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1
Brunnbauer, Ulf. « Fertility, Families and Ethnic Conflict : Macedonians and Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia, 1944–2002* ». Nationalities Papers 32, no 3 (septembre 2004) : 565–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000246406.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 2001, the Republic of Macedonia—the former Yugoslavia's southernmost republic—was on the brink of civil war as the ethnic Albanian “National Liberation Army” (UÇK) was fighting Macedonian security forces and establishing rebel control over parts of the country. The armed conflict took more than 200 lives and displaced, at one time or another, more than 100,000 people. Civil war was prevented by an agreement between the four major ethnic Macedonian and ethnic Albanian parties in the country, signed on August 11, 2001 in the town of Ohrid, thereafter usually referred to as the “Ohrid Agreement.” Far-reaching constitutional and legislative changes would re-construct the Republic of Macedonia as a multi-ethnic democracy. Since then, constitutional amendments and new laws have been passed, increasing the rights and power of minorities, especially the Albanian one. The new constitution combines the concept of civic citizenship with elements of de facto consociationalism, and satisfies the demand of the Albanian minority to help shape the destiny of their country using a collective voice.
2
Demjaha, Agon. « THE STATE OF INTER-ETHNIC RELATIONS IN MACEDONIA AFTER 16 YEARS OF THE OHRID AGREEMENT ». SEEU Review 12, no 2 (20 décembre 2017) : 8–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2017-0016.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Macedonians in Macedonia have been rather problematic since the times of former Yugoslavia. After independence, the new constitution of the Republic of Macedonia instead of improving it has further downgraded the position of Albanians and other minorities living in the country. The non-fulfilment of Albanians’ core demands led to an armed conflict in 2001. The Ohrid Agreement has in addition to ending the armed conflict, also provided for a range of legislative and policy measures to improve the position of the Albanians by ensuring equality and minority protection. However, 16 years after the Ohrid Agreement, inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia still remain burdened by prejudice and stereotypes, rather than cooperation and mutual prosperity. The main aim of the paper is to analyse the state of inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia, with special focus on relations between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians. The paper also offers an analysis of main factors that contribute to inter-ethnic tensions in the country and explores possible scenarios in the future. The most relevant part of the paper analyses the causality between inter-ethnic and interstate relations. The paper claims that similarly to most of the countries in the Western Balkans, inter-ethnic and interstate relations are basically the components of the same equation. The paper concludes that in Macedonia, Kosovo rather than Albania is much more relevant for the causality between inter-ethnic and interstate relations in Macedonia, and it also offers several reasons to support such thesis. Accordingly, the overall inter-ethnic relations between Macedonians and Albanians in Macedonia heavily depend on inter-state relations between Macedonia and Kosovo and vice versa.
3
Paszkiewicz, Jędrzej. « Problem konsolidacji współczesnego państwa macedońskiego w kontekście jego aspiracji do Unii Europejskiej ». Slavia Meridionalis 12 (31 août 2015) : 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2012.006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The issue оf contemporary Macedonian state consolidation in the context of its aspiration to the European Union Since its establishment, the Republic of Macedonia has been facing the crisis of social and political system. This is connected with the complicated ethnic and religious relations, difficult economic condition of the state and complex, international circumstances in the Balkans. The European Union makes the membership of Macedonia in its structures dependent on the implementation of solutions preventing the renewal of the armed conflict between the Macedonian authorities and Albanian rebels in the year 2001. The reforms implemented on the basis of the Ohrid Framework Agreement (2001) are designed to provide the social and economic stability in the country, mainly through the cooperation between Macedonians and Albanians. The imbalance between the strengthening of the position of the Albanian national minority in the entirety of the state system and the progress in the establishment of the civil society raises the concern of the observers of the social and political life in Macedonia. The division of the society based on the ethnicity criterion is strengthened in Macedonia. The opportunity of the development of cooperation over the ethnic divisions is limited due to a strong role of nationalistic sentiments, insufficient legitimacy of framework agreement by the citizens and pathologies of social and political life (corruption, organized crime). It is likely that ethnic criteria that are the basis for currently implemented system changes in the Republic of Macedonia shall dominate the pursuit to democratize the state as a whole. It will be a threat for the consolidation of the republic, since the particularistic tendencies may outweigh the peaceful cooperation for strengthening the unity of the state.
4
Djukanovic, Dragan. « The present political situation and ethnic relations in Macedonia ». Medjunarodni problemi 55, no 3-4 (2003) : 395–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0304395d.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since it declared its independence in 1991, the Republic of Macedonia has faced several problems of key importance. Apart from the economic underdevelopment, this country has been characterised by bad ethnic relations between the two most numerous communities in the country - the Macedonian and Albanian ones. The Albanian community, which makes approximately one fourth of the total population in Macedonia, has tended to define itself as a "constitutive nation" within the newly formed and independent Macedonia. The outstanding ethnic tensions present in 1990s turned into open armed conflicts in the February-August 2001 period. More than 200 people were killed, while 100,000 people were displaced from their homes in the conflicts between the Albanian militia and regular Macedonian police and armed forces. After the USA and EU had made pressures on the conflicting parties, they adopted the Framework Agreement on 13 August 2001 in Ohrid. It proposed the amendments to the 1991 Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia. The amendments have brought out changes in the constitutional and political system of Macedonia - "double majority" in the Parliament, increased number of members of ethnic communities in the police and administration, Albanian language as an official, strengthening of the local self-rule, etc. Apart from the Macedonian people as a holder of sovereignty, the preamble of the Constitution of Macedonia includes the Albanians, Turks, Vlachs, Serbs, Romans and members of other peoples who live in Macedonia. In September 2002, parliamentary elections took place in Macedonia. The coalition For Macedonia Together headed by the Social Democratic Alliance of Macedonia won half of the seats in the Macedonian parliament. Then were defeated the nationalistic parties VMRO-DPMNE and Democratic Party of Albanians that had been in power during the ethnic conflicts. The Democratic Union for Integration (established in 2002) won almost 70 per cent of the Albanian votes while the Party for Democratic Prosperity and People's Democratic Party were defeated at the elections. After the September elections, the new government was forded and it embraced the members of the coalition For Macedonia Together and Democratic Union for Integration - with five Albanian ministers. The Ohrid Agreement is a step forward in settling the ethnic relations in Macedonia. Apart from the fact that it was adopted under the pressure of the international community, it is a basis for constitutional and political reforms, improving the position of the Albanians as the most numerous non-Macedonian community. However, it should be said that even today there are two parallel "societies" - Macedonian and Albanian ones, with no common touch between them, living separately from each other. In spite of all obstacles, it is necessary to insist on building of confidence and reconciliation between the Albanians and Macedonians. This can be achieved by repatriation of refugees and displaced persons to their homes, by implementation of the law that includes the provisions on the positive discrimination of the Albanian community and by strengthening of security and stability in the region. As the author assesses, the bad economic situation in Macedonia could set new priorities to the government and it would include improvement of living conditions for its citizens. On the other hand, the greatest danger to the peaceful development of Macedonia is the Albanian National Army (ANA) whose substantial aim is to achieve unification of the "Albanian" territories in Western Macedonia with Kosovo and "Albanian parts" of Montenegro and southern Serbia.
