Bibliographies thématiques / Ethnic conflict – Kosovo (Serbia)

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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Ethnic conflict – Kosovo (Serbia) »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Ethnic conflict – Kosovo (Serbia)"

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Demjaha, Agon. "Inter-Ethnic Relations in Kosovo." SEEU Review 12, no. 1 (2017): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2017-0013.

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AbstractThe paper aims to analyse the state of inter-ethnic relations in Kosovo between ethnic Albanians and ethnic Serbs, with special focus on the period after unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo in 2008. Inter-ethnic conflict in Kosovo has exclusively been over its territory since both Serbs and Albanians have made claims about history and ethno-demography to justify their alleged exclusive right to this ethnically mixed region. Consequently, inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo have been rather problematic throughout the most of the 20thcentury. During this period Albanians in Kosovo have been subjected to discrimination, intimidation and even mass expulsion by Yugoslav/Serb authorities. In late 1990s, these relations between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo have progressively worsened and finally escalated in an armed warfare in 1999.Immediately after the war, Serbs in Kosovo were occasionally exposed to acts of inter-ethnic and retaliatory violence. Inter-ethnic relations between the two major ethnicities continued to be tense and fragile after independence of Kosovo in 2008. Dramatic changes of ethnic composition structure, atrocities and huge number of refugees due to the war, have left a legacy of deep mistrust and animosities between Albanians and Serbs in the newly created state. Consequently, Serbs in Kosovo have from the beginning refused to recognize Kosovo’s independence and have rigorously refused any governance by Kosovo authorities. Serbian community, especially in the North, claims stronger territorial autonomy, even separatism and unification with Serbia. The paper claims that in Kosovo inter-ethnic and interstate relations are basically the components of the same equation. Therefore, paper concludes that only overall improvement of relations between Kosovo and Serbia could contribute to overall relaxation of inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo. Unfortunately, the latest incidents between Kosovo and Serbia have increased the tensions between the two sides to alarming levels.
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Rossi, Michael. "Ending the impasse in Kosovo: partition, decentralization, or consociationalism?" Nationalities Papers 42, no. 5 (2014): 867–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.937683.

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This paper argues that current Western-backed approaches to conflict resolution in Kosovo have failed to alter Serbia's policy toward the region and have contributed to the exacerbation of political tensions between Belgrade and Brussels, while deepening ethnic cleavages between Serb and Albanian communities. While there is no possibility of Kosovo returning to Serbia's control, there is an equal unlikelihood that Serbian-populated regions of Kosovo, especially the north, will submit to Pristina's authority. Most importantly, there is little hope that Kosovo can gain full international recognition and membership in international organizations without a compromise settlement with Serbia. While territorial partition has long been a suggested option, I conclude that the best possible solution for Kosovo, given the positions of all parties involved, is a process of significant decentralization beyond the internationally supported measures in the Ahtisaari Plan. A model of consociational power sharing is one in which Serbian and Albanian municipalities are granted high levels of autonomy similar to arrangements made for Bosnia. While this solution may not be ideal and further weakens central authority, I argue that consociationalism reduces the problems of ethnic conflict, encourages local self-government, and preserves the overall territorial integrity of Kosovo.
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Petrović, Boban, Janko Međedović, Olivera Radović, and Sanja Radetić Lovrić. "Conspiracy mentality in post-conflict societies: Relations with the ethos of conflict and readiness for reconciliation." Europe’s Journal of Psychology 15, no. 1 (2019): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/ejop.v15i1.1695.

