edmund. « Social Demography and Eugenics in the Interwar United States ». Population and Development Review 29, no 4 (décembre 2003) : 547–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1728-4457.2003.00547.x.

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6

Shotwell, Mark. « The Misuse of Pedigree Analysis in the Eugenics Movement ». American Biology Teacher 83, no 2 (1 février 2021) : 80–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/abt.2021.83.2.80.

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Pedigree analysis has long been an essential tool in human genetics as well as a staple of genetics education. Students of genetics might be surprised to learn that human pedigrees were first popularized in the United States by proponents of eugenics, the pseudoscientific social movement aimed at improving the genetic quality of the human race. Notably, the influential eugenicist Charles B. Davenport employed pedigree charts to support his belief that not only were such medical conditions as Huntington disease and albinism inherited in a simple Mendelian fashion, but so too were such characteristics as alcoholism, criminality, and “feeblemindedness.” We now see the flaws in Davenport’s pedigree analysis, but at the time, it was the latest scientific advance. The misuse of pedigree analysis during the eugenics era may serve as a cautionary tale for those who are now harnessing the latest genetic technologies to solve complex problems.
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7

Stubblefield, Anna. « “Beyond the Pale” : Tainted Whiteness, Cognitive Disability, and Eugenic Sterilization ». Hypatia 22, no 2 (2007) : 162–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2007.tb00987.x.

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The aim of the eugenics movement in the United States during the first half of the twentieth century was to prevent the degeneration of the white race. A central tactic of the movement was the involuntary sterilization of people labeled as feebleminded. An analysis of the practice of eugenic sterilization provides insight into how the concepts of gender, race, class, and dislability are fundamentally intertwined. I argue that in the early twentieth century, the concept of feeblemindedness came to operate as an umbrella concept that linked off-white ethnicity, poverty, and gendered conceptions of lack of moral character together and that feeblemindedness thus understood functioned as the signifier of tainted whiteness.
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8

Vigue, Charles L. « Eugenics and the Education of Women in the United States ». Journal of Educational Administration and History 19, no 2 (juillet 1987) : 51–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0022062870190205.

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9

Weingart, Peter. « Eugenics — Medical or Social Science ? » Science in Context 8, no 1 (1995) : 197–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700001952.

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The ArgumentEugenics is the paradigmatic case of the conflict between biology and medicine over social influence. Commenting on as essay by Debora Kamrat–Lang(1995), the paper reconstructs the historical roots of eugenics as a form of preventive medicine. A comparision between the development of some crucial aspects of eugenics between Germany and the United States reveals that the prevalence of the value placed on the individual over hereditary health of a population ultimately determined the outcome of the conflict but collective concepts may be revived by new biological knowledge
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10

GONZALES, ANGELA, JUDY KERTÉSZ et GABRIELLE TAYAC. « Eugenics as Indian Removal : Sociohistorical Processes and the De(con)struction of American Indians in the Southeast ». Public Historian 29, no 3 (1 janvier 2007) : 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2007.29.3.53.

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Although research on the history of the eugenics movement in the United States is legion, its impact on state policies that identified and defined American Indians has yet to be fully addressed. The exhibit, Our Lives: Contemporary Life and Identities (ongoing until September 21, 2014) at the National Museum of the American Indian provides a provocative vehicle for examining how eugenics-informed public policy during the first quarter of the twentieth century served to “remove” from official records Native peoples throughout the Southeast. One century after Indian Removal of the antebellum era, Native peoples in the American Southeast provide an important but often overlooked example of how racial policies, this time rooted in eugenics, effected a documentary erasure of Native peoples and communities.
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11

Allen, Garland E. « Eugenics and American social history, 1880–1950 ». Genome 31, no 2 (15 janvier 1989) : 885–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/g89-156.

