Thèses sur le sujet « EU trade agreements »
Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : EU trade agreements.
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les 50 meilleures thèses pour votre recherche sur le sujet « EU trade agreements ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Parcourez les thèses sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.
1
Serrano, Katharina Anna. « EU-South Pacific : trade-developments nexus in Economic Partnership Agreements ». Thesis, University of Central Lancashire, 2009. http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/20210/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this study was to examine the nature of the trade-development nexus in economic relations between the European Union and Pacific island states. Two interrelated but competing International Relations theories are utilised as tools for analysis: the dependency theory and realist theory. The research consists of analysis of the approaches, assumptions and applicability of both theories in the wider context of North-South relations, with a focus on recent changes in the relationship between the European Union and Pacific island states. The thesis revealed that the lack of success in reaching policy objectives throughout a long-lasting relationship was a key driving force for several policy shifts; these resulted in the implementation of the trade-development nexus into new foreign policy instruments, the Economic Partnership Agreements. Research demonstrated that new dependency theory forecasts more emphasis on the internal development dimension and a development-friendly trade-development nexus. Realist theory however estimates that, depending on power projections and self-interests involved, the trade-development nexus may lead to either more co-operation or more conflict in relations between the European Union and Pacific island states. In order to test the theoretical propositions, the thesis turned to the analysis of two case studies. It looked at the sugar sector in Fiji and the fisheries sector in the South Pacific. Both case studies demonstrated how the trade-development nexus selfadjusts to a given situation or changes through a set of conditions present at any given point in time— a phenomenon that is a defining feature, and possibly the actual essence of the nexus. This flexibility may positively contribute to the European Union's aspirations of becoming an influential global actor through trade and development policies. However, flexibility renders the trade-development nexus unpredictable as policy instrument and therefore less desirable from the perspective of Pacific island countries than it would appear in light of the case-studies.
2
Nyambe, Jacob Mulele. « Evaluating two international agreements for consistency with GATT/WTO rules a methodological study with regard to EU/RSA trade, development and cooperation agreement and southern African development community agreements / ». Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2005. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-02272006-114743.
Texte intégral
3
Rothe, Holly M. « Preferential Trade Agreements and Globalization : The Impact of a Common Foundation ». Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/471.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis advisor: Robert MurphyGiven the increasing proliferation of preferential trade agreements, this work seeks to investigate the economic, political, and cultural relationships that may be built from the common foundation of a trade agreement. It evaluates the experiences of the European Union and the North American Free Trade Agreement and makes predictions and suggestions for future preferential trading partners, as well as analyzing the potential impact that PTAs will have on globalization and international relations
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: International Studies
Discipline: College Honors Program
4
Ojiambo, Colbert. « EU-ACP economic agreements and WTO/GATT compatibility : options for ACP countries under Cotonou Agreement ». Diss., University of Pretoria, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/28400.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The member states of European Union (EU) and a group of African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states are currently negotiating for new trading agreements compatible with World Trade Organization‘s (WTO) rules. Whereas both the EU and the ACP states are in agreement that the new trading arrangements must be WTO compatible, there is no consensus on the format of the new trading agreements. The EU has insisted that the new trading arrangements should be in the form of free trade agreements, established under Article XXIV of General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Unlike the previous EU – ACP trade agreements which were non – reciprocal, Article XXIV requires that the new trading agreements should be reciprocal. Consequently the EU has gone ahead to negotiate for reciprocal Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with some of the ACP states. Some ACP countries which are opposed to reciprocity have proposed that the new trading arrangements should be established under the provisions of Enabling Clause. Others have suggested that EU should attempt to apply for a WTO waiver. The Cotonou Agreement, under which the new trading agreements are being negotiated, provides that in case of those countries which are not ready to negotiate for EPAs, the EU should examine alternative possibilities, in order to provide these countries with a new framework for trade which is equivalent to their existing situation and in conformity with WTO rules. So far no alternative trading arrangements have been proposed. Although some ACP countries have agreed to negotiate for Economic Partnership Agreements under article XXIV of GAAT, there is no consensus on the interpretation of key provisions of Article XXIV. Under Article XXIV, the parties are required to remove substantially all trade barriers between themselves within reasonable time. The meaning of the phrases 'substantially all' and 'reasonable time‘ has remained controversial with each party giving an interpretation that favours its interests. Lack of consensus on the meaning of these phrases has hindered the conclusion of negotiations for EPAs. In a nutshell, the question of WTO compatibility presents the biggest hurdle to the conclusion of the new trading arrangements between the EU and the ACP group. This paper is an evaluation of the options available to the ACP countries to conclude WTO compatible trading arrangements with the EU. Chapter one of this paper is an introductory chapter which offers an overview of the entire paper. Chapter two sets out in details the historical background of the economic relationship between the EU and the ACP states. This chapter illustrates the historical background from which the new trading agreements have evolved to help the reader understand certain key features of the current economic partnership agreements. Chapter three looks at the GATT/WTO provisions relevant to the establishment of WTO compatible trading arrangements between EU and ACP countries. Particular emphasis is placed on Article XXIV, the Enabling Clause and the WTO waiver. Chapter four is the main chapter in which the paper explores the possibilities of concluding WTO compatible trading agreements under Article XXIV, Enabling clause and the WTO waiver. Chapter five draws the conclusions of this paper.Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2010.
Centre for Human Rights
unrestricted
5
Edwall, Caroline. « The Legalisation of International Labour Standards in Trade Agreements : A Case Study of the Labour Provisions in the EU–Vietnam Free Trade Agreement ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-418536.
Texte intégralRésumé :
International Labour Standards (ILS) has a prominent place in the current debate of globalisation. There has been an increased usage of ILS in different contexts, as references in domestic courts and international courts, as provisions in companies’ code of conducts and as provisions in trade agreements. The purpose of this thesis was to examine the usage of ILS as provisions in trade agreements and whether ILS provisions in trade agreements can lead to increased legal enforceability. The EU–Vietnam Free Trade Agreement was brought up to illustrate how ILS can be used as provisions in a trade agreement. The thesis was conducted by focusing on four different areas, firstly the legal enforcement of ILS within the ILO framework, the ILO Declaration and through International Public Law. Secondly, by examining the linkage between the ILS and trade and the EU’s trade strategy. Thirdly by studying the EU–Vietnam Free Trade Agreement by using three dimensions, obligation, precision and delegation. Lastly, by a discussion of the legal enforcement of ILS through trade agreements. In short, the conclusions of this thesis are that there are several limitations in order to foster compliance with ILS, within the ILO as well as through trade agreements. Especially the lack of a legal body within the ILO and the fact that labour provisions are not subject to the regular dispute mechanism in trade agreements nor subject to the dispute mechanism of World Trade Organisation has been pointed out as problematic. Due to the lack of empirical research on the post ratification effects, de facto and de juro, it is difficult at this initial stage of ‘the experiment of labour provisions in trade agreements’ to draw conclusions. However, the need to foster a universal floor of fundamental labour rights are equally as urgent as it was a hundred years ago when ILO was founded and when the debate on labour provisions and trade was initiated.
6
Hoeffken, Jana Ulrike. « Competition provisions in EU regional trade agreements : consequences for domestic reform in developing countries ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3588/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Political economy research has long argued that regional trade agreements (RTAs) can contribute to domestic reform in developing countries. With the increase in scope and depth of regional trade agreements and the increasingly common practice of including new policy areas like competition policy in RTAs, this argument has gained new traction. However, despite the increased scholarly interest, there is still little knowledge about whether and how provisions in RTAs affect domestic change. This thesis contributes to this line of research by analysing how competition provisions in regional trade agreements between the European Union and Southern countries impact on the development of the Southern competition regimes. By combining different theories and research approaches on how regional trade agreements impact domestic reform, the analytical framework provides a detailed account on the type of change that takes place, the mechanisms through which change occurs, and the different types of actors that participate in this process. The research relies on two case studies: the EU-Morocco Association Agreement on the one hand, and the EU-Cariforum Economic Partnership Agreement on the other. The thesis finds that competition provisions in regional trade agreements were relevant in both cases for the development of competition regimes. However, the findings also suggest that the influence of the competition provisions is contingent on two other factors: the surrounding environment in which the regional trade agreement is embedded, and the presence of domestic actors that are willing to promote reform. The fact that the competition provisions in the EU-Morocco trade agreement were embedded in the European Neighbourhood Policy and, importantly, that a follow-up regional trade agreement with the European Union was envisaged for the future, implied that the EU had a stronger leverage to demand change from the Moroccan government. Moreover, in both Morocco and Cariforum, the interest of governments in advancing competition policy reform was limited. Therefore, domestic actors other than the government played a key role in ensuring that the competition provisions had an impact on the development of the respective competition regimes. In sum, the thesis makes an important theoretical and empirical contribution to the literature. First, it empirically adds to the literature that looks at the consequences of competition provisions in regional trade agreements by making in-depths analyses of two trade agreements. Second, it develops the literature on the impact of regional trade agreements on domestic reform by explaining how competition provisions can have an impact on domestic reform, even in situations when the government is not interested. Finally, it also contributes to the literature by showing the importance of serial trade agreements for domestic reform, an aspect that has previously been overlooked.