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After almost 20 years since the end of the armed conflicts in former Yugoslavia, we are witnesses to the fact that the main causes of the conflicts have not been overcome. Reconciliation between ethnic groups that had been in conflict by means of economic and political cooperation, must have a psychological foundation. This study investigates the relations between Conspiracy Mentality, basic lexical social attitudes, and the factors important for Croatian-Serbian and Kosovo Albanian-Serbian reconciliation, i.e., the Ethos of Conflict and the Readiness for Reconciliation. We hypothesize that Conspiracy Mentality will predict the propensity for reconciliation over and above basic social attitudes, and that will mediate the relations between basic social attitudes and factors contributing (or preventing) reconciliation. With the samples of Serbs from Central Serbia (n = 307) and Northern Kosovo (n = 271), Conspiracy Mentality, Ethos of Conflict, Readiness for Reconciliation and five basic lexical social attitudes (Traditional Religiosity, Unmitigated Self-Interest, Communal Rationalism, Subjective Spirituality, and Inequality-Aversion) were measured. Results showed that Conspiracy Mentality is negatively related to the Readiness for Reconciliation and positively to the Ethos of Conflict. Additionally, Conspiracy Mentality predicts Ethos of Conflict over and above the basic social attitudes. Finally, Conspiracy Mentality mediates the relationships between Traditional Religiosity, Inequality-Aversion and Subjective Spirituality on the one hand, and Ethos of Conflict on the other. The results suggest that Conspiracy Mentality should be taken into consideration when creating policies and programmes focused on reconciliation.
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Šuvaković, U. "Ethnic distance among the students of Serbia." RUDN Journal of Sociology 19, no. 2 (2019): 203–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2019-19-2-203-211.

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Аbstract. The paper presents the results of the research aimed at identifying changes in ethnic distance among the students of Serbia. The starting point of the study was the author’s belief that ethnic distance is a good indicator of inter-ethnic relations in multi-nation society and an indicator of conflict potential, and that ethnic distance is more stable provided social stability and open society. Ethnic distance was studied in the longitude project among Serbian students at the University in Kosovska Mitrovica five times in 2009-2016, twice - among the students in Belgrade (2010, 2014), and once among the Albanian students in Priština (December 2016 - January 2017) based on the modified Bogardus scale, a part of the questionnaire in the students’ native language and a number of surveys. The paper presents the results of the measurements of values constituting ethnic distance. The data reveal that the largest ethnic distance among Serbian students in Belgrade and in Kosovska Mitrovica was with the Albanians, while the smallest ethnic distance - with the Russians and Greeks. Among the Albanian students, the largest ethnic distance was with the Serbs, Romani and Russians, while the smallest -with the Americans and English. Certainly, the explanation should take into account the relations of these nations and official policies of their states including the self-proclamation of “Kosovo independence”, and also the positions of these nations in the period of the disintegration of Yugoslavia, wars in the former Yugoslav states and the NATO aggression on Serbia. At the same time, the ethnic distances are extremely large in the territory of Kosovo and Metohija, however, with a tendency of decline among the Serbs. During the research in 2016 - the beginning of 2017, the values of ethnic distance of the Serbian students from Kosovska Mitrovica to the Albanians and of the Albanian students from Priština to the Serbs were practically the same, especially the leading values of ethnic distance. When explaining the large ethnic distance with the Romani, it is necessary to remember about their social marginalization.
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Todorović, Zoran D. "The Role of the Ministry of the Interior of the Republic of Serbia in the Conduct of Ethnic Cleansing of the Albanian Population in Kosovo and Metohija From 1998 to 1999." Kriminalističke teme 22, no. 1 (2022): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.51235/kt.2022.22.1.73.

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The paper presents a short chronology of the political conflict in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija (Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo, until the constitutional changes of 1989), which in the 1990s turned into an armed conflict in which the security forces of the Republic of Serbia from October 1998 to June 1999, carried out a planned action of ethnic cleansing of Kosovo Albanians. In the action, several thousand Albanian civilians were executed extrajudicially and between 800,000 and 850,000 Albanians were forcefully expelled to Macedonia, Montenegro, Albania and Bosnia and Herzegovina. This paper is based on the final judgments of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) by which the highest state officials and military and police generals in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Serbia were convicted of joint criminal enterprise aimed at altering the ethnic structure in at least 13 Kosovo municipalities, especially in the period of the NATO alliance campaign from March 24 to June 12, 1999. The role of the Ministry of Interior in the joint criminal enterprise (JCE), as established by the ICTY judgments to the then Ministry of Interior leaders: Vlastimir Đordđević, head of the Public Security Department, Sreten Lukić, head of the Ministry of Interior Staff for Kosovo, (Vlajko Stojiljković, the Minister of Interior, was also accused, but he committed suicide in 2002) - is undoubted. Therefore, it calls for a public analysis and presentation of the role of this part of the repressive apparatus of the state of Serbia in the ethnic cleansing of Kosovo Albanians, as well as its role in the planned and systematic concealment of crimes. The concealment of the crime was conducted from March to June 1999 by the Ministry of Interior forces through secret operations of transfer of bodies of Kosovo Albanians from primary graves in Kosovo and their burial in mass graves at secret locations in Serbia. Three graves were discovered in 2001 and one in 2013, with the assumption that there are more because they are looking for another 1,086 Albanian victims and 562 victims of Serbs, Roma, Bosniaks, Egyptians, Ashkali and others.
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Jackson, Christopher. "Bandits, bondsmen, and leviathans: Ethnic groups contesting local security after conflict in the Western Balkans." Journal of Regional Security 16, no. 2 (2021): 215–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/jrs0-31813.