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Eugenics, the attempt to improve the human species socially through better breeding was a widespread and popular movement in the United States and Europe between 1910 and 1940; Eugenics was an attempt to use science (the newly discovered Mendelian laws of heredity) to solve social problems (crime, alcoholism, prostitution, rebelliousness), using trained experts. Eugenics gained much support from progressive reform thinkers, who sought to plan social development using expert knowledge in both the social and natural sciences. In eugenics, progressive reformers saw the opportunity to attack social problems efficiently by treating the cause (bad heredity) rather than the effect. Much of the impetus for social and economic reform came from class conflict in the period 1880–1930, resulting from industrialization, unemployment, working conditions, periodic depressions, and unionization. In response, the industrialist class adopted firmer measures of economic control (abandonment of laissez-faire principles), the principles of government regulation (interstate commerce, labor), and the cult of industrial efficiency. Eugenics was only one aspect of progressive reform, but as a scientific claim to explain the cause of social problems, it was a particularly powerful weapon in the arsenal of class conflict at the time.Key words: eugenics, social genetics.
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12

Mehler, Barry. « Foundation for fascism : The new eugenics movement in the United States ». Patterns of Prejudice 23, no 4 (décembre 1989) : 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.1989.9970026.

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13

Bozeman, John M. « Eugenics and the Clergy in the Early Twentieth-Century United States ». Journal of American Culture 27, no 4 (décembre 2004) : 422–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1542-734x.2004.00147.x.

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14

BACHRACH, SUSAN. « Deadly Medicine ». Public Historian 29, no 3 (1 janvier 2007) : 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2007.29.3.19.

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This article discusses the methods the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum used to make an exhibition on the complex history of Nazi eugenics accessible to the museum's mass public and at the same time, provocative for special audiences consisting of professionals and students from the biomedical fields. Deadly Medicine: Creating the Master Race showed how both eugenics and related “euthanasia” programs in Nazi Germany helped pave the road to the Holocaust. The exhibition implicitly evoked the present-day appeal of biological explanations for human behavior and of new visions of human perfection. Educational programs used the exhibition as a springboard for discussions of bioethics and medical ethics.
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15

RYDELL, ROBERT W. « THE PROXIMITY OF THE PAST : EUGENICS IN AMERICAN CULTURE ». Modern Intellectual History 7, no 3 (30 septembre 2010) : 667–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244310000296.

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In 1935, as the Nazis’ state-of-the art eugenics exhibition from the Deutsches Hygiene Museum was concluding its American tour, a decision had to be made about whether to return the displays to Germany or to house them in an American museum. After the American Academy of Medicine decided against the display because of its political implications, the director of the Buffalo Museum of Science, Carlos Cummings, himself a physician, offered his institution as the exhibition's permanent home. “What is the astounding eugenics program upon which Chancellor Hitler has launched the German people?” Cummings wondered aloud. “As a matter of public interest, without endorsement,” he added, “the Museum will display in the Central Hall throughout this final quarter of 1935, a set of fifty-one posters and charts . . . which gives Americans a graphic explanation of Germany's campaign to rear in posterity ‘a new race nobility.’” Seven years later, with war raging, the museum received permission from the company that had insured the exhibition, to dismantle it from its permanent home in the museum's Hall of Heredity. An exhibition about eugenics, Nazi eugenics no less, that had been enthusiastically received as it had traveled the United States in the mid-1930s, had seemingly fallen victim to the war against eugenics launched by cultural anthropologists and geneticists. In light of the broad scholarship on eugenics, this certainly would be a plausible reading of the deinstallation of the Nazi eugenics exhibition. But the three books under review here suggest a more complex reading, one that suggests that eugenics and racism, considered as ideological systems, were less easily dislodged from American culture than from Buffalo's Museum of Science.
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16

Hunter-Doniger, Tracey. « The eugenics movement and its impact on art education in the United States ». Arts Education Policy Review 118, no 2 (7 juin 2016) : 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10632913.2015.1051256.

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17

Couturier, Lynn E. « The Influence of the Eugenics Movement on Physical Education in the United States ». Sport History Review 36, no 1 (mai 2005) : 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/shr.36.1.21.