7
Herr, Jochen. « Neue EU-Wettbewerbsregeln für Technologietransfer-Vereinbarungen / ». Frankfurt am Main ; New York : Lang, 2006. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=014836152&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
Texte intégral
8
Han, Tianzhu. « Trade in culture under WTO law : case studies of the US, EU and China ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/trade-in-culture-under-wto-lawcase-studies-of-the-us-eu-and-china(a68c6eee-a2a3-43ce-8fbb-a3b45e5a8652).html.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since the inception of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in 1947, traditional trade barriers like tariffs and quotas were no longer at the heart of trade disputes under the multilateral trade framework. The economic interdependence trend has brought a number of social issues to the forefront of the international scene, and the conflict between trade values and social values have soon become the new theme of trade conflicts at the current stage. Hence, international trade rules were urged to address issues other than economic concerns, such as environmental protection, cultural value preservation and human rights. Clashes between trade liberalization and social values are harshly criticized for their alleged negative impacts on issues like equality, freedom, social justice, environment and culture. The World Trade Organization (WTO), as the only multilateral trade regime, is arguably extending its competence in dealing with conflicts other than trade issues. However, the conflicts are made more incomprehensible due to the absence of a clear and reconciled order in both substantive and procedure senses. This research is based on the aforementioned concerns, and focuses on the relationship between trade liberalization and a specific spot among the enormous range of social values: Trade in Culture. Departing from domestic regime, the research is going to critically evaluate domestic state of law and policies under the realm of WTO rules, in order to carry out their interactions with WTO regime. By analyzing to what extent they collide with each other, and the possible alternatives to develop cultural trade, the research considers the development of cultural trade in the way that is more responsive to the real problems of current restraints presented at the domestic level, so that implications to the WTO legal framework can be drawn.
9
Rydén, Linda. « The EU common agricultural policy and its effects on trade ». Thesis, Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-21403.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The common agricultural policy (CAP) is a much discussed policy in the European Union (EU). It allocates great sums to the European agricultural sector every year and has been accused of being trade distorting and outdated. This thesis takes a closer look at what protectionist measures the CAP has used. The policy’s effects on trade will be assessed employing the sugar industry as a reference case. Sugar is heavily protected and is one of the most distorted sectors in agriculture. The CAP effects on trade in the sugar industry for ten countries in and outside the EU from 1991 to 2011 are estimated using a gravity model. This particular type of estimation has, to the author’s knowledge, not been performed for the sugar industry before, which makes the study unique. The results of the empirical testing indicates that trade diversion occurs if one country is a member of the CAP and its trading partner is not. When both trading partners are outside the CAP cooperation, they are estimated to have a higher trade volume. This result indicates that the CAP decreases trade. Current economic theory, in particular the North-South model of trade developed by Krugman (1979), suggests that protectionism of non-competitive sectors should be abolished and funds should instead be directed to innovation and new technology. The CAP is in this sense not adapted to modern economic thought.
10
Villegas, Méndez Sheila, et Lundgren Joanna Rocco. « Entering newly liberalized service markets : opportunities derived from the EU bilateral trade agreements with Mexico and Chile ». Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-1645.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Background: The service sector accounts for more than 60 percent of global output. The EU has signed bilateral trade agreements with several countries and economic blocks in order to achieve reciprocal service liberalizations. The extensive trade agreements recently signed with Mexico and Chile, are expected to pave the way for new opportunities for Swedish service companies looking to entering the Latin-American market.
Purpose: To examine which entry mode will provide service companies with the best competitive advantages when entering the Mexican or Chilean market.
Results: Strong liberalizations have been made in sectors important to Swedish service companies. This will open up new opportunities for the companies when it comes to obtaining a stronger form of control over the foreign establishment. For some sectors sole venture or joint venture could be seen as realistic alternatives, while for others trade barriers still stand in the way for a more far-reaching establishment mode.
11
Nyomakwa-Obimpeh, James. « Explaining the outcomes of negotiations of Economic Partnership Agreements between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific Regional Economic Communities : comparing EU-CARIFORUM and EU-ECOWAS EPAs ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22996.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Commission has been negotiating Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with Regional Economic Communities of African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States since 2002. The outcomes have been mixed. The negotiations with the Caribbean Forum (CARIFORUM) concluded rather more quickly than was initially envisaged, whereas negotiations with West African Economic Community (ECOWAS) and the remaining ACP regions have been dragging on for several years. This research consequently addresses the key question of what accounts for the variations in the EPA negotiation outcomes, making use of a comparative research approach. It evaluates the explanatory power of three research variables in accounting for the variation in the EPA negotiations outcomes – namely, Best Alternative to the Negotiated Agreement (BATNA); negotiation strategies; and the issues linkage approach – which are deduced from negotiation theory. Principally, the study finds that, the outcomes of the EPA negotiations predominantly depended on the presence or otherwise of a “Best Alternative” to the proposed EPA; that is then complemented by the negotiation strategies pursued by the parties, and the joint application of issues linkage mechanism which facilitated a sense of mutual benefit from the agreements.
12
Steiner, Elise. « European Union’s Gender-explicit PROVISIONS IN free-trade agreements and gender equality : An intersectional feminist approach to international law ». Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema Genus, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-177319.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Commission unveiled in February 2021 its updated policy regarding international trade. One of the key pillars of this strategy is the inclusion of gender equality within the EU trade policies. This inclusion is in line with the Gender Equality Strategy for 2020-2025. The latter sets that the Union must promote gender equality and women’s empowerment within its external relationship, notably in its free-trade agreements, which are international agreements aiming at reducing trade barriers and facilitating exchanges. This thesis provides an insight into the gender-explicit provisions that exist within European Union’s free trade agreements since 1958. It uses computational science coupled with text analysis to explore the general context in which they were concluded, but as well explores their wordings and their content. It provides then an analysis of the gender responsiveness of these gender-explicit provisions. Finally, this thesis provides recommendations on how to improve EU free trade agreements’ gender responsiveness.
13
Bodson, Thibaud [Verfasser]. « Economic Globalisation and States’ Regulatory Space : The Protection of Labour Rights in EU Free Trade Agreements / Thibaud Bodson ». Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1226154565/34.
Texte intégral
14
Wahlqvist, Theresa. « Trade agreements with occupying powers : A case study of the EU external action in Western Sahara from a social justice perspective ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444199.
Texte intégralRésumé :
For the past 20 years, the European Union has extended its political cooperation and bilateral trade agreements with Morocco, while not taking a clear stance against the occupation of Western Sahara. Bound by EU law as well as principles of human rights and international law, the institutions of the EU are obligated to respect human rights in the EU external action. This includes the right to self-determination, a customary principle of international law. In two rulings, the Court of Justice of the European Union has concluded that agreements between the EU and Morocco do not apply to Western Sahara. But since then, two new agreements have been concluded whose respective scope include the territory and the waters of Western Sahara. Yet, the people of Western Sahara are not party to any of the agreements which authorises the exploitation of its natural resources. Drawing upon this context, this thesis examines the human rights aspect of the EU’s international agreements using a set of different research methods. The research question, if and how the EU’s external action affecting Western Sahara complies with EU law, is answered through a doctrinal analysis of the human rights clause of three separate agreements between the EU and Morocco, and the relevant case law of the Court. The conclusions are discussed in a following extrajudicial assessment based on Nancy Fraser’s critical theory of social justice. The thesis finds that the EU external action as manifested in the three agreements with Morocco, by including the territory of Western Sahara, does not comply with EU law. Further, the analysis discovers that the lack of coherence between the institutions creates a fragmented external policy, whose legal basis and objectives in regard to respect for human rights is not reflected in its implementation. The discussion discovers that the EU fails to recognise the people in Western Sahara as equal subjects of social justice by upholding an unjust political frame. This framing maintains the status quo and obstructs the people’s claims for redistribution, recognition and political representation. The thesis therefore concludes that the EU should change its policy regarding Western Sahara, and align with the guiding principles for the external action stated in the treaties (Article 21 TEU). The thesis suggests that the EU adopts a comprehensive critical democratic and inclusive approach, in order to improve its institutional framework for how international agreements are negotiated, implemented and monitored in occupied territories.