5
Metaj-Stojanova, Albana. « Religious Freedoms In Republic Of Macedonia ». SEEU Review 11, no 1 (1 décembre 2015) : 159–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2015-0019.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract With the independence of Republic of Macedonia and the adoption of the Constitution of Macedonia, the country went through a substantial socio-political transition. The concept of human rights and freedoms, such as religious freedoms in the Macedonian Constitution is based on liberal democratic values. The Macedonian Constitution connects the fundamental human rights and freedoms with the concept of the individual and citizen, but also with the collective rights of ethnic minorities, respecting the international standards and responsibilities taken under numerous international human rights conventions and treaties, of which the country is a party. Republic of Macedonia has ratified all the so called “core human right treaties” and now the real challenge lies in the implementation of the international standards. Some of these international conventions and treaties of the United Nations and of the Council of Europe are inherited by succession from the former Yugoslavian federation. Religious freedoms are guaranteed by the Universal Declaration of human rights (1948), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), the European Convention on Human Rights (1953), the Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief (1981) (all documents ratified by the Republic of Macedonia). According to the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia “The freedom of religious confession is guaranteed. The right to express one's faith freely and publicly, individually or with others, is guaranteed„. After the conflict of 2001 the Ohrid Framework Agreement secured group rights for ethnicities that are not in majority in the Republic of Macedonia. The present Law on the legal status of the church, religious communities and religious groups of 2007, repealed the Law on religion and religious groups of 1997.
6
Tomovska Misoska, Ana, Laura Taylor, Jocelyn Dautel et Risa Rylander. « CONTACT, CONFLICT AND INTERETHNIC ATTITUDES AMONG CHILDREN IN NORTH MACEDONIA ». Primenjena psihologija 12, no 4 (16 janvier 2020) : 409–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/pp.2019.4.409-428.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Improving interethnic relations in conflict-affected societies is a difficult task, as a complex repertoire of mutual views and reactions is developed. Furthermore, the experiences of the children in such situations have rarely been taken into perspective. Therefore, this study tries to address this research gap by using data from the Republic of North Macedonia, where interethnic tensions are still present between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians, although the violent outburst of the conflict ended in 2001. The paper is focused on perceptions of contact and conflict among primary aged children, and their relations with the outgroup attitudes such as liking, trusting, and wanting to play with children from the outgroup. A total of 194 children aged 6 to 11 (M = 8.4) participated in the research, filling play-like items using Qualtrics. The sample was taken from two schools with a mixed language of instruction and was balanced for ethnicity (45.9% Macedonian, 54.1% Albanian) as well as gender (57.7% female, 42.3% male). The results of the series of regression analyses show that the contact quality and a number of outgroup friends are significantly correlated with outgroup liking, willingness to play, and outgroup trust, while the perception of conflict is negatively correlated with outgroup trust. The interaction between age and the contact quantity is a significant predictor of willingness to play with the outgroup, while the interaction between majority status and contact quantity is a significant predictor of outgroup trust. The study highlights the need for a meaningful contact between children from both ethnic groups for improvement of interethnic relations.
7
Opašinova Šundovska, Marijana. « North Macedonia after the Ohrid Framework Agreement ». Međunarodne studije 21, no 1 (15 juin 2021) : 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.46672/ms.21.1.3.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Independence movements triggered by the end of the Cold War ended in state collapse and the creation of new states across the European continent. The decade coloured with violent wars in the Balkan region did not leave the Republic of Macedonia immune from ethnic conflict, which occurred in 2001. The outcome in the form of the so‑called Ohrid Framework Agreement (OFA) was the intended improvement of the rights of minorities and the sharing of power in decision making, both on local and central levels. The purpose of this paper is to determine whether theoretical approach patterns to state instability match the causes for the outburst of the Macedonian conflict of 2001. It will also try to detect if the conflict resulted from minority discrimination, state institutions’ inability to control the territory, poor economic situation, uneven regional development after independence, or it was a combination of factors that – fully or partially – contributed to its emergence. The paper will also seek to confirm if addressing these factors two decades later decreased the divisions across ethnic lines in the state.
8
Yarovyi, V., et I. Malatsai. « THE REPUBLIC NORTH MACEDONIA IN THE RESEARCH OF UKRAINIAN HISTORIANS ». Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no 148 (2021) : 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.148.13.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The emergence of a sovereign state of the Republic of Macedonia in the early 90's of the twentieth century. revived interest in issues related to the population, history, culture and name of the state itself. The article analyzes the works of Ukrainian researchers devoted to the problems of the history of the modern republic of Northern Macedonia. The main scientific achievements of domestic historians who study problems that are of great scientific interest not only in Ukraine are analyzed. It is emphasized that only at the end of the twentieth century. In Ukraine, researchers began to pay active attention to the study of the historical past of Macedonia. Today we can identify the most researched issues of Macedonian history in domestic historiography. The first scientific works were devoted to the study of cultural relations between the Russian Empire and the population of the Macedonian lands in the second half of the nineteenth century. XX century, the study of the attitude of Western Europe and Russia to the situation of the Slavic population in the Macedonian lands at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. In the works of Ukrainian researchers, much attention is paid to the study of problems that are important for Ukraine – the process of formation of the national liberation movement. The preconditions for the emergence of Macedonian revolutionary organizations in the early twentieth century are studied. Ukrainian researchers are very interested in issues related to the proclamation and formation of an independent state, socioeconomic life and the development of interethnic relations in Macedonia in the second half of the twentieth century. Actively is investigate the causes, course and consequences of ethnic and political conflict in the early XXI century. At the beginning of the XXI century. a new stage in the development of the study of Macedonia in Ukraine began. As a result of cooperation between scientists of the Academy of Sciences of Ukraine and Macedonia, scientific collections were published. The similar historical destiny of the Macedonian and Ukrainian peoples is important in the study of Macedonian issues in the historical science of Ukraine.