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18

Buhle, Mari Jo, et Ian Robert Dowbiggin. « Keeping America Sane : Psychiatry and Eugenics in the United States and Canada, 1880-1940. » Journal of American History 85, no 1 (juin 1998) : 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568532.

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19

Tyner, James A. « The Geopolitics of Eugenics and the Exclusion of Philippine Immigrants from the United States ». Geographical Review 89, no 1 (janvier 1999) : 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/216140.

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LADD-TAYLOR, M. « Saving Babies and Sterilizing Mothers : Eugenics and Welfare Politics in the Interwar United States ». Social Politics : International Studies in Gender, State & ; Society 4, no 1 (1 mars 1997) : 136–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/4.1.136.

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Spurlock, John C. « Keeping America Sane : Psychiatry and Eugenics in the United States and Canada, 1880–1940 ». History : Reviews of New Books 26, no 4 (juillet 1998) : 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1998.10528194.

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Tyner, James A. « The Geopolitics of Eugenics and the Exclusion of Philippine Immigrants from the United States ». Geographical Review 89, no 1 (1 janvier 1999) : 54–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1931-0846.1999.tb00201.x.

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Allen, Garland E. « “Culling the Herd” : Eugenics and the Conservation Movement in the United States, 1900–1940 ». Journal of the History of Biology 46, no 1 (13 mars 2012) : 31–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10739-011-9317-1.

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Dowbiggin, Ian R., et JANET COLAIZZI. « Keeping America Sane : Psychiatry and Eugenics in the United States and Canada 1880-1940 ». Nursing History Review 8, no 1 (janvier 2000) : 202–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1062-8061.8.1.202.

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Mazumdar, Pauline M. H. (Pauline Margaret Hod. « Keeping America Sane : Psychiatry and Eugenics in the United States and Canada, 1880-1940 ». Bulletin of the History of Medicine 73, no 2 (1999) : 346–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhm.1999.0050.

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Tucker, W. H. « Keeping America Sane : Psychiatry and Eugenics in the United States and Canada, 1880-1940 ». JAMA : The Journal of the American Medical Association 279, no 6 (11 février 1998) : 477—a—478. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.279.6.477-a.

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Greene, Rebecca. « Keeping America sane : Psychiatry and eugenics in the United States and Canada 1880–1940 ». Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 34, no 4 (1998) : 414–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1520-6696(199823)34:4<414 ::aid-jhbs25>3.0.co;2-3.

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McDonald, Jason. « Making the World Safe for Eugenics : The Eugenicist Harry H. Laughlin's Encounters with American Internationalism ». Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 12, no 3 (18 juin 2013) : 379–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781413000212.

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Harry H. Laughlin's main claim to fame was as director of the Eugenics Record Office at Cold Spring Harbor, Long Island, from which position he exerted considerable influence upon early twentieth-century campaigns to restrict immigration and to institute compulsory sterilization of the socially inadequate. Laughlin also had an absorbing fascination for the idea of a single world government. Over the course of forty years, he produced a voluminous body of mostly unpublished work on the subject. In examining Laughlin's musings on internationalism, this article provides a glimpse into how a leading American eugenicist would have projected onto the world stage the policies he was zealously endeavoring to implement at the domestic level. Laughlin sent samples of his work to many of America's leading internationalists. Their responses to Laughlin's ideas reveal much about the character of internationalism in the United States during the era of World War I, especially the extent to which his racist and imperialist assumptions were shared by other members of the internationalist movement. Consequently, this article provides yet another example of how liberal and conservative impulses were neither easily distinguishable nor mutually exclusive during the Progressive Era.
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Stroud, Irene. « Beautiful Babies ». Bulletin for the Study of Religion 43, no 2 (22 avril 2014) : 23–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.v43i2.23.