15
Chaparro, Jorge Armando. « Sectoral and regional allocation of foreign direct investment in Mexico : The impact of NAFTA and EU-MEXICO Free Trade Agreements ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-161871.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis analyze the economic development and FDI prospects in the context of the Free Trade Agreements that Mexico has signed in the context of NAFTA with the United States and Canada, as well as EU-MEXICO FTA with the European Union. The analysis will be focused around the regional allocation of FDI, the analysis of the main industrial sectors where FDI lands and on the most active foreign investors in the country. However, a new series of reforms and measures to advance liberalization have triggered the interest of other countries to invest in Mexico; Most notably, from Europe. These new FDI inflows are being allocated in different regions and shifting away from manufacturing industries into the service sectors and on to new investment opportunities in strategic industries.
16
MARCO, COLINO Sandra. « Towards a sound economic analysis in EC competition law ? : the new regulatory framework for motor vehicle distribution agreements in the EU ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7020.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 21 May 2007Examining Board: Prof. Christian Joerges, (EUI) ; Prof. Heike Schweitzer, (EUI) ; Prof. Barry Rodger, (University of Strathclyde) ; Prof. Luis Ortiz Blanco (Universidad Rey Juan Carlos)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available
17
Celegon, Beatrice <1995>. « Argentina case of study : economic policy measures , international trade agreements with EU and the role of international institutions during economic crisis ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/18401.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In questo elaborato verranno analizzati gli eventi della storia politica ed economica dell'Argentina, un paese che fino a pochi anni fa era indicato da molti come l'esempio da seguire in termini di liberalizzazione dell'economia, privatizzazioni, consolidamento fiscale e sistema monetario. L'enfasi sarà posta in particolare sulle scelte di politica economica fatte dai governi che si sono susseguiti in Argentina negli ultimi trent’anni e la gestione della situazione sorta alla fine degli anni novanta. Verrà data importanza al ruolo assunto dal Fondo monetario internazionale nel tentativo di risolvere la crisi. Nel primo capitolo è quindi opportuno ripercorrere le tappe più importanti della storia economica argentina, caratterizzate dall'alternanza di periodi di democrazia molto fragile e anni di dittatura militare. Inoltre si discuterà del ruolo delle istituzioni internazionali come la Banca mondiale e il Fondo monetario internazionale e le scelte fatte in merito alla crisi argentina. Un altro importante studio verrà fatto verso le varie strategie economiche utilizzate in America Latina, in particolare la strategia ISI (Industrializzazione per sostituzione delle importazioni) ,la differenza con la seguente strategia EOI (industrializzazione Export-oriented) , il passaggio da ISI a EOI e un confronto tra la crisi in America Latina e il miracolo economico asiatico in particolare avvenuto in Cina. Un altro aspetto da analizzare sarà il default .L’Argentina ha subito circa 250 default sul debito estero e 70 sul debito interno dal 1800, più frequenti dopo la seconda guerra mondiale. Nel secondo capitolo della mia tesi mi concentrerò su due aspetti importanti che hanno avuto un ruolo significativo durante la crisi economica argentina: il ruolo delle istituzioni internazionali come il fondo monetario internazionale e la Banca mondiale e come seconda parte il ruolo del governo durante gli anni. La seconda parte è dedicata al governo argentino e alla mancanza di capacità delle classi dirigenti di creare una strategia economica politica di lungo periodo. Analizzando come l'Argentina sia riuscita a finire nuovamente a un passo dal fallimento. L’economia è stato il fattore principale per cui Mauricio Macri ha perso le elezioni e sarà anche il tema più difficile sull’agenda del nuovo governo di Alberto Fernández. Da una parte gli argentini hanno votato per un cambiamento, proprio perché per molti di loro la situazione economica è peggiorata in questi ultimi anni a causa della prolungata recessione, dell’aumento della povertà e dell’inflazione. L'Argentina è ora schiacciata tra un elevato peso del debito estero, cresciuto ulteriormente a seguito del forte deprezzamento del pesos da metà agosto, e condizioni sociali precarie. La principale sfida del nuovo governo è quella di trovare compatibilità tra la sostenibilità economica del debito pubblico e la sostenibilità sociale del percorso di risanamento.
Nel terzo e ultimo capitolo saranno discussi l'accordo di libero scambio tra Unione europea e Mercosur. L’Unione europea e il Mercosur hanno raggiunto il 28 giugno 2019 un accordo politico per un accordo commerciale ambizioso, equilibrato e globale. Il nuovo quadro commerciale, parte di un più ampio accordo di associazione tra le due regioni, consoliderà un partenariato politico ed economico strategico e creerà opportunità significative per una crescita sostenibile da entrambe le parti, nel rispetto dell'ambiente e preservando gli interessi dei consumatori dell'UE e dei settori economici sensibili. Innanzi tutto, il capitolo spiega il Mercosur e l'Unione europea come singoli attori; cosa sono e come sono nati.Questo capitolo costituisce una valutazione delle implicazioni positive e negative che l'accordo commerciale avrebbe per ciascuna regione.
18
Svoboda, Štěpán. « Rozvojové aspekty liberalizace obchodu na příkladu vývoje vztahů EU se zeměmi AKT ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-16312.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis deals with the trade liberalization among unequally developed partners and its development issues. At global level it refers to WTO development agenda, however, at regional level it focuses on north-south trade agreements, particularly on EU-ACP relations. The aim of the thesis is to analyze these relations and the way and scope of how they have contributed to economic growth and welfare of ACP states considering both static and dynamic effects. It also evaluates opportunities and threads of Economic Partnership Agreements.
19
Nam, Heesob. « Human rights approach in global intellectual property regime : with case studies on the US-Korea FTA and the EU-Korea FTA ». Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2018. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/36226.
Texte intégralRésumé :
From its emergence to its expansion, intellectual property (IP) has not been isolated from trade. However, in the late 1970s, business interests in the United States (US) exerted powerful pressure, leading to IP norms becoming increasingly trade-centric. Hypothesis of this thesis is that such trade-centric IP norms, encouraged and formed by the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), and subsequent TRIPS-plus rules pursued by the two most active actors, the US and the European Union (EU), fail to achieve the intended purposes of IP protection. This normalization of tradecentric regulation also creates conflict with a range of economic, social and cultural values that have significant human rights implications. The goal of this thesis is to: (a) critically examine this predominance of trade in contemporary IP norms; and (b) provide a counter framework for IP policy reform. It seeks to do this by juxtaposing the theoretical and empirical aspects of IP norms against human rights. This study will pursue to prove the hypothesis by conducting case studies on two free trade agreements (FTAs) enacted by South Korea with the US and the EU. The thesis concludes that, on the whole, the context of human rights provides a just counter framework that can unify the diverse range of issues. This is more so given that human rights are strengthened by international consensual norms institutionalised by intergovernmental organisations and supported by transnational advocacy networks. Nevertheless, this thesis advocates that an overemphasis on state and individuals in the human rights discourse needs to be challenged by taking into account the dominance of global economic regulations, the prevailing role of non-state actors, and the culturally relative nature of IP.
20
Totkovičová, Lucia. « Špecifiká ekonomík Karibiku v kontexte Ekonomických partnerských dohôd a vzťahy s EU ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-162212.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Diploma thesis deals with the relations between the European Union and the Caribbean, principally with agreements forming their legal and institutional framework. It is theoretically based on the official rules of international trade agreed by the members of the World Trade Organization and on the Articles GATT and GATS. The first part gives information about the Caribbean region, its position in the world economy and about regional intergration, which is the corner-stone of Caribbean's external relations. The second chapter comprises analysis of the specifics of Caribbean countries that form their interests in the international field. Relations with the European Union, agreements that deal with them and specific treatment of developing countries are the subjects of chapter three. The thesis focuses on the Economic Partnership Agreement between the EU and CARIFORUM. Emphasis is on the basic provisions of this agreement on trade, compliance with WTO rules, impact on the Caribbean economies as well as the criticism and evaluation of its benefits. Attention is given to the development aspect of EPA. Last but not least, the thesis refers to the future cooperation under the provisions of this regional agreement.
21
Karlsson, Helena. « A spaghetti bowl of preferences ? : om preferentiella handelsavtals påverkan på WTO ». Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1664.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of this thesis is to clarify the affect that preferential and regional trade agreements have on the World Trade Organization (WTO), as being establisher of the international trading regime. The essay is an explanatory literature study, which strives to answer the following questions:
Are regional and preferential trade agreements a threat or a complement to the WTO?
Is an undermining of the MFN principle weakening the WTO?