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This study analyzes how processes of contesting ethnically-distinct locales after conflict affects stability and violence after institutional settlements. Local institutions that develop during conflict present an obstacle to states reestablishing a monopoly on force and these locales become sites of continued contestation. Where states attempt to crowd local institutions and elites out of post-conflict policing, they have incentives to use violence against the state and police to upset the status quo. Where local institutions are integrated into state institutions, local elites have the incentive to maintain order and prevent violence to avoid crowding out or inviting police operations by interveners. In this study, I combine rationalist modeling to generate expectations for local elites' behavior with three illustrative case studies from the Western Balkans: Kosovo, Macedonia, and southern Serbia.
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Shrivastava, B. K., and Manmohan Agrawal. "Ethnic Identity and Humanitarian Intervention: The Case of Kosovo." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 61, no. 3 (2005): 157–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492840506100307.

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In this paper we look at the background of the Kosovo problem, its intensification since the 1980s in particular, the response of the international community leading finally to bombing. We also look at whether the international community was able to achieve its objective of preventing ethnic violence and cleansing. Yugoslavia had been a mosaic of ethnic groups with long histories of conflict but without segregated housing patterns. While the other ethnic groups feared Serbian domination in Yugoslavia where the Serbs were the largest ethnic group, the Serbs feared domination in the regions where they were in a minority. Ethnic conflict was aggravated by the economic crisis in the 80s which widened economic disparities, and also because of differences about the relative importance of the state and the market in economic management. The Serbs favoured a more controlled economy and the others a more liberal economy. The conflict in Kosovo flared up with the Serbs trying to limit Kosovar autonomy; the Kosovars retaliated by demanding greater autonomy initially and independence later. The resulting armed conflict led to considerable killing. The international community leaned heavily on the Serbs and their leader Milosevic to stop the repression, but failed. Ultimately the western countries had to resort to bombing. While this resulted in the capitulation by the Serbs, the problem was not solved as now the Kosovars started purging the Serbs. If the objective was to preserve a multi-ethnic Yugoslavia, the Western powers seemed to have failed.
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Kastrati, Ardian. "The Role of Education for Identity Formation Among Albanians and Serbs of Kosovo: the Application of the Difference-Blinded Approach for Establishing Citizenship Regime in a Multi-Cultural Society." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 6, no. 1 (2016): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v6i1.p146-153.

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As a result of striving accession to the EU, all states in southeast Europe have as precondition to solve inter ethnic conflicts and to balance the system in a way that makes the relations between dominant group and minorities one of the mutual respect, based upon the principle of non discrimination. In Western Balkans some of the most controversial issues in the past decade have revolved around the educational rights. The fragile society of Kosovo faces many challenges, and the system of education is just one of them. The ongoing dialogue between Serbia and Kosovo and painful process of state building often overshadows important educational issues. The educational system of Kosovo is segregated, extremely divisive and highly politicized. It is widely accepted that education has strong impact on individual’s identity formation. In this context ethnicity, nationality and citizenship constitute just a few of the possible identities within the individual’s self-conception being the most relevant to the relationship between citizen and the state. In the analyses of the theoretical foundations of multiculturalism the role of education in a culturally diverse society is very important for identity formation based on the concept of the citizenship as identity. By constitution Kosovo is a multicultural society but the meanings and expressions of this are contested both within the dominant Albanian majority and Serbian minority. Conceiving comprehensive discussions if Albanians and Serbs of Kosovo in the future could potentially accept to identify themselves through the citizenship of the new state before their ethnic and national based identities (cross linked with Albania respectively Serbia), it is a broad topic and beyond the scope of this paper, but for the purpose of this study the concept of the citizenship as identity is considered only in a narrower context - that of the role of education in identity formation
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Milosavljević, Saša, and Jovo Medojević. "Contemporary changes in the ethnic structure of the population in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija." Bulletin of Natural Sciences Research 10, no. 2 (2020): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bnsr10-25625.