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Baby shows and baby contests in the late nineteenth century United States, beginning as a form of entertainment at agricultural fairs, were co-opted in the early twentieth century as a public relations vehicle for the eugenics movement. This article connects this history of display of the infant body with white Protestant practices of bodily display in infant baptism as represented etiquette manuals, women's magazines, and works of art. The author argues that infants became unwitting participants in practices of display that marked them as members of affluent white society.
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Rosenberg, Gabriel N. « No Scrubs : Livestock Breeding, Eugenics, and the State in the Early Twentieth-Century United States ». Journal of American History 107, no 2 (1 septembre 2020) : 362–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaaa179.

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Dejong-Lambert, William. « From Eugenics to Lysenkoism : The Evolution of Stanisław Skowron ». Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 39, no 3 (2009) : 269–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2009.39.3.269.

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This article describes the relationship between Polish geneticist Stanisław Skowron's views on eugenics during the interwar period, his experiences in Nazi concentration camps during World War II, and his response to Trofim D. Lysenko's ban on genetic research in Soviet-allied states after 1948. Skowron was educated at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow and received funding from the Rockefeller Foundation to study in the United States, Italy, Denmark, and Great Britain from 1924 to 1926. His exposure to research being conducted outside of Poland made him an important figure in Polish genetics. During this time Skowron also began to believe that an understanding of biological principles of heredity could play an important role in improving Polish society and became a supporter of eugenics. In 1939 he was arrested along with other faculty members at the Jagiellonian and sent to Sachsenhausen and Dachau. In 1947 he published the first book updating Polish biologists on recent developments in genetics; however, after learning of the outcome of the 1948 session of the Lenin All-Union Academy of Agricultural Sciences in Moscow, Skowron emerged as one of the most vocal advocates for Michurinism. I argue that Skowron's conversion to Lysenkoism was motivated by more than fear or opportunism, and is better understood as the product of his need to rationalize his own support for a theory he could not possibly have believed was correct.
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Hassner Sharav, Vera. « Screening for Mental Illness : The Merger of Eugenics and the Drug Industry ». Ethical Human Psychology and Psychiatry 7, no 2 (juin 2005) : 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1559-4343.7.2.111.

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The implementation of a recommendation by the President’s New Freedom Commission (NFC) to screen the entire United States population—children first—for presumed, undetected, mental illness is an ill-conceived policy destined for disastrous consequences. The “pseudoscientific” methods used to screen for mental and behavioral abnormalities are a legacy from the discredited ideology of eugenics. Both eugenics and psychiatry suffer from a common philosophical fallacy that undermines the validity of their theories and prescriptions. Both are wed to a faith-based ideological assumption that mental and behavior manifestations are biologically determined, and are, therefore, ameliorated by biological interventions. NFC promoted the Texas Medication Algorithm Project (TMAP) as a “model” medication treatment plan. The impact of TMAP is evident in the skyrocketing increase in psychotropic drug prescriptions for children and adults, and in the disproportionate expenditure for psychotropic drugs. The New Freedom Commission’s screening for mental illness initiative is, therefore, but the first step toward prescribing drugs. The escalating expenditure for psychotropic drugs since TMAP leaves little doubt about who the beneficiaries of TMAP are. Screening for mental illness will increase their use.
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Monteyne, Kimberley. « Idealized Bodies and the Visual Turn after the First World War : American Children's Public Health Campaigns ». Cultural History 11, no 1 (avril 2022) : 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2022.0252.

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As children's public health education in the United States became significantly invested in visual instruction and pleasurable learning experiences following World War I, these methods sought to redefine healthy bodies through a twofold approach: appeals to the burgeoning film industry and idealized celebrity bodies, and a wide-reaching program of statistical measurement initiatives. In this process the child's body was reimagined through the trope of the movie star – an immaterial and depthless projection immune from the physical effects of war – and also abstracted via mass statistical measurement programs that paralleled contemporary eugenics practices. Both methods aimed at a de-materialization of the body to ward off the painful reality of physically weak, malnourished children and the badly damaged bodies of returning veterans. Thus, post-WWI children's health education became an ambivalent corporeal topography in which the body functioned as a site of play and imaginative edification caught between the deeply misguided scientific idealism of eugenics and new forms of presenting physical perfection through modern cinema and beauty culture.
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Semmelhack, Elizabeth. « From Lawn Tennis to Eugenics : A History of Women and Sneakers ». Costume 53, no 1 (mars 2019) : 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cost.2019.0097.