How do regional trade agreements made by the EU affect the future of the WTO?
The empirical material is to be analyzed using an explanatory framework, which is based on neo-liberal instutionalism, theories on regime changes and a game theoretical approach, using prisoner’s dilemma. I will employ the EU-ACP relation, the Cotonou agreement to exemplify how an agreement of this kind can have an influence on multilateral trade. The result shows that preferential agreements do have an impact on the WTO, one that is fairly negative in scope. Preferential trade agreements do pose a threat to the WTO, in its current structure and may be harmful to the international trading regime. It is partly because the MFN is widely discouraged that PTAs are stumbling stones to the organization. By signing agreement that do not comply with WTO regulations and considering its role in international trade, EU does affect the future of the WTO.
22
Emelie, Källqvist. « Användandet av mänskliga rättigheter i EU:s frihandelsavtal : En fallstudie av Mexiko, Marocko och Peru ». Thesis, Enskilda Högskolan Stockholm, Högskolan för mänskliga rättigheter, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:ths:diva-1081.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since the 1990s, EU has used human rights clauses as conditions in their trade agreements. In this thesis I will examine how these clauses has been utilized in agreements with Mexico, Morocco and Peru, how they differ from each other and furthermore study the effects that these may have had on the human rights situation in the countries. For the first part of my thesis I compared the content and the terms of clauses with each other, and the result was that they were quite similar but some important differences. In Mexico's agreement, there was an article which stipulated what cooperation on human rights should look like. In Peru's agreement, there was a section on labor rights. But besides that, it was the Universal declaration of human rights that all the clauses were based on. The second part of the thesis is to understand the impact that these agreements may have had on the different countries. The study showed that some improvements have been made, but they have been slow. From the material it could be deduced that there have been more improvements in Peru and Morocco than in Mexico. In the final step of my study, I wanted to link the results to a Press Freedom Index from Reporters Without Borders. This was to get a final indicator on the human rights situation. From the index it’s clear that the situation has not improved in Mexico, while it seems to have stagnated in Morocco and Peru.
23
Laurence, Marquis. « The Role of the European Union in the Systemic Reform of Investor-State Dispute Settlement in International and Regional Trade Agreements : The impact of the ISDS Reform on the Independence and Impartiality of Arbitrators ». Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/11385/222718.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Navigating the complex frameworks of ISDS Reform. The historical framework: the backlash against investor-state dispute Settlement. The methodological and conceptual frameworks. The European legal framework for ISDS Reform. The ISDS and EU Reform frameworks on independence and impartiality of adjudicators. The impact of the ISDS and the ICS frameworks on the independence and impartiality of adjudicators. Assessing the conformity of the reforms proposals of working group III with the rule of law. Conclusion : in favor of a pro-ISDS Reform.
24
Macheru, Maryanne Wambui. « East African community-European Union economic partnership agreement, to be or not to be ? Will conomic partnership agreement undermine or accelerate trade development within the East African community ». Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_4327_1363780584.
Texte intégral
25
Nesheiwat, Ferris K. « The compliance with intellectual property laws and their enforcement in Jordan : a post-WTO review & ; analysis ». Thesis, Durham University, 2012. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3639/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the implementation, enforcement and evolution of IP laws and regulations in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. The period of interest includes the last decade of the twentieth century and the first decade of the twenty first century, with emphasis on the role played by Free Trade Agreements struck between Jordan and the United States, the European Union, and Jordan’s accession to the World Trade Organization. This thesis also examines the enforcement of the current set of IP laws in Jordan, and looks at their social and economic compatibility with the Jordanian societal norms and economic realities. This thesis argues that Jordanian IP laws lack a meaningful social and economic texture, and have failed to be evenly enforced in Jordan, essentially because they do not fit the Jordanian culture and are not compatible with Jordan’s economic stage of development. Additionally, the thesis argues that IP laws have had insignificant economic impact on the Jordanian economy as the majority of technologies used in Jordan, and the majority of foreign direct investments attracted to Jordan, are not IP related. Finally, the thesis argues that the current Jordanian enforcement model, which is built on coercion by donor countries, is serving the interests of foreign companies to the exclusion of the local citizens, and will not, in the long run, produce an enforcement model based on self-regulation by Jordanians, themselves. The laws, therefore, are unable to produce tangible results for the Jordanian people, or help meet their economic interests. The last part of the thesis deals with recommendations and suggestions aimed at creating an integrated approach to the adoption of IP policies.
26
Andersson, Jesper, et Linn Sundqvist. « The effects of the EU-Mexico Free Trade Agreement on trade flows ». Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-37556.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This bachelor thesis examines the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between Mexico and the countries that resembles the European Union(EU) prior to the expansion in 2004, hereafter(EU15). The purpose is to analyze the effects of the FTA between the trading parties and investigate whether the FTA has resulted in positive effects on export volumes. The model includes 16 countries and is estimated with panel data between the years 1997-2016. We apply a gravity model as econometric framework and perform two regressions, one with fixed effects and one with random effects. Our results suggest that export volumes from Mexico to the EU on an aggregated level have increased for Mexico and the EU has increased. However, in contrast to previous estimates, our results show that the FTA have generated negative effects on trade creation between the trading parties.
27
Bertelsmann-Scott, Talitha. « The SA-EU trade, development and co-operation agreement : democratising South Africa's trade policy ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52573.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the democratisation of South Africa's foreign trade policy, by evaluating the negotiations surrounding the establishment of a free trade area between South Africa and the European Union (EU). Democracy here is defined as a form of government that rests on three components namely, public participation in and public debate over policy formulation and a governing elite that is responsive to the needs of the majority of the population. The thesis firstly outlines the process of negotiation itself, looking at the developments that shaped the years of talks. It examines the nature of the final agreement, called the Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA). It focuses on the Co-operation Agreements that were concluded, South Africa's partial accession to the Lomé Convention and the details of the free trade agreement. It finds that although the negotiations took very long to complete and the EU proved to be a tough negotiator, there are a number of opportunities for South Africans in the TDCA. In the second section the internal process in developing a South African negotiating mandate is examined. This is done to conclude whether or not South Africa's foreign trade policy is being formulated in a democratic manner. However, first of all the question why the democratisation of foreign trade policy formulation is important is addressed. Two possible theories are advanced. Firstly, globalisation has forced countries to lure foreign direct investment (FDI) as a matter of urgency. Seeing as FDI is mostly tied up with western nations that prefer democracies, states are opting to democratise. The focus is to a large extent on satisfying international actors. Or alternatively, the very survival of the nascent democracy today depends on the consultative nature of domestic economic and international economic policy formulation. This is not a question of choice with an external focus, but rather a matter of urgency with purely an internal focus. Four actors in foreign policy formulation, namely parliament, government, the bureaucracy and civil society, are examined in order to understand whether they had access to the process and whether these institutions themselves have been democratised since 1994. The thesis finds that the process was to a large extent democratic in nature. However, the thesis also finds that no matter how democratic policy formulation is in South Africa, the options for policy are limited by a number of international elements. These include globalisation, regional trading blocs like the European Union, and international organisations like the World Trade Organisation.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis evalueer die demokratisering van Suid-Afrika se buitelandse handelsbeleid deur die onderhandelingsproses tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en Suid-Afrika rakende die sluiting van 'n vryhandelsooreenkoms te ontleed. Demokrasie word in die tesis definieer as 'n tipe regering wat rus op drie komponente, naamlik deelname in en debat oor beleidsformulering en 'n regerende elite wat die behoeftes van die meerderheid van die burgers in ag neem in beleidsformulering. Eerstens omskryf die tesis die gebeure wat die onderhandelingsproses beïnvloed het. Die finale ooreenkoms word oorweeg teen die agtergrond van die samewerkingsooreenkomste wat tussen die partye gesluit is, Suid-Afrika se gedeeltelike deelname aan die Lomé Konfensie en die vryhandelsooreenkoms. Die gevolgtrekking word bereik dat ten spyte van die feit dat die onderhandelings oor 'n hele aantal jare gestek het, en alhoewel die EU 'n uitgeslape onderhandelaar was, die orreenkoms talle geleenthede vir Suid-Afrikaners skep. In die tweede instansie word die interne proses wat tot Suid-Afrika se onderhandelingsmandaat gelei het, ondersoek. Dit is gedoen om vas te stel of die beleid op 'n demokratiese manier geformuleer is. Daar word egter eers bepaal waarom die demokratisering van buitelandse handelsbeleid belangrik is. Twee moontlike teorie word geformuleer. Die eerste stel dit dat globalisering lande forseer om direkte buitelandse beleggings aan te lok. Siende dat buitelandse beleggings van westerlike state afkomstig is, wat verkies om met demokratiese state sake te doen, word ontwikkelende lande as te ware geforseer om veral hulle buitelandse beleidsformulering te demokratiseer. In die alternatief kan dit betoog word dat die voortbestaan van die demokrasie self afhang van 'n ekonomiese beleidsformulering wat beide binnelandse en internasionale prosesse insluit. Dit is nie 'n kwessie van keuse met 'n eksterne fokus nie, maar 'n noodsaaklikheid met 'n interne fokus. Vier groeperinge wat buitelandse beleidsformulering beïnvloed word ondersoek, naamlik die Parlament, the regering, die burokrasie en die burgerlike samelewing, om vas te stelof hierdie instansies toegang tot die proses gehad het en of hierdie instansies self sedert 1994 gedemokratiseer is. Die tesis kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat al is die formulering van buitelandse beleid hoé demokraties, word die moontlikehede vir beleidsformulering beperk deur globalisering, streeksorganisasies soos die EU, en internasionale organisasies soos the Wêreld Handelsorganisasie. Vir Chris, Gitti, Thomas en my ouers, sonder wie hierdie nooit klaar sou gekom het nie. Baie dankie ook aan Prof Philip Nel vir sy hulp, leiding en ondersteuning.