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Twenty years (1999 - 2019) after the end of the conflict in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija, it can be stated that nowhere in Europe is there such ethnic segregation of the population as is the case with the AP of Kosovo and Metohija. Following the withdrawal of pumped security forces from the entire territory of Kosovo and Metohija and the entry of the United Nations peacekeeping force into the Serbian Autonomous Province, Kosovo Albanians carried out their persecution from Kosovo through terrorist attacks on Serbs and other non-Albanian populations (Montenegrins, Gorans, Roma, Ashkali) carried out their persecution from Kosovo and Metohija and fundamentally changed the ethnic structure of the Province. An insight into the majority of 223.081 exiles and displaced persons from Kosovo and Metohija indicates an exodus against the Serbs. The number of displaced Roma, Ashkali and Egyptians is estimated at about 100.000. The mass persecution of the Serb and other non-Albanian populations has resulted in tremendous changes in the ethnic structure of the Province, which today, with 93% of the total population, is dominated by Albanians, while other ethnic communities have a participation of 7%.
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Šuvaković, Uroš, and Jasmina Petrović. "Ethnic distance among students of university in Belgrade and University in Pristine with temporary head office in Kosovska Mitrovica." Socioloski godisnjak, no. 5 (2010): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socgod1005213q.

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Ethnic distance has a great importance for social dynamics, as the source of possible social conflicts, but also the potential source of social cohesion. Therefore, there is a need for constant research. Results of the research carried out among the students of the University in Pristine with temporary head office at Kosovska Mitrovica (May 2009) and the University in Belgrade (May 2010), with implementation of representative quota sample and questionnaire technique, with using Bogardus scale as the instrument modified for the needs of researching student population, have shown that the ethnic distance in average is considerably bigger among the questioned students in Kosovska Mitrovica, comparing to the students questioned in Belgrade. Considering the fact that Kosovska Mitrovica is a city divided on ethnic principle, at the edge of ethnic contact every day, this bigger ethnic distance in average is understandable then, the same that is understandable the smaller ethnic distance among the students in Belgrade, who have more cosmopolitan attitude regarding the case of nation, which can be explained by the size and the spirit of the city, but also with the fact that ethnic conflict is not taking place here - just in front their eyes. Regardless the difference in the result of ethnic distance, they both have the greatest distance towards Albanians, which can be explained by the fact that members of this nation are those who disintegrate the present state of Serbia, creating on its territory so called "independent Kosovo". Considering ethnic distance of students in Kosovska Mitrovica regarding those nations that live in the area of Autonomous Province Kosovo and Metohija, conclusion is imposed that Serbs and Montenegrins there are sufficient for themselves! This fact actually illustrates how much the society of Kosovo and Metohija is actually divided society, while the religion has an important influence in those divisions. Actually, it may be said that obtained results regarding the scale of ethnic distance indicate the results of confessional distance. In case of students from both Universities, it is evident that significantly bigger ethnic distance is to those ex-Yugoslav nations with which wars were waged (except Albanians, these are also Croatians, Muslims/Bosnians and little less Slovenians) and to those non-Yugoslav nations which had an unfriendly relationship with our country during the whole Yugoslav crisis, including the contemporary phase regarding Kosovo and Metohija (Americans, Germans, Englishmen, Dutchmen), while ethnic distance is considerably lower to those non-Yugoslav nations with friendly relationship, with which there is a high level of identification (Russians, Greeks). It is interesting that regardless not so friendly attitude of France to our country recently, ethnic distance to Frenchmen is lower than to the other mentioned western nations, which is probably the relict of the "traditional friendship". It is interesting to observe that in general the ethnic distance of students from both Universities is lower to those nations that have never lived in Yugoslavia, regarding those former Yugoslav nations, from which one may conclude that the joint living actually has deepened the ethnic distance. Great ethnic distance has been recorded with students of both Universities to Gypsies and Chinese. Regarding Gypsies, it can be explained by many negative stereotypes that exist regarding this nation, and it is really the time that Serbs part with them finally, since during the history they have mostly share the faith of Serbian nation, including the ethnic cleansing of Serbs and Gypsies from Kosovo and Metohija in 1999. Regarding the ethnic distance to Chinese, the nation that has friendly and protective relationship with Serbia, it is probably insufficient knowledge on cultures, manner of life, habits and similar that contributed to such a great ethnic distance, which surely should be the subject of further researches.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Ethnic conflict – Kosovo (Serbia)"

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Vaschenko, Vitalii. "Analysis of the modern inter-ethnic conflict : case study of Kosovo /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FVaschenko.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-67). Also available online.
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Johansson, Alex. "The inter-ethnic relationship between Serbs and Albanians : A field study in Kosovo." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-155836.