9
Treneska-Deskoska, Renata. « Accommodating Multilingualism in Macedonia ». Social Inclusion 5, no 4 (22 décembre 2017) : 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v5i4.1129.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The period since the independence of the Republic of Macedonia in 1991 has shown the political importance of language, as well as the political tensions that can arise over language-related issues. For a long time, multilingualism in Macedonia was a problem that threatened the unity and stability of the country. In 2001 the armed conflict in Macedonia showed that governmental policies of ignoring certain issues fueled ethnic divisions and facilitated a climate of insecurity. In order to terminate the armed conflict, Macedonia has since introduced constitutional changes relevant to linguistic diversity. The constitutional amendment regulating the official use of languages in Macedonia was as a result of a necessary compromise to terminate the armed conflict. The amendment is formulated in a vague and contradictory manner; full of loopholes, views provided on official languages leads to different interpretations and is still subject to disputes between experts, as well as party leaders in Macedonia. This vagueness led to politicians using the topic of the official use of languages as a talking point in every electoral campaign since 2001. This article will examine the challenges and possibilities that came from the constitutional amendment on the use of languages in Macedonia. It will also analyze the loopholes of the legal norms on the use of languages, and the problems of its implementation.
10
Gurra, Hyreme. « Political Systems and a Continuing Account for Elusive Peace in Republic of Macedonia ». International Journal of Applied Language Studies and Culture 1, no 1 (31 octobre 2018) : 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.34301/alsc.v1i1.8.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research paper is going to elaborate the five most common political systems of the world and the second part of the mainstream headlines preoccupying the public opinion, which continued the saga for entire population of Republic of Macedonia. The country is internationally known as FYROM, and its government as a whole in the recent days after New Year’s Holidays of 2018 was expecting an act of resignation by the Prime minister Nikolla Gruevski and a massive unrest took place by NGO asking to close factories that were polluting the air. The leading political parties of the government consisting of VMRO (IMRO) (ethnic Macedonian political party) and BDI (DUI) (ethnic Albanian political party) were in the verge of a complete breakdown. These two coalition members were accused by the opposition political party LSDM (SDUM) (left party) for a great number of scandals; corruption, leading autocratic zests policy, not enjoying EU and NATO, spending public money in non-productive means and finally the phone tapping become sources of constant conflict. Social dialogue between the position and opposition was undermined by the head of the government, considered as a roguishly human hobble. The deterioration of the already unfavorable international position of the country endangered the progress leading up to national an interethnic cleansing. These events eventually would shape the future of the state. After the elections the government changed the leading stream, which is seen as a last chance for survival.
The research methods being used throughout this paper are; the method of interview, narrative method, qualitative and quantitative method.
11
Agarin, Timofey, et Petr Čermák. « Descriptive representation and political participation ». Anali Hrvatskog politološkog društva 16, no 1 (30 décembre 2019) : 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/an.16.03.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The series of ethnic conflicts in the Western Balkans over the 1990s in- volved primarily the constituent nations of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia: Serbs, Croats, Bosniaks, and later, Albanians and Macedonians. Ethnic violence has equally affected other numerically smaller groups residing in the geo- graphic areas affected by conflict between the dominant, de facto state-founding ethnic groups. The paper investigates the continuous importance of ethnic identity for political participation of non-dominant groups affected by the ethno-political dynamics of dominant groups in post-conflict Croatia. Analyses of the political mobilisation of non-dominant groups in regions previously affected by conflict offer evidence that their ethno-political mobilisation reflects the continuous importance of identity-politics in the context of highly ethnicised institutions ensuring political representation at national and municipal levels.
12
Trajkovska, Maja. « Decentralisation and the Management of Ethnic Conflict : Lessons from the Republic of Macedonia (by Aisling Lyon) Book Review ». Review of Social Studies 3, no 1 (1 mai 2016) : 119–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21586/ross0000032.
Texte intégral
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Dautel, Jocelyn B., Edona Maloku, Ana Tomovska Misoska et Laura K. Taylor. « Children’s Ethno-National Flag Categories in Three Divided Societies ». Journal of Cognition and Culture 20, no 5 (11 décembre 2020) : 373–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685373-12340090.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Flags are conceptual representations that can prime nationalism and allegiance to one’s group. Investigating children’s understanding of conflict-related ethno-national flags in divided societies sheds light on the development of national categories. We explored the development of children’s awareness of, and preferences for, ethno-national flags in Northern Ireland, Kosovo, and the Republic of North Macedonia. Children displayed early categorization of, and ingroup preferences for, ethno-national flags. By middle-childhood, children’s conflict-related social categories shaped systematic predictions about other’s group-based preferences for flags. Children of minority-status groups demonstrated more accurate flag categorization and were more likely to accurately infer others’ flag preferences. While most Balkan children preferred divided versus integrated ethno-national symbols, children in the Albanian majority group in Kosovo demonstrated preferences for the new supra-ethnic national flag. We discuss the implications of children’s ethno-national flag categories on developing conceptualizations of nationality and the potential for shared national symbols to promote peace.