28
Corbett, Johannes Kruger. « The EU-SA free trade agreement : implications for selected agricultural products ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51976.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MBA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) creates competitive challenges and opportunities, labour and capital will seek the highest returns, dri ving out less efficient performances while bolstering more efficient enterprises and industries. This dynamic process of adjustments will continue throughout the implementation of this agreement. The South African government sees the agreement with the European Union as a step towards restructuring the country's economy and making it part of the rapidly changing world economy. This policy view of the South African government will result in those sectors of the economy that are not internationally competitive, receiving no support from government. Consequently these sectors will decrease in time. Of the three agricultural profiles studied, fresh fruit (deciduous fruit) will benefit the most from the TDCA. The most obvious effect the agreement will have on the sector is the saving on customs duties payable on exports to the EU. An estimate on 1997 trade figures revealed that in the short term the deciduous fruit industry will save approximately RI00 million. Over the implementation period of 10 years, the industry will save about Rl billion. After that, savings amounting to approximately R125 million per annum should be possible. The canned fruit sector is an export-driven industry that exports about 90 per cent of its products, 50 per cent of which is exported to the EU. The export tariffs to the EU are very high. As non-EU member, South Africa is the biggest provider of canned fruit to the EU. Some analyses revealed that the total savings in tariffs for the first year of implementation will be R25 million. The industry stands to save approximately R100 million over the implementation period. At the EU's request, South Africa agreed to negotiate a separate Wine and Spirits Agreement. The EU believes that South Africa's continued use of certain "geographical indications" or terms is in breach of Article 23 of the Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs) agreement. The quotas granted by the EU on wine and sparkling wine cover 79 per cent of South African exports to the EU. South Africa granted the EU a 0.26 million litre quota for sparkling wine and a 1 million-litre quota for bottled wine. SA will phase out the use of the terms "port", "sherry", "grappa", ouzo", "korn" , "jagertee" and "pacharan" over agreed time periods. The issue will be taken to the WTO for a ruling in this regard. The EU has agreed to grant SA a duty-free tariff quota for wine but has suspended the tariff quota until the Wine and Spirits agreement has been signed. The EU will also provide financial assistance of 15 million ECU to help restructure the SA wine and spirits sector. The South African agricultural industry should take note of the constantly changing international marketing environment. The Free Trade Agreement (FTA) signed with the European Union opens up new markets and enhances existing ones that must be exploited. It is imperative that every role player should evaluate the level of competitiveness of his or her enterprise. Thus the message is very clear: Agricultural production with an international trading view is the only sustainable road to follow.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Soos die Handel, Ontwikkelings en Samewerkingsooreenkoms kompeterende geleenthede en uitdagings skep, sal arbeid en kapitaal verskuif na die hoogste opbrengste beskikbaar. In hierdie proses sal daar wegbeweeg word van onvoldoende prestasies en sal effektiewe ondememings en industriee floreer. Hierdie dinarniese proses van herstruktuering sal voortduur regdeur die implementeringsperiode van hierdie handelsooreenkoms. Die Suid Afrikaanse regering beskou die ooreenkoms met die Europese Unie as 'n belangrike stap in die proses om die land se ekonomie te herstrukltureer en so deel te maak van die vinnig veranderende wereld ekonomie. Hierdie regerings beleid sal daartoe lei dat sektore wat nie intemasionaal mededingend is nie, geen ondersteuning vanaf die regering sal ontvang nie. Met tyd sal hierdie sektore verdwyn. Van die drie landbousektore wat bestudeer is, sal vars vrugte (sagte vrugte) die meeste voordeel trek uit die ooreenkoms. Die besparing van aksynsbelasting op die uitvoere na die Europese Unie is die mees kenmerkendste voordeel vir die sektor. 'n Beraming gebaseer op 1997 handels syfers toon 'n jaarlikse besparing van plus minus R100 miljoen. Deur die hele implementeringsperiode, sal die besparing plus minus Rl biljoen beloop. Na afloop van die implementeringsperiode, sal jaarlikse besparing van plus minus R125 miljoen moontlik wees. Die inmaak vrugte sektor is 'n uitvoer gedrewe industrie wat gemiddeld 90 persent van hul prod uk uitvoer. Van hierdie uitvoere is 50 persent bestem vir die Europese Unie. Die uitvoertariewe na die Europese Unie is baie hoog. As nie-lidland, is Suid Afrika die grootste verskaffer van geblikte vrugte aan die Europese Unie. Beramings voorsien dat die sektor 'n totale besparing vir die eerste jaar van implemetering van plus minus R25 miljoen kan beloop. Die industrie kan soveel as R100 rniljoen oor die implementeringsperiode bespaar. Op die Europese Unie se versoek, het Suid Afrika ingestem om 'n afsonderlike Wyn en Spiritualie ooreenkoms te onderhandel. Die Europese Unie beweer dat Suid Afrika se gebruik van sekere "geografiese aanduidings" of terme, In verbreking is van Artikel 23 van die Handelsverwante Aspekte van die Intellektuele Eiendomsregte Ooreenkoms. Wyn en vonkelwyn kwotas wat deur die Europese Unie aan Suid Afrika toegestaan is, beloop 79 persent van die uitvoere na die Europese Unie. Suid Afrika het die Europese Unie In kwota van 0.26 miljoen liter vir vonkelwyn en 1 miljoen kwota vir gebottelde wyn toegestaan. Voorts sal Suid Afrika die terme "port", "sherry", "grappa", "ouzo", "kom" , "jagertee" and "pacharan" met die ooreengekome peri odes uitfaseer. Die aspek sal egter na die WHO geneem word vir In finale beslissing. Die Europese Unie het ooreengekom om aan Suid Afrika In tarief vrye kwota vir wyn toe te staan, maar het dit opgehef tot tyd en wyl die Wyn en Spiritualie ooreenkoms onderteken is. Die Europese Unie sal ook finansiele ondersteuning van 15 miljoen ECU skenk om die Suid Afrikaanse Wyn en Spiritualiee industrie te help hestruktureer. Suid Afrikaanse Landbou sal notisie moet neem van die konstante verandering in die intemasionale bemarkingsomgewing. Die Vrye Handelsooreenkoms wat geteken is met die Europese Unie, open nuwe markte en sal bestaande markte bevorder. Hierdie geleenthede moet benut word. Dit is baie belangrik dat elke rolspeler sy vlak van kompeterende vermoe moet evalueer, om so sy eie siening oor die ooreenkoms te kan uitspreek. Hieruit is die boodskap dus baie duidelik: Landbou produksie met In intemasionale handels uitkyk, is die enigste volhoubare pad om te volg.
29
Schiavoni, Silvia <1995>. « Towards a new generation trade agreement : the modernization of the EU-Mexico Global Agreement, 2000-2020 ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/19052.