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The inter-ethnic conflict between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo have persisted since the war in Kosovo in 1999, even though it has been improved in recent years. A friendly relationship between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo is vital for the future of Kosovo, and for the security in the Balkan region. The aim with this study is to explain how the relationship between Serbs and Albanians has changed since Kosovo’s declaration of independence in 2008. Interviews have been conducted with six Serbs and six Albanians living in Kosovo. The interviews were mainly based on three key moments which were considered to have had an influence on the inter-ethnic relationship. The results from the interviews showed that these three key moments have resulted in antagonism between, but also within the two ethnic groups. However, the growth of antagonism seems to have been a consequence of how politicians and media on both sides in Kosovohave handled these key moments, rather than as a consequence of the key moments per se.
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Sulejmanovic, Selma. "Russia And The Kosovo Conflict: 1998-2008." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609472/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims to study Russian foreign policy towards Kosovo during the period between 1998 and 2008 in light of the school of thought that claims that Russia&#039<br>s foreign policy toward Kosovo resembles the Cold War confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union. This thesis argues that Russia&rsquo<br>s role in the Kosovo war and its aftermath is motivated by Russia&rsquo<br>s interest in being seen as a great power in international system rather than using Kosovo in order to confront the United States. Besides an introduction and conclusion, the thesis consists of four main chapters. The second chapter presents historical background and discusses Russian foreign policy during the wars of secession in Yugoslavia. The third chapter focuses on Russian foreign policy and the 1998 &ndash<br>1999 war in Kosovo, while the fourth chapter covers the Russian role in the post-conflict settlement in Kosovo. Finally, the fifth chapter deals with Russian foreign policy as it relates to the resolved Kosovo situation.
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Kissopoulos, Lisa. "Nationalist Conflict and Elite Manipulation in Serbia and India." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1186753678.

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Cockell, John G. "Managing Self Determination in Ethnic Conflict : International Society and Kosovo Crisis." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.498139.

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Harmon, Gail. "War in the Former Yugoslavia: Ethnic Conflict or Power Politics?" Thesis, Boston College, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/587.

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Thesis advisor: Kathleen Bailey<br>Although the Croatian and Bosnian wars of the early 1990s were brought to a peaceful conclusion over ten years ago, they remain pertinent events today both for the study of political science and future attempts at global conflict resolution. While they are often characterized as ethnic conflicts, this study poses the question of whether a conflict can ever truly be ethnic in the sense that the sole motivation for violence is ethnic hatred rather than strategic considerations. This question brings the motivations for violence in the Yugoslav case into question. This project explores relevant literature on contemporary theories of ethnic conflict and surveys events in the region from the arrival of the Slavic people to the Balkans in the sixth century to occurrences as recent as 2006. The conflicts are viewed in terms of more general views about conflict prevention and resolution as well as being more specifically applied to the current conflict in Iraq<br>Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007<br>Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: Political Science<br>Discipline: College Honors Program
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Grewal, Ramneek. "Transnational advocacy networks : the case of Roma mobilization in Macedonia and Serbia." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9707.

