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Publié le 26 juillet 2024

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Epistles of Socrates and the Socratics"

Volpe, Enrico. « The Figure of Socrates in Numenius of Apamea : Theology, Platonism, and Pythagoreanism (fr. 24 des Places) ». Peitho. Examina Antiqua 13, n^o 1 (23 décembre 2022) : 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2022.1.8.

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Numenius is one of the most important authors who, in the Imperial Age, deal with the figure of Socrates. Socrates is important in the Platonic tradition, in particular in the sceptical tradition, when the Socratic dubitative “spirit” of the first Platonic dialogues became important to justify the “suspension of judgement.” Numenius criticises the whole Academic tradition by saying that the Academics (particularly the sceptics) betrayed the original doctrine of Plato and formulated a new image of Socrates. For Numenius, Socrates plays a central role because Plato would have inherited his doctrine. What does Socrates’s doctrine consist in? According to Numenius, Socrates theorised a “doctrine of three Gods” (which can be likely found in the second Platonic epistle) which is strictly bound up with the main aspect of Plato’s thought. In fact, in Numenius’s view, Plato belongs to a genealogy which can be linked to Pythagoras himself. From this perspective, Numenius says that Socrates’s original thought is a theology which also belongs to the Pythagorean tradition and which Plato further developed. For Numenius, Socrates is not the philosopher of doubt, but a theologian who first theorised the existence of three levels of reality (Gods), which is also the kernel of Numenius’s metaphysical system. For this reason, Numenius puts Socrates within a theological genealogy that begins with Pythagoras and continues with Socrates and Plato, and that the Academics and the Socratics failed to understand.

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VASALY, ANN. « THE ANCIENT EPISTOLARY COLLECTION REDUX : ‘SOCRATES’ AND CICERO IN PETRARCH'S FAM. 1.1 ». Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 61, n^o 2 (1 décembre 2018) : 106–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/2041-5370.12086.

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Abstract: The introductory letter of Petrarch's collection of prose epistles (Epistolae Familiares) includes a number of traditional programmatic elements, including a dedication to his close friend Ludwig Van Kempen, a narrative describing the collection's genesis, and a defence of its style and contents, rooted in the example of Cicero's letters to Atticus, Quintus, and Brutus, which Petrarch had discovered some five years earlier. In other ways, Fam. 1.1 is an absolutely unprecedented introduction to an epistolary collection — ultimately staging within the letter a kind of ‘conversion narrative’ that transforms the yet-uncompleted collection into an instantiation of the spiritual journey of its author.

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Prince, S. H. « Socrates and the Socratics ». Classical Review 55, n^o 2 (octobre 2005) : 424–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni236.

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Shichalin, Yury. « PLATO : FROM SOCRATES TO PRE-SOCRATICS ? » St.Tikhons' University Review 58, n^o 2 (30 avril 2015) : 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturi201558.27-42.

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Vasilakis, Dimitrios A. « Love as Descent : Comparing the Models of Proclus and Dionysius through Eriugena ». Religions 12, n^o 9 (5 septembre 2021) : 726. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12090726.

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This paper explores the models of the providential-erotic descent in Neoplatonism and Christianity and the ethical consequences that these two models entail. Neoplatonic representative is an excerpt from Proclus’ Commentary on the First Alcibiades, where a parallel with ancient Greek mythology is drawn: Socrates’ providential love for Alcibiades is compared to Hercules’ descent to Hades in order to save Theseus. This image recalls not only the return of the illumined philosopher back to the Cave (from Plato’s Republic) but also the Byzantine hagiographical depiction of Jesus Christ’s Resurrection qua Descent to Hades. The end of Dionysius’ 8th Epistle (the Christian counterpart to Proclus) recalls this Byzantine icon and forms a narration framed as a vision that a pious man had. There are crucial features differentiating Proclus from Dionysius, and Eriugena’s poetry (paschal in tone) helps in order to understand their ontological background and the eschatology they imply, as well as explain why Christ’s “philanthropy” (love for mankind) is more radical than that of Proclus’ Socrates.

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Betz, Hans Dieter, et Benjamin Fiore. « The Function of Personal Example in the Socratic and Pastoral Epistles ». Journal of Biblical Literature 107, n^o 2 (juin 1988) : 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3267723.

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Mulryan, Seamus. « Among All Socratics, Is there a Single Socrates ? » Philosophy of Education 74 (2018) : 296–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.47925/74.296.

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Schaps, David M. « Socrates and the Socratics : When Wealth Became a Problem ». Classical World 96, n^o 2 (2003) : 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352734.