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Since the invention of sneakers in the middle of the nineteenth century, women have been significant in both their production and consumption. 1 Despite this long history, women's relationship with sneakers has been complicated by larger issues ranging from dissonance between female athleticism and ideals of female desirability to issues of exclusion related to the overt hyper-masculinity embedded in modern sneaker culture. This article will focus on the sociological forces at play in the relationship between women and sneakers, predominantly in the United States and Britain, from the popularization of lawn tennis in the 1870s through to the start of the Second World War, a period in which exercise, morality and ideal femininity became redefined through the lens of ‘fitness’, by which was often meant preparedness for motherhood or attractiveness to men.
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Calderón-Zaks, Michael. « Debated Whiteness amid World Events : Mexican and Mexican American Subjectivity and the U.S.' Relationship with the Americas, 1924–1936 ». Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 27, no 2 (2011) : 325–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2011.27.2.325.

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By the 1920s, anti-Mexican campaigns in the United States had become a major liability for US interests in the Americas, as rival imperial powers attempted to exploit growing anti-American sentiments in Mexico and Latin America against American imperialism. The U.S. State Department sought to curtail animosity in Latin America by contesting discriminatory domestic practices that angered elite Mexicans and Mexican-American leaders who identified as white. After blocking eastern and southern European and Japanese immigration in the 1924 National Origins Act, the eugenics movement turned its attention to excluding Mexicans from entering the US. When legislative attempts at restriction failed because they conflicted with national and international commercial interests, non-legislative avenues were sought, including the Census and the courts. The 1930 Census was the only census that categorized Mexicans as a separate “race.” In the context of a changing racial formation in the United States, this unique category was reversed in 1936 due to Mexican-American leaders leveraging the fragility of the “Good Neighbor Policy” to force the Federal government into action.
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Hartmann, Betsy. « Population Control I : Birth of an Ideology ». International Journal of Health Services 27, no 3 (juillet 1997) : 523–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/bl3n-xajx-0yqb-vqbx.

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Population control, as a major international development strategy, is a relatively recent phenomenon. However, its origins reach back to social currents in the 19th and early 20th centuries, culminating in an organized birth control movement in Europe and the United States. The conflicts and contradictions in that movement's history presage many of today's debates over population policy and women's rights. Eugenics had a deep influence on the U.S. birth control movement in the first half of the 20th century. After World War II private agencies and foundations played an important role in legitimizing population control as a way to secure Western control over Third World resources and stem political instability. In the late 1960s the U.S. government became a major funder of population control programs overseas and built multilateral support through establishment of the U.N. Fund for Population Activities. At the 1974 World Population Conference, Third World governments challenged the primacy of population control. While their critique led population agencies to change their strategies, population control remained a central component of international development and national security policies in the United States.
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Lee, L. « 27. Immigration and other evils : A profile of Dr. C. K. Clarke and the eugenics movement in Canada ». Clinical & ; Investigative Medicine 30, no 4 (1 août 2007) : 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25011/cim.v30i4.2787.