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The purpose of this study is to ascertain and explain the effectiveness of Roma political activism in contesting state oppression in Macedonia and Serbia. More specifically, this thesis seeks to investigate the divergent treatment of Roma communities in the respective states by analyzing the role of state institutions, civil society, political parties and international organizations. The thesis seeks to provide a multi-level analysis of Roma mobilization in Macedonia and Serbia by addressing the domestic and international factors that influence Roma political activism, and relies on two main theoretical concepts within the social movement literature: the Political Opportunity Structure (POS) model and 'transnational advocacy networks.' The POS model is a comprehensive framework to assess if Roma political activism has been effective in Macedonia and Serbia. This study uses the following components to describe the domestic factors that may facilitate or constrain Romani activism in the respective states: state repression and/or facilitation, institutional access, influential domestic and international allies. This thesis attempts to provide a detailed analysis of movement dynamics by taking into account the inter-relationship between actors and contesting groups. The limitations of the domestic opportunity structure regarding Roma advocacy in Macedonia and Serbia are outlined by describing the political context concerning minority inclusion, institutional mechanisms, and NGO/political party activities. As domestic opportunity structures are 'closed,' Roma activists and NGOs seek international allies to influence and change domestic policy on Roma inclusion. This study, while recognizing the importance of other international initiatives, specifically focuses on various institutions of the European Union as the main international actor influencing Roma inclusion policies in Eastern Europe. The thesis outlines the main EU initiatives on Roma inclusion to provide an overview of the opportunities and challenges in the international arena. Furthermore, it analyzes the interaction between international and civil society organizations assessing the effectiveness of the 'transnational advocacy networks.' Finally, the thesis provides a comparative analysis of Roma political activism in Macedonia and Serbia, indicating coordinated action has not been successful.
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Odai, Minja. "The Impact of Creative Ambiguity - A Case Study of the Aftermath of the Kosovo-Serbia Brussels Agreement 2013." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21606.

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Creative ambiguity as a negotiation strategy is used often in peace agreements and refers to when ambiguities are used in agreements to serve as a positive motivation to get over obstacles. While it has many positive impacts, the use of creative ambiguity also often times shifts the burden of the negotiation phase to the implementations phase, and thus can result into agreements that are not implemented as well as plummeting the relations between the parties affected. This thesis aims to understand how the use of creative ambiguity in the Brussels Agreement between Kosovo and Serbia had an impact on the heightened conflict between the countries. This thesis is a single instrumental case study that illustrates the issue of creative ambiguity through the case of the Brussels Agreement. Through analysing interferences from material mainly collected from both countries’ government websites, this study conducted that the use of creative ambiguity had a harmful impact not only on the relations between Kosovo and Serbia, but also on the implementation of the agreement.
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Gawrys, Michaela Lynn. "The Implications of Changing Border Structure: A Case Study in Kosovo." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1614975636475224.

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Rajtrová, Eva. "Role OSN a její efektivita při řešení mezinárodních konfliktů: Případová studie etnicko-kulturní konflikt v Kosovu." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-18112.

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The thesis deals with the role of the United Nations in resolution of international ethnic conflicts. The aim of the thesis is to try to evaluate the activities of United Nations in resolution of the Kosovo ethnic -- cultural conflict. The thesis sets the problem into context of United Nations' approach to ethnic conflicts. It analyses the historical development of the Kosovo conflict and the impact of the United Nations' activities. On basis of the gathered knowledge the thesis concludes that in spite of many partial problems, the activity of United Nations in Kosovo may be considered effective.
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Livres sur le sujet "Ethnic conflict – Kosovo (Serbia)"

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Kosovo: A short history. New York University Press, 1998.

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Kosovo: A short history. HarperPerennial, 1999.

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Bozzo, Luciano. The Kosovo quagmire: Conflict scenarios and methods for resolution. F. Angeli, 2000.

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Grigor'ev, A. N. Catastrophe in the Balkans: Serbia's neighbors and the Kosovo conflict. Project on Ethnic Relations, 1999.

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Beyond the Mountains of the Damned: The war inside Kosovo. New York University Press, 2002.

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Rocca, Roberto Morozzo Della. Kosovo: La guerra in Europa : origini e realtà di un conflitto etnico. Guerini e associati, 1999.

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W, Ingrao Charles, and Emmert Thomas Allan 1945-, eds. Confronting the Yugoslav controversies: A scholars' initiative. Purdue University Press, 2009.

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Oj Kosovo. 2nd ed. Stručna knjiga, 1988.

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Kosovo: Background to a war. Anthem Press, 2000.

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Dogo, Marco. Kosovo: Albanesi e Serbi : le radici del conflitto. Marco, 1992.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Ethnic conflict – Kosovo (Serbia)"

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Tannam, Etain. "Kosovo and Serbia." In International Intervention in Ethnic Conflict. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137317421_6.

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Schwegler, Ulrike, and L. Ripley Smith. "Ethno-political Conflict in Kosovo: Cultivating Trust in Serbian–Albanian Post-conflict Peace building." In Handbook of Ethnic Conflict. Springer US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-0448-4_14.