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Todorović, Zoran D. « The Role of the Ministry of the Interior of the Republic of Serbia in the Conduct of Ethnic Cleansing of the Albanian Population in Kosovo and Metohija From 1998 to 1999 ». Kriminalističke teme 22, no 1 (29 novembre 2022) : 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.51235/kt.2022.22.1.73.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper presents a short chronology of the political conflict in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija (Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo, until the constitutional changes of 1989), which in the 1990s turned into an armed conflict in which the security forces of the Republic of Serbia from October 1998 to June 1999, carried out a planned action of ethnic cleansing of Kosovo Albanians. In the action, several thousand Albanian civilians were executed extrajudicially and between 800,000 and 850,000 Albanians were forcefully expelled to Macedonia, Montenegro, Albania and Bosnia and Herzegovina. This paper is based on the final judgments of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) by which the highest state officials and military and police generals in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Serbia were convicted of joint criminal enterprise aimed at altering the ethnic structure in at least 13 Kosovo municipalities, especially in the period of the NATO alliance campaign from March 24 to June 12, 1999. The role of the Ministry of Interior in the joint criminal enterprise (JCE), as established by the ICTY judgments to the then Ministry of Interior leaders: Vlastimir Đordđević, head of the Public Security Department, Sreten Lukić, head of the Ministry of Interior Staff for Kosovo, (Vlajko Stojiljković, the Minister of Interior, was also accused, but he committed suicide in 2002) - is undoubted. Therefore, it calls for a public analysis and presentation of the role of this part of the repressive apparatus of the state of Serbia in the ethnic cleansing of Kosovo Albanians, as well as its role in the planned and systematic concealment of crimes. The concealment of the crime was conducted from March to June 1999 by the Ministry of Interior forces through secret operations of transfer of bodies of Kosovo Albanians from primary graves in Kosovo and their burial in mass graves at secret locations in Serbia. Three graves were discovered in 2001 and one in 2013, with the assumption that there are more because they are looking for another 1,086 Albanian victims and 562 victims of Serbs, Roma, Bosniaks, Egyptians, Ashkali and others.
15
Akova, Sibel, et Gülin Terek Ünal. « THE CULTURE OF COEXISTENCE AND PERCEPTION OF THE OTHER IN THE WESTERN BALKANS ». Journal Human Research in Rehabilitation 5, no 1 (avril 2015) : 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21554/hrr.041505.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Throughout the 550 year Ottoman rule over the Balkan lands, where even today internal dynamics threaten peace and justice, how and through what means the Ottoman Empire achieved consistency, security and peace is a question to which a number of political scientists, sociologists, communication scientists and history researchers have sought an answer. The most interesting point of the question is that the peoples of the Balkans, a living museum comprising a number of different ethnic groups and religious beliefs, have reached the point where the culture of coexistence has been internalised and dynamics have moved from the conflict of identities to cultural integration. The Balkans are a bridge to the East from Europe and indeed to the West from Turkey, incorporating a patchwork political and cultural geography, the geopolitical location and a richness of culture and civilization, being one of the areas attracting the attention of researchers from different disciplines and capturing the imagination of the peoples of the world throughout history. Balkan studies are almost as difficult as climbing the peaks in the areas and meaningful answers cannot be reached by defining the area on a single parameter such as language, culture or traditions, while the phenomenon of the other can also be observed within the culture of coexistence in this intricate and significant location. Different ethnic groups with different cultures, such as the Southern Slavs (Bosniaks, Montenegrans, Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) as well as Turks, Albanians, Bulgarians, Balkan Jews, Balkan Romany and Wallachians (Romanians and Greeks). Although these peoples may have different religious beliefs, in the ethnically rich Balkan region, religion, language, political and cultural differences are vital in the formation of a mosaic, making the discourse of coexistence possible and creating common values and loyalties, breaking down differences. The Serbian and Montenegrin peoples, belonging to the Greek Orthodox Church, the Croat and Slovene peoples belonging to the Catholic Church and the Muslin Bosniaks have shared the same lands and livee in coexistence throughout the historical process, despite having different beliefs. However, in some periods the other and the perception of the other have replaced common values, leading to conflicts of interest, unrest and religion based wars. After the breakup of the Yugoslavian Federal Socialist Republic, Slovenia, Croatia, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro and Kosovo, defined by the European Union as the Western Balkans, have established themselves as nation states of the stage of history. The scope of our study is these Western Balkan Countries, and we will use the terminology Western Balkans throughout.
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Stojanovic, Stanislav, et Branislav Djordjevic. « Strategic and security trends and projection of the strategic framework of the security of the Republic of Serbia ». Medjunarodni problemi 69, no 4 (2017) : 465–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1704465s.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Starting from the indisputable fact that security is the primary interest and a key prerequisite for the development of contemporary societies, understanding and assessing current and future trends in the near and distant environment and their impacts on the security of the Republic of Serbia are particularly important in defining a framework of its conceptual and strategic preparedness to protect vital national interests. There are many factors that are influencing and will continue to influence in a long-term the security of the Republic of Serbia and its environment. The stronger contours of multipolar international order and the emergence of new global participants in world politics, the crisis of the idea of global society and return of realpolitik patterns in international politics, proximity of energy - rich but unstable Arab - Persian and the Caspian basin, conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East, serious identity crisis and threat to internal cohesion of the European Union, as well as the migrant crisis, certainly represent major factors that will affect the political and security processes in the near and distant environment of the Republic of Serbia. Projection of security trends and challenges that accompany the process of socialization of the Balkans, as an area which is still, in terms of security, the most sensitive part of the European continent, will have a strong reflection on the definition of long - term commitments of the Republic of Serbia. Problems in Kosovo, Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, as potentially the most explosive issues of the Balkan security, as well as the complexity of socio?economic and political context of the societies in the Balkans, especially their unabated ethnic and religious standoff, complicate the process of converting the Balkans from the conflicting area to the area of lasting peace. Also, monitoring of trends in perception and practice of security, especially regarding the waging of contemporary armed conflicts and the revolution in military affairs, as well as their long?term projection are of great importance in defining the strategic framework of security of the Republic of Serbia, primarily the instruments to protect its security.
17
De Lusignan Fan-Moniz, Alex. « Aromanian Cultural and Linguistic Shift to Greek ». European Journal of Language and Culture Studies 1, no 6 (27 décembre 2022) : 59–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejlang.2022.1.6.54.