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Dr. C.K. Clarke (1857-1924) was one of Canada’s most prominent psychiatrists. He sought to improve the conditions of asylums, helped to legitimize psychiatry and established formal training for nurses. At the beginning of the 20th Century, Canada experienced a surge of immigration. Yet – as many historians have shown – a widespread anti-foreigner sentiment within the public remained. Along with many other members of the fledgling eugenics movement, Clarke believed that the proportion of “mental defectives” was higher in the immigrant population than in the Canadian population and campaigned to restrict immigration. He appealed to the government to track immigrants and deport them once they showed signs of mental illness. Clarke’s efforts lead to amendments to the Immigration Act in 1919, which authorized deportation of people who were not Canadian-born, regardless of how many years that had been in Canada. This change applied not only to the mentally ill but also to those who could no longer work due to injury and to those who did not follow social norms. Clarke is a fascinating example of how we judge historical figures. He lived in a time where what we now think of as xenophobia was a socially acceptable, even worthy attitude. As a leader in eugenics, therefore, he was a progressive. Other biographers have recognized Clarke’s racist opinions, some of whom justify them as keeping with the social values of his era. In further exploring Clarke’s interest in these issues, this paper relies on his personal scrapbooks held in the CAMH archives. These documents contain personal papers, poems and stories that proclaim his anti-Semitic and anti-foreigner views. Whether we allow his involvement in the eugenics movement to overshadow his accomplishments or ignore his racist leanings to celebrate his memory is the subject of ongoing debate. Dowbiggin IR. Keeping America Sane: Psychiatry and Eugenics in the United States and Canada 1880-1940. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1997. McLaren A. Our Own Master Race: Eugenics in Canada 1885-1945. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1990. Roberts B. Whence They Came: Deportation from Canada 1900-1935. Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1988.
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Lindsay, Matthew J. « Reproducing a Fit Citizenry : Dependency, Eugenics, and the Law of Marriage in the United States, 1860–1920 ». Law & ; Social Inquiry 23, no 03 (1998) : 541–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1998.tb00121.x.

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Between the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era, American state legislatures enacted a series of new laws that delineated a class of citizens who were deemed ineligible to participate in the institution of marriage. Scholars have characterized this development as evidence that lawmakers had lost faith in a laissez-faire approach to nuptial governance, and thus transformed marriage into an object of public regulation. This essay argues that behind the ostensible nuptial privatism of the mid-nineteenth century lay a self-conscious policy of judicial governance. Judges invoked the language of nuptial privacy and the common law of contract strategically to advance their vision of moral and economic discipline. The new marital prohibitions thus represented, the essay argues, not the expansion of the state's police power into the previously private realm of domestic relations, but rather a critical transformation in how nuptial reformers and lawmakers understood the relationship between marriage and the well-being of the polity. Fueled by growing concerns about pauperism, the racial character of the urban proletariat, and the collapse of the economically independent single-male-breadwinner household, the changing form of nuptial governance signaled a thoroughgoing intellectual and strategic reorientation from an understanding of marriage as forming economically and morally viable households—the fundamental units of society—to an understanding of marriage as a largely procreative institution, as the literal source of the citizenry. This reconceptualization of marriage underwrote a strategy of nuptial governance that mobilized marriage as a strategy in the state's regulation of social reproduction.
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Lunbeck, Elizabeth. « Keeping America Sane : Psychiatry and Eugenics in the United States and Canada, 1880-1940. Ian Robert Dowbiggin ». Isis 89, no 3 (septembre 1998) : 578–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/384145.

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KLUCHIN, REBECCA M. « Locating the Voices of the Sterilized ». Public Historian 29, no 3 (1 janvier 2007) : 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2007.29.3.131.

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Scholars have been studying eugenics and sterilization for years, but only recently have some begun to examine these issues from the point of view of those sterilized. This is in large part because so few records containing the voices of the sterilized exist or are accessible to scholars. This essay examines my own effort to recover the voices of women sterilized in the post–baby boom United States from the “bottom up” and includes my own experience researching and writing Fit to Be Tied?: Sterilization and Reproductive Rights in America, 1960–1984. It represents the beginning of a discussion about locating and using sources containing the voices of the sterilized and working with the limitations inherent to them.
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Kashyap, Monika. « Toward a Race-Conscious Critique of Mental Health-Related Exclusionary Immigration Laws ». Michigan Journal of Race & ; Law, no 26.0 (2021) : 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.36643/mjrl.26.sp.toward.