Texte intégralRésumé :
L'evoluzione del panorama geopolitico ed economico ha portato l'UE ad avvicinarsi all'America Latina come potenziale partner, facendo convergere le sue aspirazioni verso il Messico. Quest’ultimo è stato infatti il primo paese dell'America Latina a concludere un accordo con l'UE nel 1997, firmando l'Accordo di partenariato economico, coordinamento politico e cooperazione, noto come Accordo globale, considerato, al momento della sua entrata in vigore nel 2000, uno dei più ampi accordi di relazioni commerciali che l'UE abbia mai concluso. Questa tesi si concentrerà sul percorso intrapreso sia dall'Unione Europea che dal Messico verso la modernizzazione dell'Accordo Globale, studiando le ragioni della decisione di ampliarne la portata e le possibili ripercussioni su entrambe le parti, nonché sulle relazioni globali dell'UE con gli altri Paesi dell'America Latina. Il primo capitolo riguarderà l'evoluzione della politica commerciale comune dell'UE e il suo collegamento con il processo di integrazione europea e i cambiamenti del contesto internazionale nell'ambito dell'OMC, ed in particolare le grandi potenze commerciali come gli Stati Uniti e la regione Asia-Pacifico. Studieremo i quattro diversi tipi e "generazioni" di accordi negoziati dall'UE e dai suoi partner a partire dall'area di libero scambio con i paesi dell'EFTA fino ai trattati di nuova generazione. Il secondo capitolo si concentrerà invece sulle relazioni commerciali dell'UE con il Messico, partendo dalla storia generale delle relazioni commerciali del Messico con i partner strategici, come gli Stati Uniti e il Canada prima, e l'UE dopo, fino alla conclusione dell'Accordo globale Messico-UE nel 1997 e del suo pilastro commerciale nel 2000. Infine, il terzo e ultimo capitolo sarà dedicato alla modernizzazione dell'accordo, con uno sguardo alla valutazione ex-post dell’accordo del 2000 e ai fattori che hanno portato alla decisione della necessità di rinnovarlo. Ne esamineremo gli aspetti "rivoluzionari", e come questi possano contribuire a plasmare le relazioni UE-Messico in futuro, oltre a costituire un modello per i futuri accordi nella regione latinoamericana.
30
Robinson, Shirley Margaret Alice. « An EU-South African free trade agreement : how will South Africa benefit ? » Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/16114.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Bibliography: pages 93-99.This paper will attempt to answer the over-arching question: Will South Africa benefit from a free trade agreement with the EU? It will not attempt thorough empirical analysis of this question. Instead, it will offer theoretical insight to certain of the policy questions raised about the proposed EU-South Africa FTA. The relevant body of theoretical literature is one which will facilitate an economic assessment of the impact of the proposed EU-South Africa FTA by considering short-term benefits and losses, in addition to longer term dynamic gains, of trading agreements between two countries. Regional integration, appropriately modified, can deliver this body of theory. That is, it does raise the key issues in assessing the necessary costs and benefits of further integration on both trading partners.
31
Farinati, Anna <1994>. « Globalisation and Regionalism in International Trade. The EU-Canada Agreement Case Study ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/15215.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Il fine della tesi è quello di analizzare il fenomeno della globalizzazione e del regionalismo nell’ambito del commercio internazionale. La tesi si apre fornendo una panoramica delle caratteristiche del commercio internazionale e delle principali istituzioni legate al commercio globale. In un secondo momento, viene approfondito lo studio del regionalismo e vengono analizzati i sempre più frequenti accordi commerciali regionali. Da ultimo viene proposto un paragone tra le partnership più recenti dell’Unione Europea e l’accordo tra Unione Europea e Canada. Viene data particolare attenzione al commercio delle soft commodities: in che modo l’accordo del CETA regola questo aspetto? Quali sono le differenze tra il CETA e le altre partnership?
32
Gabrielsson-Kjäll, Frida, et Maria Ädel. « The Impact of the EU GSP Agreement on the Andean Countries' Trade Flows ». Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Economics, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-12342.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the impact of the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) agreement on the export from the Andean Community (AC) to the European Union (EU) between the years 1995 to 2000. The GSP agreement enables developing countries to face lower- or no tariffs when exporting to developed countries. According to Ricardian theory, Heckscher-Ohlin theory, and New Trade theory decreased trade barriers tend to have a positive effect on trade. When analyzing the trade flow between these countries using the gravity model the outcome is found to be consistent with the theories i.e the results show that the GSP agreement implemented in 1995 has had a positive impact on trade.
33
Kyrylenko, Anastasiia. « L’exportation des normes de propriété intellectuelle par l’UE vers les pays voisins de l’Europe de l’Est ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Strasbourg, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022STRAA008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Dans cette thèse, j'ai abordé les dispositions d'application des droits de propriété intellectuelle de trois accords d'association (AA), que l'Union européenne (UE) a conclus avec la Géorgie, la Moldavie et l'Ukraine au début des années 2010. J'ai puisé dans ces AA en tant que représentants de la politique extérieure souvent critiquée de l'UE en matière de propriété intellectuelle (PI), lancée en 2004, qui consiste à exporter les règles internes de l'UE en matière de propriété intellectuelle par le biais d'accords commerciaux. Cette analyse m'a permis d'aborder la question fondamentale de cette thèse : y a-t-il quelque chose de bon dans les accords commerciaux de l'UE ? La réponse claire, appuyée par cette thèse sur l'exemple des AA, est « oui ». L'enquête générale, qui a conduit à ces conclusions, était triple. Premièrement, j'ai analysé la politique générale de l'UE envers la Géorgie, la Moldavie et l'Ukraine concernant l'application des droits de propriété intellectuelle, ainsi que sa perception dans la littérature académique. Deuxièmement, après avoir retracé les critiques académiques existantes sur les accords commerciaux de l'UE, j'ai examiné si ces critiques étaient justifiées, telles qu'appliquées aux trois AA. Troisièmement, sur la base de cette analyse, j'ai identifié des problèmes supplémentaires auxquels les pays tiers pourraient être confrontés lors de la mise en oeuvre d'un accord commercial avec l'UEIn this thesis, I have addressed the IPR enforcement provisions of three Association Agreements (AAs), which the European Union (EU) concluded with Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine in the early 2010s. I drew on these AAs as representatives of the EU's often criticized external intellectual property (IP) policy, launched in 2004, which consists of exporting the EU's internal IP rules through trade agreements. Said analysis allowed me to approach the fundamental question of this thesis: is there something good with the EU trade agreements? The plain answer, supported by this thesis on the example of the AAs, is “yes”. The general investigation, which led to these conclusions, was threefold. First, I analyzed the general policy of the EU towards Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine regarding the enforcement of IPRs, as well as its perception in the academic literature. Second, after tracing existing academic criticism of the EU's trade agreements, I examined whether such criticism was justified, as applied to the three AAs. Third, based on this analysis, I identified additional problems that third countries might face when implementing a trade agreement with the EU
34
Burger, Pieter Francois Theron. « The trade and development agreement between SA and the EU : implications for SACU ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52029.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.The Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) will create competitive challenges, threats and opportunities, driving out less efficient performers while bolstering more efficient enterprises and industries. This is in line with the general principles of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) which promotes the reduction of trade barriers in order to liberate trade on a global basis. This dynamic process of adjustments will continue throughout the implementation of the European Union - South Africa Free Trade Agreement ( EU-SA FTA) which is the main component of the TDCA. The European Union (EU) has historically been Southern Africa's most important trading partner. The main reason why South Africa entered into a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the EU was to enhance exports to South Africa's largest export market, attract higher levels of investment from the EU, and gradually expose the South African industry to competition to ensure that it is restructured to become globally competitive. Since 1910 South Africa has been part of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), which also comprises Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland (BlNS). The EU-SA FTA will accordingly impact on trade relations between South Africa, the EU and the BLNS countries. Not only will SACU face increased competition from cheaper EU imports, but BLNS countries will also face reduced income from the common revenue pool. South Africa will have to remove a higher level of tariffs from a greater volume of imports than is the case for the EU. For the BLNS, the relative adjustment effort is even greater. The BLNS will have to adjust to the elimination of tariffs on 30% of goods currently imported from the EU, while the TDCA will bring about no improvement in their current terms of access to the EU market. The BLNS products currently exported to the EU which are most likely to be affected by the EU-SA FTA are: clothing (Lesotho), preserved fish and flowers (Namibia), and grapefruit, processed pineapples, corned fruit and grapes (Swaziland). These products are under threat from South African products which can, as a result of the FTA, be exported to the EU at reduced tariffs. BLNS products which could be affected as a result of cheaper EU imports are: grain (Botswana, Namibia and Lesotho), chicken production (Swaziland), sugar (Swaziland), beef (Namibia and Botswana), and the small wheat-farming sector in Namibia and Botswana. The EU-SA FTA is further likely to have a substantial impact on South Africa's exports to the EU. The total increase in exports as a result of the FTA is estimated between 1.3% and 1.4% of the 1996 value of South Africa's exports to the EU. The main drive will come from industrial products which are less protected than agricultural products. The South African government, further, concluded that the negative effects of the direct costs to SACU would be outweighed, in the long term, by the dynamic and geopolitical benefits of an FTA with the EU. The signal that the South African government has given with signing the TDCA with the EU indicates that the Southern African economy should restructure itself to become internationally competitive. This is the only way to survive in a global trade arena which is under WTO principles becoming increasïngly more liberated.