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Aromanian-armân, (Weigand, 1895) is an oral Eastern-Romance language spoken by the Aromanians (armâni, or armãneashti), an ethnic group historically known for transhumance, dispersed over a wide area of the Balkans in what is present-day Peninsular Greece, North Macedonia, Bulgaria, Southern Romania, Serbia, and Albania. These people have been noted as Aromanians or Vlachs sometime since the eighth century AD. (Caranica, 1990). Their ethnicity (Eriksen, 2010) is controversial with Greeks believing them Latinised Greeks, Romanians considering them Romanian, others as Balkan natives from Wallachia (Ruzica, 2006). In Greek, the current word for Aromanian is in fact ‘Vlach’ believed to originate from the Latin terms Volcae, Volci (Volks, Wolks) referring to a Celtic tribe from Gaul that had learnt Latin and become Latinized. The Volks-Wolks were the closest neighbors to Germanic tribes in the area, which resulted in Germans referring to all Latin speakers as ‘Volks,’ the same way they did with their language. For clarification, in this study: Aromanian, Vlach (-) Aromanian and Vlach will all be used to refer to this ethnic group and language. The word Volci was adopted by Germanic speakers and took different forms over time: Walachen, Welchland, Wallis, Wallais, Wallons, Wales, Welschme etc. These terms are still visible in different European languages today and refer to ‘Latin speaker.’ The Slavic speakers borrowed the word from the Germans as: Olahy, Olahi, Valachi, Voloh, Vloh whereas the Byzantines borrowed it as ‘Vlachs’ (Tapanikos, 2020). Their isolated modus vivendi, between pastoral valleys and high mountains, confined them to hardship and socio-cultural periphery, and allowed relative immunity from major European conflicts and periods of unrest spanning short of a millennium. From 1975 when the modern Greek Republic is finally consolidated, the ideology of ‘one people, one language’ is an intrinsic part of Greek nationality and nationalism (Moschonas, 2004). Lacking written, standardized forms, Aromanian has been transmitted orally from generation to generation in the Epirus, Macedonia and Thessally regions of Greece. With profound socio-economic changes and rewards, Aromanians left their pastoral lifestyle in large numbers (Beis, 2000) attracted by prospects of a better future in Greek urban centers and Western European countries, USA, or Australia. In modern times, with Greek being the only language of instruction and communication in the wider society (Chomsky, 1971), the generational language-transfer cycle has been broken, and Aromanian is now endangered (Dinas et al., 2011). On the other hand, Aromanian folklore and traditional festivals are very much alive through associations like the Pan-Hellenic Federation of Cultural Associations of Vlachs, while many self-identified Aromanians do not speak a word of their ancestral language, by choice (Kahl, 2004). How did this (apparent) contradiction come to be? What drove Aromanians away from their language and led to the assimilation into Greek society, language, and culture so completely that it will lead to the death of Aromanian in Greece?
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Mazepa, Diana. « Sytuacja polityczna Turków w Republice Macedonii i relacje turecko-macedońskie ». Wschodnioznawstwo 14 (2020) : 249–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.20.014.13342.
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The political situation of Turks in the Republic of Macedonia and Turkish-Macedonian relations The Republic of North Macedonia is a small country on the Balkan Peninsula, which is characterized by the accumulation of many national and ethnic and religious groups in a small area (25 713 km2) – among them are Macedonians, Albanians, Turks, Roma, Vlachs, Serbs or Bosnians, as well as other smaller nationalities and ethnic groups. This article aims to present the origins of the Turks in Northern Macedonia, and at the same time to indicate the reasons for emigration from these areas and to present political parties and organizations representing the interests of Turks and their most important activities for the benefit of this minority. The article also analyze Turkish-Macedonian relations ranging from the proclamation of Macedonian independence to the accession of the Republic of Northern Macedonia to the structures of the NATO in 2020.
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Ringdal, Kristen, Albert Simkus et Ola Listhaug. « Disaggregating Public Opinion on the Ethnic Conflict in Macedonia ». International Journal of Sociology 37, no 3 (octobre 2007) : 75–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/ijs0020-7659370304.
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ZAHARIADIS, NIKOLAOS. « External Interventions and Domestic Ethnic Conflict in Yugoslav Macedonia ». Political Science Quarterly 118, no 2 (juin 2003) : 259–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165x.2003.tb00394.x.
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Todoroska, Katerina. « Macedonian Domestic and International Problems (1990−2019) ». Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021) : 193–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.014.13807.
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The article addresses the complex relations between the Republic of Macedonia and the neighboring countries formed after the breakup of Yugoslavia in 1991. Several reasons behind said difficulties are discussed, namely: the dispute between Serbia and Macedonia concerning Belgrade’s lack of recognition of the Autocephaly of the Macedonian Orthodox church, the conflict with Albanians, who point out to human rights violations by the government in Skopje, and the contestations between North Macedonia and Bulgaria addressing Bulgaria’s suppression of Macedonian national identity and language in the province of Pirin Macedonia (Blagoevgrad Province). Finally, we discuss the conflict with Greece concerning the name of the Macedonian state and the rights of Macedonian immigrants.
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Bellou, Fotini. « Strategic rebellion : ethnic conflict in FYR Macedonia and the Balkans ». Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 13, no 1 (mars 2013) : 112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2013.773188.
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Radic, Prvoslav. « From the history of Serbian question in Macedonia : Culturological aspect ». Balcanica, no 32-33 (2002) : 227–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0233227r.
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Contemporary Serbian Question in Macedonia is most closely related to major political events in the Balkans in 19th and 20th centuries. Starting from the social and historical processes in this region of the Balkans, the author examines this question through several fundamental periods, wishing to look into the status of Serbian population in Macedonia of the time against this background. The first period began with the First Serbian Uprising (1804) heralding the creation of the first free Serbian state in the Balkans, and ended with the conclusion of Liberation Wars (1878) leaving considerable Serbian territories liberated. The second period started at the time of conclusion of liberation wars and lasted till the beginning of the Balkan Wars in 1912. The third period was the one from the conclusion of Balkan Wars till the end of World War II (1945). The fourth period commenced at the end of World War II and lasted till the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. The last, fifth period refers to the contemporary state of affairs in the Republic of Macedonia since the disintegration of the SFRY, i.e. the independence of the Republic of Macedonia in 1991. The analysis of the status of Serbian Question here is predominantly related to the culturological aspect through examining the circumstances in education literature, and in culture in general. It shows that the status of Serbian ethnic minority in Macedonia was closely related to social, historical and political setting in these areas of the Balkans. In the new social and political environment, the status of the remaining Serbian ethnic minority in Macedonia is uncertain. In the recent decades, unstable political circumstances in this area have had adverse effects on the presence of Serbian ethnic element in Macedonian territories, even more so since it fails to receive sufficient national support from both sides.
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Panagakos, Anastasia N. « Citizens of the Trans-Nation : Political Mobilization, Multiculturalism, and Nationalism in the Greek Diaspora ». Diaspora : A Journal of Transnational Studies 7, no 1 (mars 1998) : 53–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.7.1.53.