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This Article employs the emergent analytical framework of Dis/ability Critical Race Theory (DisCrit) to offer a race-conscious critique of a set of immigration laws that have been left out of the story of race-based immigrant exclusion in the United States—namely, the laws that exclude immigrants based on mental health-related grounds. By centering the influence of the white supremacist, racist,and ableist ideologies of the eugenics movement in shaping mental health-related exclusionary immigration laws, this Article locates the roots of these restrictive laws in the desire to protect the purity and homogeneity of the white Anglo- Saxon race against the threat of racially inferior, undesirable, and unassimilable immigrants. Moreover, by using a DisCrit framework to critique today’s mental health-related exclusionary law, INA § 212(a)(1)(A)(iii), this Article reveals how this law carries forward the white supremacist, racist, and ableist ideologies of eugenics into the present in order to shape ideas of citizenship and belonging. The ultimate goal of the Article is to broaden the conceptualization of race-based immigrant exclusion to encompass mental health-related immigrant exclusion, while demonstrating the utility of DisCrit as an exploratory analytical tool to examine the intersections of race and disability within immigration law.
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Fitz Gerald, James. « Loving Mean : Racialized Medicine and the Rise of Postwar Eugenics in Toni Morrison’s Home ». MELUS 46, no 3 (1 septembre 2021) : 140–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/melus/mlab035.

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Abstract This essay reads Toni Morrison’s Home (2012) against the backdrop of the United States’ well-documented patterns of unconstrained experimentation on racial-minority patients. The essay focuses specifically on contexts of mid-century eugenics, which exposed black Americans, often women, to nonconsensual and nontherapeutic surgical procedures. I argue that Home is not only informed by these traumatic histories of medical violence but is also able to construct an ethics of care out of them through the imperative of loving mean–a de-idealized love concerned less with sympathy than with survival. In so doing, the novel advances intersubjective forms of healing that challenge the systemic roots of reproductive racism and make possible the potential for meaningful recovery from both physical and historical trauma.
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Mezzano, Michael. « The Progressive Origins of Eugenics Critics : Raymond Pearl, Herbert S. Jennings, and the Defense of Scientific Inquiry ». Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 4, no 1 (janvier 2005) : 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400003674.

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In the late 1910s and early 1920s, a succession of popular books decried the impact that “new” immigrants were having on the United States. Fearing that the racial quality of the American people was being eroded by the large number of immigrants that had been arriving in the previous decades, the books clamored for radical restrictions on the number of immigrants the country should admit. These books reflect the pervasiveness of the belief that new immigrants were biologically inferior to older immigrants and native-born Anglo-Saxons. This belief, in turn, was rooted in a theory of permanently fixed racial identities that had been circulating throughout Europe and the United States for decades, despite cautions of professional scientists who argued that these theories were not “proven.” Yet non-scientists like Madison Grant and Lothrop Stoddard were the ones who enjoyed widespread public authority on such complex scientific theories as heredity, genetics, and eugenics because they explained these difficult subjects in easily understandable terms–despite the fact that they grossly over-simplified the theories. Simultaneously, they raised shrill cries that these new arrivals thus threatened the “superior” racial stock of America. The anti-immigrant wave that Grant, Stoddard, and others fanned was based on what Grant described as “the science of race,” which he claimed proved “the immutability of somatological or bodily characters.”
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KNIGHT, DENISE D. « Prospects for the Study of Charlotte Perkins Gilman ». Resources for American Literary Study 36 (1 janvier 2011) : 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26367523.

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Abstract This essay examines the changing landscape in Gilman studies and suggests future directions that scholars might take to further our understanding of this often-enigmatic fin-de-siècle author. Since 2009, the Schlesinger Library at Radcliffe Institute has acquired a sizeable collection of new material from Gilman's descendants, including letters, photographs, inscribed books, miscellaneous documents, and numerous family keepsakes. The new material adds yet another layer to recovery efforts made in recent years. Scholars might continue to evaluate Gilman's mixed legacy, including her racism, classism, ethnocentrism, and support of eugenics. Future research might also continue to situate Gilman in a less nationalistic and more global context; her work continues to be compelling, as well as controversial, to readers and scholars well beyond the United States.
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KNIGHT, DENISE D. « Prospects for the Study of Charlotte Perkins Gilman ». Resources for American Literary Study 36 (1 janvier 2011) : 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/resoamerlitestud.36.2011.0001.