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Beha, Adem, and Anton Vukpalaj. "Kosovo: Can Decentralisation Resolve Ethnic Conflict?" In Fiscal Decentralisation, Local Government and Policy Reversals in Southeastern Europe. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96092-0_8.

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Bergmann, Julian. "The EU as a Mediator in the Kosovo–Serbia Conflict." In The European Union as International Mediator. Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25564-0_4.

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Sanchez, Michael R., and Fahredin Verbovci. "The Challenges of Policing Ethnic Minority Communities in Post-Conflict Kosovo." In Policing and Minority Communities. Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19182-5_13.

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Szeląg, Paulina. "Social Security of States with Limited Recognition: A Case Study of the Republic of Kosovo." In Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_9.

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AbstractThe Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) comprises 57 participating states, including almost all the countries of the Western Balkans. The only country which is not a participating state of the OSCE in this region is the Republic of Kosovo. Kosovo announced its independence from Serbia on 17 February 2008, and a number of OSCE participating states soon after recognized its statehood. However, some participating states, including Serbia, Russia, Spain, Slovakia, Romania, Cyprus, and Greece, did not. International organizations, such as the United Nations (UN), the European Union (EU), and the OSCE, have been engaged in post-conflict reconstruction of Kosovo since 1999. The aim of this article is to show the role of international community engagement in rebuilding the social security system in Kosovo since the end of the war of 1999. This analysis will enable the reader to understand not only the evolution of the social security system in Kosovo, but also the direct and indirect impact of international community on the social security of the states with limited recognition.
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Coşkun, Bezen Balamir. "Resolving the Conflict Between Serbia and Kosovo: Can Turkey Act as a Mediator?" In Turkey’s Return to the Western Balkans. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-10074-1_13.

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Maloku, Edona, Kaltrina Kelmendi, and Marko Vladisavljević. "Who Is This New We? Similarities and Differences of Ethnic, Religious, and National Identity among the Albanian Majority and the Serb Minority in Post-Conflict Kosovo." In Shaping Social Identities After Violent Conflict. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62021-3_6.

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"Dracula as Ethnic Conflict: The Technologies of “Humanitarian Intervention” in the Balkans during the 1999 NATO Bombing of Serbia and Kosovo." In Monsters and the Monstrous. Brill | Rodopi, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789401204811_006.

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Judah, Tim. "The War." In Kosovo. Oxford University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780195376739.003.0008.

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The second part of the Kosovo war, the 78-day bombardment of Serbia, including Kosovo and also Montenegro, in 1999, was so spectacular that it is easy for foreigners to forget the prologue to this tragic drama: the preceding year of conflict between the Kosovo...
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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Ethnic conflict – Kosovo (Serbia)"

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Nagy, Attila. "THE NON-APPLICATION OF COMPETITION RULES IN POST-CONFLICT DEVELOPMENT." In International Jean Monnet Module Conference of EU and Comparative Competition Law Issues "Competition Law (in Pandemic Times): Challenges and Reforms. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18834.

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Competition has been claimed to be a very liberal economic tool where market players are meant to be free in arranging their technologies, production and sales on a particular market. In this paper we are developing a new hypothetical of the functioning of market economies which are in a global sense and considering new markets very different and specific. All the global powers, whose centre of influence might change in time, are trying to gain a bigger share regarding raw materials and potential markets. In post-conflicts societies and in particular in our case study of Kosovo and Serbia we can see the more clear market interests of all local, regional and global powers. The research of post-conflict societies is providing us with some answers regarding the possible future developments in certain societies and regions. The EU made Brussels Agreements in Kosovo has managed to establish new enterprises as a solution of a political compromise where energy, telecommunication and natural resources played a key role. The Washington Agreement has liberalized the infrastructure achievements but in some aspects limited the use of energy and telecommunication infrastructure from certain sources. In this sense we can observe the limited capacity of competition rules application in post-conflict societies and in particular Kosovo in this case. These agreements have therefore limited the influence of economic, strategic and energy related influence from main USA competitors which have not been named in the agreements, but are well known. In both agreements it is visible how economic activities and cooperation is encouraged with various non-economic incentives. Competition is accordingly more of a political will than an economic reality for some in post-conflict societies. The introduction of various companies into the Kosovo legal framework and their control by Serbia is an obvious tool how natural resources could be shared for a benefit of citizens where conflict is resolved using free market and competition rules.
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