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In the early 1990s, the Greek diaspora experienced an exceptional period of political mobilization, sparked by the international community’s recognition of the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia as an independent state. While there is little contestation that Macedonia exists as a geographic area, who can claim Macedonian history and ethnic identity is much more problematic. The struggle to claim Macedonian identity has been fought between groups located in Greece, the Republic of Macedonia, Bulgaria, and the Greek and Macedonian diasporas, each group proclaiming themselves the true Macedonians. In the diaspora, this struggle has manifested itself through newspaper editorials, letter-writing campaigns, lobbying efforts, festivals, and political rallies.
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Berat, David. « ETHNIC PARTIES:DEFINITION AND CLASSIFICATION ». SEEU Review 12, no 2 (20 décembre 2017) : 108–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2017-0020.
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Abstract The article is about defining ethnic parties and their classification. We define and discuss the terms politics, political party, ethnis group and ethnical party. We state differences about the traditional model of politics and the modern one. We analyze the importance of the political parties in representing the political rights of the people and what is needed so a political party can be established in the Republic of Macedonia. Also we show how to determine which party is an ethnical party and show a number of ethnic parties in Republic of Macedonia using the name of the party as an indicator. In this part we discuss the indicators and we state that good indicator is the program of the election campaign of the party. But still this is not 100% sure indicator if the party is ethnical. We concluded this because there are a lot of examples when the ruling party before the start of the election campaign does a research about the ethnical groups and after the research makes projects meant for the ethnic groups so the party can get the votes from the chosen ethnicity. At the end we concluded that the programs and the statues of the political parties are the best indicators and answer if a political party is a non-ethnical, multi-ethnical or ethnical political party.
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Kadri Shahinovikj, Arlinda, et Kazime Sherifi. « THE RIGHTS OF THE ETHNIC COMMUNITIES IN THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA ». Knowledge International Journal 26, no 6 (18 mars 2019) : 1807–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij26061807k.
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In contemporary theoretical and practical terminology, the term "minority" encompasses wider attributes of communities and groups, such as cultural groups, groups of common descent, groups with a common history, language groups, etc. This means that in contemporary conditions there are several different minority groups, which are more freely and naturally manifest their peculiarities and identities.Such a reality, on the international level, imposes an adequate legal cover of these peculiarities as the pirated right of individuals and groups.The world is dominated by the view that the issue of ethnic rights and ethnic equality in the states is the main pillar, not only for the development of democracy and general progress, but also an important pillar for the preservation of internal and regional peace and security.
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Gerginova, Zlatka. « Linguistics – between Law, Policy and Conflict ». Scientific knowledge - autonomy, dependence, resistance 29, no 2 (30 mai 2020) : 369–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v29i2.27.
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The forty-second volume of Studien zur Slavistik (Hamburg 2018) - Linguistics as a Cross-ing Point in the discourse between Law, Politics, and Conflict (Linguistik als diskursive Schnittstelle zwischen Recht, Politik und Konflikt; Hrsg. Martin Henzelmann) – focuses on the mediating role of Linguistics between Law, Politics and historical concepts. The analysis is based on cases from Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Macedonia, Poland, Russia, Slovenia and Ukraine.
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Toyi, Marie-Thérèse. « Ethnic Conflict in Burundi ». Matatu 48, no 2 (2016) : 403–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04802010.
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In spite of the laudable political and humanitarian efforts to tackle the cyclical ethnic-related conflicts in Burundi, the impact of the refugee and returnee phenomena on the culture, education, and economy of the country and beyond has not yet received its full due attention. This study aims at increasing awareness on this issue. It first identifies the refugee- and returnee-related new linguistic trends in Burundi, together with their subsequent impact on education. How many Burundians learned Kiswahili in exile in Tanzania or in the Democratic Republic of Congo, not only for educational or professional purposes but also for survival, but who, back in Burundi, saw their language of exile become an obstacle to the pursuit of a standard education? Why has their plight not attracted as much attention as did that of war orphans, widows, and former child soldiers? This study also surveys the cultural exchanges between Burundian refugees and returnees with their host country and their motherland.
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Takovski, Aleksandar. « Extending ethnic humour theory : Genuine vs. functional ethnic jokе scripts ». European Journal of Humour Research 6, no 2 (23 juin 2018) : 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2018.6.2.254.takovski.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Most ethnic humour that has been studied so far consists of jokes which use ethnically non-specific qualities such as stupidity or canniness in order to ridicule an ethnic group and thus to preserve and perpetuate ethnically based social hierarchies in western industrial societies. In light of this dominant logic in ethnic humour theory, the objective of this study is to problematize the relation of such non-ethnic qualities and the notion of ethnic identity, as well as their relation to a specific type of society, in an attempt to convincingly argue in favour of the need to differentiate between ‘ethnically-empty’ functional joke scripts and genuine ethnic joke scripts that are related to the ethnic identity of the target. In so doing, I extend ethnic humour theory by introducing and testing the notion of genuine ethnic joke scripts in order to motivate future research that will tackle other potential ethnic humour idiosyncrasies. Toward this end, I have collected and analysed joke material (N=369) coming from Macedonia, Bulgaria, Serbia, and Albania, societies with histories and relations very different that those in the western industrial societies. Additionally, the study incorporates two questionnaires with members of the two largest ethnicities in the Republic of Macedonia, Macedonians and Albanians, to ascertain the relation between the genuine ethnic humour and ethnic identity.
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Pichler, Robert. « In the Shadow of Kosovo. Divergent National Pathways and the Politics of Differentiation in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia ». Comparative Southeast European Studies 69, no 2-3 (1 septembre 2021) : 289–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-0028.
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Abstract The author examines the roots of Albanian nationalism in Yugoslavia, focusing on the Socialist Republic of Macedonia (SRM). He displays regional historical developments, interethnic relations, and Kosovo’s political impact upon Albanians in Macedonia. By analysing Macedonian and Albanian nation-building processes from an entangled and comparative perspective, he sheds light on shifting power constellations, divergent social developments, and asynchronous processes of national emancipation. After the occurrence in 1981 of Albanian demonstrations in Kosovo and in western Macedonia, officials in the SRM aimed at counteracting Albanian nationalism with a policy of differentiation—that is, they aimed at drawing a clear dividing line between Albanians loyal or disloyal to Yugoslavia. This punitive policy failed on all levels, further deepening the social divisions between the two major ethnic communities of the SRM and alienating even those Albanians well integrated in the common state and republic.