35
Hallström, Emilia. « Indigenous Interests in Interantional Trade Goverance : A case study of the APIB and the EU-Mercosur Trade Agreement ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-44263.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis addresses indigenous groups agency in trade governance to enhance their ability to affect international decision-making that benefits their capability to sustainable development. It conducts a case study of Articulation of Indigenous People Brazil (APIB) in the EU-Mercosur Agreement and utilizes Eimers (2020) theory of subaltern social movement theory to establish: what strategies the APIB have used in the decision-making processes of the “Mercosur Agreement? This theory allows consideration of indigenous agency and the effect of post-colonial structures on their capability to keep control over their realties. To collect data on this topic the author uses qualitative semi-structured interviews and qualitative thematic text analysis. The thesis finds that framing strategies of claims enabled alliance-building in Brazil and Transnational Advocacy Coalitions, which used international norms to enhance indigenous interests. However, has post-colonial structures hindered APIB´s ability to enhance interest in Brazil and silenced indigenous interests in governmental representation in the making of the EU-Mercosur.
36
Staak, Sam van der. « Trade liberalisation and financial compensation : the BLNS states in the wake of the EU-South African trade and development agreement / ». Leiden : African Studies Centre, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1887/12891.
Texte intégral
37
Chornyi, Dmytro. « Trade and Investment Perspectives between European Union and Ukraine ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-16834.
Texte intégralRésumé :
EU-Ukraine trade relations are important for both parties: for the EU it is a new market with huge land and labor potential, for Ukraine it is a short-term perspective to modernize it's economy. For now the trade and investment relations are not developed as they can be, in this work we analyze the current trade and investment flows between EU and Ukraine, determine the key partners and industries. In order to bring the relations to the new level, we analyze the possible impact of Free Trade Agreement on the both sides in general and more specifically regarding key industries. The result is the recommendation to continue EU-Ukraine integration, especially in terms of economical cooperation.
38
Van, Wyk J. T. (Jacobus Tertius). « The EU-SA wine and spirits agreement : implications for South Africa ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53111.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the negotiating stages of the TOCA, the EU and South Africa could not reach an agreement on the use of certain EU geographical indications related to wine products. The geographical indication issue threatened the signing of the entire TOCA. At the request of the EU, South Africa agreed to negotiate a separate Wine and Spirits Agreement, in order to finalise the TOCA. The EU-SA Wine and Spirits Agreement was eventually negotiated and came into effect on 1 January 2002. The initial issue relating to the geographical indications remained controversial throughout the negotiations and matters were made worst when the initial contentious denominations of Port and Sherry were expanded by the EU to include Grappa, Ouzo, Korn, Kornbrand, Jagertee, Jaqertee, Jagatee and Pacharan. South Africa eventually agreed to phase out the use of these denominations over specified time periods. The current wording of the agreement will also result in South Africa having to yield a variety of well known trade marks such as Nederburg and Roodeberg. Article 7(8) of the Wine Agreement implies that in the case of conflict between a South African wine trade mark and an EU geographical indication for wine, the South African trade mark will always have to yield to the EU geographical indication. The entire geographical indication matter is being contested by South Africa and is still under negotiation. South Africa and the EU agreed to allocate reciprocal duty free tariff quotas to wine products. These tariff quotas will remain effective until the FTA has been established, following the transitional periods as agreed upon in the TOGA. The duty free funds will however not have such a direct impact on the wine industry as have been envisaged initially, because the funds are in the hands of the EU importers. Various business plans are being implemented to allow the South African wine industry to benefit from these and any future funds. The EU offered financial assistance to the value of €15 million for the restructuring of the South African wine industry as well as for the marketing of the South African wine and spirits products. To date none of these funds have been allocated and various proposals have been made to the South African government in order to obtain these funds from the EU. The EU-SA Wine and Spirits Agreement is a continuous evolving agreement, where both parties are allowed to modify the existing agreement with the consent of the other party. Such modifications are allowed with the premise that it would contribute to the facilitation and promotion of trade in wine and spirits products between South Africa and the EU. South Africa must take cognisance of the implications of the EU-SA Wine and Spirits Agreement and ensure that they do not end up losing more than what they are gaining.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sien volteks vir opsomming
39
Penzhorn, Niels. « The Impact of the EU free trade agreement on South African agriculture a general equilibrium analysis / ». Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2002. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-02212007-154604.
Texte intégral
40
Tollin, Oscar. « EU as a trading partner : An argumentative analysis of the Comprehensive Economic Trade Agreement with Canada ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-67432.
Texte intégral
41
Goude, Katarina. « The First, the Fastest, the Best ? : A Study of Welfare Effects of the EU-Mexico Free Trade Agreement ». Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2204.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Trade in agricultural products between Mexico and the EU only counts for a small percentage of total trade between them. With the entry into force of the EU-Mexico FTA in 2000, the tariffs on a number of agriculture commodities between the two parties was eliminated or reduced. This will lead to an opening in the trade of agricultural products between the two markets, something that could affect the welfare of the Mexican people positively, if new trade is created. The elimination and reduction of tariffs on agricultural goods could also lead to positive consumption effects as prices on these goods could be lowered. Lower prices on agricultural goods could help a large number of people, especially the poor people of Mexico.
In this thesis, using theories on preferential trade, I aim to examine the effects on the Mexican people due to the elimination of traiffs on agricultural goods between Mexico and the EU consequential to the EU-Mexico Free Trade Agreement. The investigation was carried out for the first two years after integration between the two parties, focusing on agricultural goods in particular. I also aim to determine if there is any group in the Mexican society that has benefited more in terms of welfare as a consequence of the new FTA.
42
Danielsson, Asako. « Does an FTA have an impact on trade flows ? : An empirical analysis of the FTA between the EU and South Korea ». Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Nationalekonomi, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-34457.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This bachelor thesis examines if a Free Trade Agreement (FTA hereafter) has a positive effect or not on trade flows. There are many FTAs in the world beside World Trade Organization (WTO hereafter) membership. Many empirical studies have been performed by different methods and most of them show a significant influence on trade flows. In this thesis the impact on the FTA between the European Union (EU hereafter) and South Korea is studied by using the Gravity Model in period between 2007 and 2016. Dummy variables which capture the impact on the implementation of the FTA since 2011 are constructed into the standard trade Gravity equation. In addition, several dummy variables, such as the distance between countries and culture characteristic variables are utilized. The results of two different regression models show that both a positive and a negative impact on the EU’s import from South Korea and a negative impact on South Korea’s import from the EU. Overall, all estimated coefficients used in the models show a significant effect on import trade flows between countries.
43
Bouriche, Riadh. « Les réformes fiscales et douanières en Algérie dans le cadre des accords euro-méditerranéens : une approche relationnelle et institutionnelle de l'association interrégionale ». Thesis, Cergy-Pontoise, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016CERG0799.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Avec les accords euro-méditerranéens d’association, les pouvoirs publics algériens sont appelés à respecter les engagements internationaux et régionaux qui en résultent. Il s’agit en particulier de mettre en conformité les administrations fiscales et douanières. En effet, les transformations économiques et juridiques que produit la mise en place de ce genre d’accord d’association interpellent notamment les législateurs algériens pour entreprendre des réformes fiscales et douanières qui s’imposent par la libéralisation des échanges. L’objectif est donc de rapprocher le droit fiscal et douanier de l’Algérie avec les législations en vigueur dans les Etats de l’Union européenne et plus généralement euro-méditerranéens. C’est dans ce cadre que notre sujet se propose d’approcher et de débattre la réforme fiscale et douanière en Algérie. Pour cela, ce travail débute par une réflexion sur cet accord d’association, qui passe par l’évolution des relations entre l’Algérie et l’Union européenne. Puis nous abordons plus précisément la question des réformes fiscales et douanières en Algérie dans le cadre de cet accord d’association. Pour terminer nous traitons de l’importance de la bonne gouvernance financière dans le cadre de l’intégration régionaleWith the Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreements, the Algerian authorities are required to comply with the resulting international and regional commitments. This concerns in particular the conformity to the tax and customs administrations. In fact, the economic and legal transformations implemented by such an association agreement demand the Algerian legislators to undertake fiscal and customs reforms required by trade liberalization. The goal, therefore, is to bring the Algerian tax and customs law closer to the laws in force in the European Union states and more particularly in the Euro-Mediterranean ones. It is in this context that we aim through our subject to approach and discuss tax and customs reform in Algeria. For this, the work begins with a reflection on the Association Agreement, achieved through the development of relations between Algeria and the European Union. Then, we tackle specifically the issue of tax and customs reforms in Algeria on the occasion of the Euro-Mediterranean agreements. Finally we discuss the importance of good financial governance in the context of regional integration
44
Facello, Elisabetta Gotor. « The liberalization of ACP-EU sugar trade and the formation of economic partnership agreement implications for poverty reduction ». Thesis, University of Reading, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.494805.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The scope of this thesis is to model economic phenomena taking place at the micro-household level and at the macro-economic level in order to analyse the impact of the European Union (EU) sugar trade reform in vulnerable African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) economies in the light of the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) that have to be negotiated by 2008. The new system of preferences established by the Everything-but-Arms Initiative (EBA) and the World Trade Organization (WTO)'s commitments are also considered in establishing w EPAs would be less harmful for vulnerable economies. In order to address these policy issues I developed a new methodology, on both the data and modelling fronts, that expands the scope of poverty assessment to respond to global questions specifically, in my work I combine expenditure-distribution statistics with information contained in the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) database (Dimaranan and McDougall, 2006) to identify several household groups by per capita expenditure. The expenditure distribution statistics have been obtained from World Bank data (Africa Household Survey databank 2006). In addition to per capita expenditure differences, expenditure groups in this work differ from each other because of differences in consumption patterns and income shares from different sources.