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Abstract This essay examines the changing landscape in Gilman studies and suggests future directions that scholars might take to further our understanding of this often-enigmatic fin-de-siècle author. Since 2009, the Schlesinger Library at Radcliffe Institute has acquired a sizeable collection of new material from Gilman's descendants, including letters, photographs, inscribed books, miscellaneous documents, and numerous family keepsakes. The new material adds yet another layer to recovery efforts made in recent years. Scholars might continue to evaluate Gilman's mixed legacy, including her racism, classism, ethnocentrism, and support of eugenics. Future research might also continue to situate Gilman in a less nationalistic and more global context; her work continues to be compelling, as well as controversial, to readers and scholars well beyond the United States.
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Tornquist, Leif C. « 'This Mighty Struggle for Life' : Modernist Protestant Ministers, Biopolitical Violence, and Negative Eugenics in the 1920s United States ». Journal of Religion and Violence 2, no 2 (2014) : 308–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jrv2014224.

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Daniels, Cynthia R., et Erin Heidt-Forsythe. « Gendered Eugenics and the Problematic of Free Market Reproductive Technologies : Sperm and Egg Donation in the United States ». Signs : Journal of Women in Culture and Society 37, no 3 (mars 2012) : 719–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/662964.

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Steinbaum, Marshall I., et Bernard A. Weisberger. « The Intellectual Legacy of Progressive Economics : A Review Essay of Thomas C. Leonard's Illiberal Reformers ». Journal of Economic Literature 55, no 3 (1 septembre 2017) : 1064–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.20171436.

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Thomas Leonard's 2016 book Illiberal Reformers: Race, Eugenics, and American Economics in the Progressive Era argues that exclusionary views on eugenics, race, immigration, and gender taint the intellectual legacy of progressive economics and economists. This review essay reconsiders that legacy and places it in the context within which it developed. While the early generations of scholars who founded the economics profession in the United States and trained in its departments did indeed hold and express retrograde views on those subjects, those views were common to a broad swath of the intellectual elite of that era, including the progressives' staunchest opponents inside and outside academia. Moreover, Leonard anachronistically intermingles a contemporary critique of early-twentieth-century progressive economics and the progressive movement writ large, serving to decontextualize those disputes—a flaw that is amplified by the book's unsystematic approach to reconstructing the views and writing it attacks. Notwithstanding the history Leonard presents, economists working now nonetheless owe their progressive forebears for contributions that have become newly relevant: the “credibility revolution,” the influence of economic research on policy and program design, the prestige of economists working in and providing advice to government agencies and policy makers, and the academic freedom economists enjoy in modern research-oriented universities are all a part of that legacy. (JEL A11, B15, D82, J15, N31, N32)
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Snyder, S. L., et D. T. Mitchell. « Out of the ashes of eugenics : diagnostic regimes in the United States and the making of a disability minority ». Patterns of Prejudice 36, no 1 (janvier 2002) : 79–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/003132202128811385.

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Roberts, Dorothy E. « Legal Constraints on the Use of Race in Biomedical Research : Toward a Social Justice Framework ». Journal of Law, Medicine & ; Ethics 34, no 3 (2006) : 526–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2006.00066.x.

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The scientific validity of racial categories has been the subject of debate among population geneticists, evolutionary biologists, and physical anthropologists for several decades. After World War II, the rejection of eugenics, which had supported sterilization laws and other destructive programs in the United States, generated a compelling critique of the biological basis of race. The classification of human beings into distinct biological “races” is a relatively recent invention propped up by deeply flawed evidence and historically providing the foundation of racist ideology and inequities of power. Social scientists’ conclusion that race is socially constructed was confirmed by genomic studies of human variation, including the Human Genome Project, showing high levels of genetic similarity within the human species. Some scholars came to believe that the science of human genetic diversity would replace race as the preeminent means of grouping people for scientific purposes.
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