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Koktsidis, Pavlos I. « How Conflict Spreads : Opportunity Structures and the Diffusion of Conflict in the Republic of Macedonia ». Civil Wars 16, no 2 (3 avril 2014) : 208–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2014.927703.
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Šorović, Mira. « The Republic of North Macedonia - A 'new' country in the Western Balkans ». Research in Social Change 11, no 3 (1 septembre 2019) : 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/rsc-2019-0016.
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Abstract The article tries to explain and define political processes and changes trhough history of the 'new' Western Balkans country - the Republic of North Macedonia. It is word about analysis of the political dispute between Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) and Greece, from its biginnings until the present day. This paper will try to give the real picture of political area in the Balkans and explore deeper roots of the 'Macedonian Question' controversy. Also, it will give the explinations of the resolution of 27-year dispute, (between the two neighbor countries), by signing the Prespa Agreement. Hence, leaving by side national identity and history, the North Macedonia will be able to join the European Union and NATO. Thus, in short period of time, a 'new' country in the Western Balkans has putted in the center of the regional politics, with clear purpose: promoting ethnic and cultural heritance in the edge of the European continent.
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Weller, Marc. « The International Response to the Dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia ». American Journal of International Law 86, no 3 (juillet 1992) : 569–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203972.
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The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia consisted of six republics (Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia-Hercegovina, Montenegro and Macedonia) and two autonomous regions (Kosovo and Vojvodina). Its overall population was recently estimated as 23.69 million. There were 8.14 million Serbs, 4.43 million Croats, 1.75 million Slovenes, 1.73 million Albanians, 1.34 million Macedonians and 1.22 million “Yugoslavs,” as well as a variety of other minorities.Slovenia has a population of 1.94 million, 90 percent of whom are ethnic Slovenes. There are small minorities of ethnic Serbs, Croats and Hungarians.
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Nestorovska, Kapedanovska A., K. Jakovski, Z. Naumovska, Hiljadnikova M. Bajro, Z. Sterjev, A. Eftimov, Matevska N. Geskovska et al. « Distribution of the Most Common Genetic Variants Associated with a Variable Drug Response in the Population of the Republic of Macedonia ». Balkan Journal of Medical Genetics 17, no 2 (1 décembre 2014) : 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjmg-2014-0069.
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Abstract Genetic variation in the regulation, expression and activity of genes coding for Phase I, Phase II drug metabolizing enzymes (DMEs) and drug targets, can be defining factors for the variability in both the effectiveness and occurrence of drug therapy side effects. Information regarding the geographic structure and multi-ethnic distribution of clinically relevant genetic variations is becoming increasingly useful for improving drug therapy and explaining inter-individual and inter-ethnic differences in drug response. This study summarizes our current knowledge about the frequency distribution of the most common allelic variants in three broad gene categories: the Phase I oxidation-cytochrome P450 (CYP450) family (CYP2C9, CYP2C19, CYP3A5, CYP2D6); the Phase II conjugation (GSTT1, SULT1A1; UGT1A1) and drug target (TYMS-TSER, MTHFR and VKORC1) in the population of the Republic of Macedonia and compares the information obtained with data published for other indigenous European populations. Our findings define the population of the Republic of Macedonia as an ethnic group with a highly polymorphic genetic profile. These results add to the evidence regarding the distribution of clinically important variant alleles in DME and drug target genes in populations of European ancestry.
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Frost, Siofra Karyu. « After ethnic conflict : policy-making in post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia, by Cvete Koneska ». Democratization 23, no 5 (11 octobre 2015) : 960–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2015.1088835.
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Kolstø, Pål, et Andrei Malgin. « The Transnistrian Republic : A Case of Politicized Regionalism ». Nationalities Papers 26, no 1 (mars 1998) : 103–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408553.
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The collapse of communism in the Soviet Union has opened up a Pandora's box of communal conflicts. In most Western analyses the majority of these conflicts are subsumed under the heading “ethnic.” This is often the case also with the conflict in Moldova between the national regime in Chišinàu and the insurgent regime in Tiraspol that controls the left bank of the Dnestr river. To be sure, there is an ethnic component to this conflict, but ethnicity clearly is not the main driving force behind it. While ethnic Moldovans make up approximately 70% of the inhabitants on the right bank, there is no ethnic majority on the left bank: 40% of the population are Moldovans, 25% Ukrainians, and 23% Russians. In fact, the Chišinàu leadership downplays the ethnic component in its standoff with Tiraspol. The values at stake, they insist, are basically political in nature.
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Atanasov, Petar. « Macedonia between nationalism(s) and multiculturalism : The framework agreement and its multicultural conjectures ». Sociologija 45, no 4 (2003) : 303–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0304303a.
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This paper deals with the nationalism(s) and multiculturalism in the Macedonian society, and the multicultural democracy contingency within Macedonian practice. Furthermore, it shed lights on the implementation of the Framework Agreement after the conflict of 2001 seen through the national and multicultural paradigm In addition the paper attempts to correlate the class and the ethnicity in Macedonian socialist pre- ethnic period, with the transition processes and current Macedonian state-of-affairs The paper argues that the management of ethnic differences must reconcile the two nationalisms and in opposite direction, the 'battle' for the resources and symbols between Macedonians and Albanians will reinforce the affections toward their own national (ethnic) identity.
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Ponomareva, A. « Church Split in the Republic of North Macedonia : The Foreign Policy Dimension ». Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no 2 (2022) : 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-2-43-62.