45
Alt, Yvette Camilla. « Negotiating European trade policy : industrial influence, diplomatic constraints and bureaucratic behaviour in the 1995 EU-Israel Association Agreement ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1726/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores the role of Government negotiations, industrial pressure and private interests in the development of European Union (EU) trade relations with Israel, focusing on the 1995 EU-Israel Association Agreement. Employing a two-level metaphor, it discusses the evolution of the EU's ability to negotiate and ratify trade agreements, the history of European-Israeli political and commercial relations, and Israel's political economy. This thesis posits that trade policy can be used to further ideological foreign-policy goals, but that the content of trade policy is ultimately shaped less by "high political" considerations than by developing linkages at the domestic levels. In evaluating the ability of commercial and scientific communities to sway the progress of the Association Agreement negotiations, this thesis finds that the existence of some types of links between Israel and EU member states allowed Israeli interests to gain domestic "allies" in Europe, and thus to secure additional trade concessions. A further consideration developed in this paper is the existence of at least two "domestic" arenas within the Community: at the transnational EU level, within the member states, and increasingly at the regional level. This thesis discusses the way in which both negotiators and private interests recognised these tensions and exploited traditional political relations at the national and occasionally the regional levels in order to further affect negotiation and ratification capabilities of the Community. The thesis thus argues for a more complex rendering of the traditional multi-level analytical model, which assumes a discrete "level one". Instead, it puts forward a multilevel model, in which the ability of domestic communities to constrain negotiators is applied not only to the Community's own procedures, but also to its sub-units.
46
Vio, Teresa <1993>. « REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND FOREIGN RELATIONS IN LATIN AMERICA : A STUDY OF THE EU-MERCOSUR TRADE AGREEMENT (2000-2004) ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/12617.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Per oltre vent’anni, il MERCOSUR e l’Unione Europea hanno portato avanti negoziati per firmare un trattato di libero scambio che semplifichi e incrementi i rapporti commerciali tra le due regioni. Gli sviluppi futuri di tale trattato dipendono, oltre che dalle relazioni reciproche, anche da trasformazioni politiche aventi luogo al di fuori dei negoziati, da conflitti interni ai due blocchi, e da cambi di direzione da una delle due parti nei negoziati commerciali multilaterali.
La presente tesi si propone di ripercorrere le tappe dei negoziati tra MERCOSUR e Unione Europea, concentrandosi in particolare sui fattori che ne influenzano lo sviluppo in negativo o in positivo. In particolare, il periodo analizzato sarà prevalentemente quello che parte dall'ultimo decennio del Novecento e si conclude ai giorni nostri. Tuttavia, verranno presi in considerazione anche periodi precedenti, in particolare nel primo capitolo, riguardante il commercio internazionale nel Novecento, e nel secondo, dedicato ai processi di integrazione in America Latina.
47
Hoffmann, Petr. « The Impact of Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership on the US and EU economies ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-264036.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This master thesis is focused on the Transtlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and its possible impact on the EU and the US. The aim is to examine the economic and geopolitical implications that could come out of this deal. Closer look on this issue should bring a complex overview on the most discussed trade agreement in international relationship in the 21st century. Comparative approach will be used for detail analysis. Thesis deals with the comparison with current state of bilateral trade between EU and US. In more details TTIP negotiations are being described in this thesis as well its basic concept, advantages and disadvantages for both parties and impacts on Europe and US markets.
48
Bergtold, Jason Scott. « Projected Economic Impacts of the New Partnership Agreement Between the EU and ACP States on the Senegalese Groundnut Sector ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/35297.
Texte intégralRésumé :
With the signing of the New Partnership Agreement (Cotonou Convention) between the European Union and the African, Caribbean, and Pacific States in June 2000, the trading relationship between Senegal and the European Union (EU) has taken a new direction. Under the new agreement, Senegal must decide by 2004 if it will enter into a Regional Economic Partnership Agreement (REPA) with the EU, similar to a free trade arrangement, or move to an enhanced form of the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP). Given the high percentage of Senegalese groundnut products that are exported to the European Union and the significance of the groundnut sector to the Senegalese economy, this study examines the economic impacts of both options on the Senegalese groundnut sector in conjunction with changes in development funding, infrastructural investments, and structural adjustment policies.
Overall, the study finds that the REPA option is the more beneficial for the Senegalese groundnut sector. This result stems partially from the ability of increases in development funding to offset any adverse economic impacts caused by the REPA. Though overall more harmful than a REPA, moving to an enhanced GSP does have the benefit of increasing groundnut (in-shell and shelled) exports by a significant amount. Thus, the Senegalese government must weigh the benefit of a boost in the confectionery sector against the adverse impact on producers caused by the GSP.
This study provides needed information for policy decisions by the Senegalese government, and a framework for future modeling efforts pertaining to the Senegalese groundnut sector.Master of Science
49
Roohani, Hammed. « Competing for the competition rules : the EU-US rivalry over the World Trade Organisation's (WTO's) Agreement on Competition Policy ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2019. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/82220/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the capacity of the WTO for fostering cooperation between the EU and the US for the Agreement on Competition Policy. Given the successful conclusion of two bilateral competition arrangements between the two states, as well as their cooperation on the same subject in other international institutions such as the International Competition Network, the thesis sets out to assess the WTO's impact - as the immediate underlying platform on which the interactions unfolded - over terms of cooperation between 1997-2004. The thesis accommodates its main inquiry using the theory of Neoliberal Institutionalism to test the fundamental claim that international institutions, such as the WTO, facilitate cooperation between sovereign self-reliant states by addressing cheating risks. The project further draws on the counter-argument put forward by Neorealists to furnish its maintained hypothesis over the claim that it needs more than enforceability of a deal to ensure cooperation. The concept of nesting institutions - endorsed by Neoliberal Institutionalism and Neorealism alike - was slotted in to help visualise the WTO as the catalyst of cooperation for the negotiations on a Competition Policy Agreement (CPA). The theory of Rational Design of International Institutions operationalises the research question. Using the WTO's internal documents of the negotiations as the main sources of data, the empirical findings of this thesis suggest that the WTO had a substantial impact on the quality of interactions between the two countries as they unfolded over time. The WTO, as expected from an international institution, provided a workable solution for cheating concerns as well. However, that solution in its own right failed to ensure cooperation between the EU and the US for the Competition Policy Agreement. The findings indicate that to remain relevant to intentional economic cooperation, the WTO must compete with other fora by improvising a wider space for possible enforcement solutions. On the theory side, the thesis suggests that a future research agenda over the international arrangements for competition policy must be informed by a revised understanding of the two rational theories of interstate cooperation, i.e., Neoliberal Institutionalism and Neorealism, so much so that the two are not substitutes but the former is subordinated to the latter.
50
Pillay, Morgenie. « The negotiation process of the EU-SA Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement : a case of reference for the south ? » Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003031.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Overall the conclusions drawn about South Africa’s negotiating style and tactics were arrived at by analysing a number of reports (that closely followed the evolution of the negotiations) and then paralleling this case study’s findings with the conjectures made by the theoretical frameworks (i.e. works by Putnam, Zartmann and Churchmann) about how negotiations proceed. In the final analysis, the findings of this case are intended to provide insight for the south about how to approach any future trade negotiations with the North (or more specifically with the EU).