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The unexpected reconciliation of the Serbian Orthodox Church with the Macedonian ‘schismatics’, which took place in May 2022, determines the relevance of the retrospective analysis given in the article of this church conflict that has lasted more than half a century in the Republic of North Macedonia. Using the historical-genetic method, the underlying reason is revealed and the dynamics of the conflict that unfolded between the Serbian Orthodox Church and the Macedonian Orthodox Church – Archdiocese of Ohrid – is traced. With the use of the realistic approach to international relations and the hypothesis of maintaining a close connection between the church and state in the Balkans, the author identifies the key parties to the conflict, which, in addition to Serbia and the Republic of North Macedonia, include Bulgaria, Greece, the Patriarchate of Constantinople, and describes the evolution of the strategies chosen by these parties to conduct. At the same time, the focus of the study is not the theological dimension of the subject in question, but its foreign policy implications. The history of the church schism is considered in the broader context of the political elites of the Republic of North Macedonia finding the solution to the task of integration into Euro-Atlantic structures, the possibilities of using the church factor in the reaching of geostrategic goals are shown. It is stated that the reasons that pushed the hierarchs of the Serbian Orthodox Church to reach agreements with the Macedonian ‘schismatics’ lie in the dimension of foreign policy, and the discussion of the status of the Ohrid Archdiocese was one of the elements of the struggle for influence in the Balkans, both regional and non-regional players. By its decision to support the autocephaly of the Macedonian Orthodox Church – Archdiocese of Ohrid, the Serbian Orthodox Church has demonstrated the recognition of a specific Slavic-Macedonian national identity, which is questioned in the official historical narratives of Greece and Bulgaria, and, at least on the Balkan track, the papist aspirations of the Patriarchate of Constantinople were limited. Ultimately, the pragmatic position of the Serbian Orthodox Church did not allow the Macedonian Orthodox Church – Archdiocese of Ohrid to be turned into an instrument for realizing the interests of the Phanar supported by Western countries and took away the conflict potential from the topic that could contribute to the political demarcation of Serbia and the Republic of North Macedonia. Nevertheless, in the prognostic part of the conclusion, a high probability of ‘church wars’ resuming is stated, but with a new, not united by Orthodoxy, list of participants, namely containing representatives of the Albanian and Macedonian communities.
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Kenig, Nikolina. « Social trust and feeling of security in ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia ». Security Dialogues /Безбедносни дијалози 1-2 (2017) : 485–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.47054/sd171-20485k.
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Piacentini, Arianna Maria. « State Ownership and “State-Sharing” : The Role of Collective Identities and the Sociopolitical Cleavage between Ethnic Macedonians and Ethnic Albanians in the Republic of North Macedonia ». Nationalities Papers 47, no 3 (mai 2019) : 461–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.8.
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AbstractThe article analyzes, from a historical and institutional perspective, the sociopolitical cleavages existing between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians in the Republic of North Macedonia. Although primarily ethnic, the division between the two groups is deeply connected to state ownership and the official status each group occupies and wishes to occupy in it. By scrutinizing both groups’ claims, standpoints, and dissatisfactions, the article asserts that the implementation of consociationalism in 2001, through the de facto institutionalization of ethnicity, has partly soothed both groups’ frustrations, using the pragmatic exploitation of the existing ethnic divide as a proxy for “state sharing” in addition to power sharing.
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Koppa, Maria‐Eleni. « Ethnic Albanians in the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia : Between nationality and citizenship ». Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 7, no 4 (décembre 2001) : 37–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110108428644.
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Petroska-Beška, Violeta, et Mirjana NajČevska. « Between political solutions and reality : Inter-ethnic relations in the Republic of Macedonia ». Helsinki Monitor 10, no 3 (1999) : 8–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181499x00177.
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Kaytchev, Naoum. « Being Macedonian : Different types of ethnic identifications in the contemporary Republic of Macedonia ». Politeja 11, no 30 (2014) : 123–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.11.2014.30.13.
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Trajkovska, K. Tosheska, D. Labudovic, S. Alabakovska et B. Todorova. « Abstract : P374 APOLIPOPROTEIN(A) POLYMORPHISMS IN TWO ETHNIC POPULATIONS FROM REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA ». Atherosclerosis Supplements 10, no 2 (juin 2009) : e684. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1567-5688(09)70669-5.
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Jovanovska, Julijana, et Biljana Bogdanova-Smilevska. « THE ROLE OF UNPREDEP IN THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA ». Knowledge International Journal 28, no 6 (10 décembre 2018) : 1905–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28061905j.
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The whole work of the UN is based on the prevention and itself, represents mechanism and instruments for defending the peace. Developing of one preventive mission is far more benificial than to take over other post-conflict measures. The real meaning of the prevention is seen right at this segment. The Republic of Macedonia needed the use of a preventive misson on its territory. Developing the mission of UNPREDEP has shown like a good example for obstructing and escalating the conflicts coming from north, and may be used like a model for future preventive missions. The benifit from one preventive mission may be enormus for the host country, but as well it may be benifitial for the neighbour countries. When a preventive mission is present, the time should be used to develop the country, the region where the mission is based, and to defend and strenghten the peace and the security of the country, and also to offer help in different segments, particulary if it's about a young country, like The Republic of Macedonia at that time, in which the forces of the UN were stationed.
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Vankovska, Biljana. « Pavlos I Koktsidis, Strategic Rebellion. Ethnic Conflict in FYR Macedonia and the Balkans ». Comparative Southeast European Studies 62, no 1 (1 janvier 2014) : 77–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2014-620110.
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ten Dam, Caspar. « A Review of “Strategic Rebellion : Ethnic Conflict in FYR Macedonia and the Balkans.” ». Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 19, no 3 (juillet 2013) : 375–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2013.818367.
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Stefoska, Irena, et Darko Stojanov. « A tale in stone and bronze : old/new strategies for political mobilization in the Republic of Macedonia ». Nationalities Papers 45, no 3 (mai 2017) : 356–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1308346.
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The redesign of Skopje's main square and the wider central area in the last six years has been a top priority of the Macedonian government. The project, called Skopje 2014, provoked intense domestic debate and controversy as well as international reaction and concern. Although officials say that project's aim is to unify ethnic Macedonians, it has produced several lines of political, intra-ethnic/interethnic as well as intra-cultural/intercultural divisions in the fragile Macedonian society. The aim of the paper is to offer reflections about its mobilizing potential among ethnic Macedonians in a set of social, economic, and political contexts. In that sense, four areas of mobilization are suggested: (1) around new identity markers; (2) around the name dispute and against threats (real or imagined) to the ethnic and national identity; (3) against the internal Other, that is, the ethnic Albanian community, as well as critics of these identity politics; and (4) in reaction to the global financial crisis and problems within the EU.
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Corradi, Edoardo. « Book Review : Cvete Koneska, After Ethnic Conflict : Policy-Making in Post-Conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia ». Political Studies Review 15, no 2 (7 mars 2017) : 320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929917695303.
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Bliznakovski, Jovan. « After ethnic conflict : Policy-making in post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia, written by Cvete Koneska ». Southeastern Europe 41, no 2 (9 juin 2017) : 234–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04102007.
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