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Cornelli, Gabriele. « Socrates and Alcibiades ». PLATO JOURNAL 14 (22 juillet 2015) : 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2183-4105_14_3.

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In Plato’s Symposium eros and paideia draw the fabric of dramatic and rhetorical speeches and, especially, the picture of the relation between Socrates and Alcibiades. This paper will focus, firstly, on two important facts, which are essential for the correct understanding of the dialogue, both of which appear at the beginning. First, it is said that Socrates, Alcibiades and the others (172 b) were present at the famous banquet, and second, that the banquet and the erotic speeches of the participants were so celebrated as to attract the attention for several decades to come. So, the memory of that symposium is thus the memory, far beyond the other symposiasts, and through the erotic speeches, of something precise: that is, a particularly significant relationship, that between Socrates and Alcibiades. What matters most for the aim of this paper is the fact that Alcibiades is considered one of the major reasons for the defeat of Athens and the main cause of the crisis into which the city was plunged during the last years of 5th century BC. Due to the distrust of the city towards the groups of ‘philosophers’ that remitted to Alcibiades’ group, it is no surprise that the so-called Socratics committed themselves to refuting the accusation of Socrates having been Alcibiades’ mentor, to the point of reversing the charge. In the same way as the others Plato, also a Socratic, concerns himself with what might be called the ‘Alcibiades’ Connection’. Realizing there obviously was no way to deny the deep connection between Socrates and Alcibiades, he uses a clever dramatic construction with the intention of operating a political intervention upon the memory of this relationship, that is, of rewriting history, with the intent of relieving him of a more precise charge, which must have especially weighed upon Plato andupon Socrates’ memory: of him having been Alcibiades’ lover/mentor. This Platonic apology is based, ultimately, in a clever rhetorical strategy, which emphasizes the now traditional sexual paranomia of Alcibiades, in order tomake him guilty of an attempted excessive and outrageous seduction not only of Socrates, but of the polis itself. Reusing comic and oratorical/rhetorical motifs of his time, therefore, Plato deepens the J’accuse against Alcibiades, trying to withdraw him from the orbit of Socrates and the Socratics.

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Corlett, John. « Sophistry, Socrates, and Sport Psychology ». Sport Psychologist 10, n^o 1 (mars 1996) : 84–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/tsp.10.1.84.

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It is argued that knowledge of the traditions of Western philosophy can play a valuable role in applied sport psychology. A contrast between sophist and Socratic ideas from Athens of the 5th-century BC is used to demonstrate the contribution a sound philosophical foundation can make in professional practice. Sophists are technique driven and concerned solely with specific skills that produce successful performance results. Socratics, in contrast, encourage rigorous personal examination and improved knowledge of self as the only meaningful pathway to personal happiness. The application of each philosophy to counseling situations such as fear of failure and eating disorders is described, and the potential role of philosophy and the humanities in the education of sport psychologists is discussed.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Epistles of Socrates and the Socratics"

Lucciano, Mélanie. « Paene Socratico genere : figures de Socrate dans la littérature et la philosophie à Rome de Plaute à Sénèque ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040071.

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Lorsque, au IVe siècle, les Romains rendirent hommage à la sagesse, ils érigèrent une statue de Pythagore. Pline l’Ancien s’en étonne : pourquoi n’a-t-on pas plutôt choisi Socrate ? Cette interrogation reflète l’intégration progressive de la figure du philosophe athénien à Rome, depuis le IIe siècle av. J.C. jusqu’à l’œuvre de Sénèque qui intériorise le modèle socratique d’enseignement.Est d’abord réuni le corpus exhaustif des occurrences de Socrate dans une perspective diachronique. Les passages sont contextualisés dans l’économie de l’œuvre, son genre et les objectifs de chaque auteur. La source grecque est, si possible, identifiée : la présence de Socrate sert alors de marqueur de la lecture des textes de Platon, de Xénophon, mais aussi d’autres Socratiques comme Eschine.Dans un second temps, les textes sont étudiés selon des regroupements chronologiques et thématiques : est alors définie une double réception de Socrate, entre valorisation et mépris, qui s’articule autour de sa grandeur, son rôle fondateur pour les écoles de pensée hellénistiques, sa mort courageuse et, à rebours, sa dénonciation de la rhétorique ou le caractère inutile des propos des Socratiques pour lutter contre les passions. Au mode de vie philosophique qu’incarne Socrate s’oppose parfois celui défini par le mos maiorum, ou encore par le poète élégiaque. Se dévoilent différentes interprétations de Socrate, ancêtre du cynisme et du stoïcisme, probabiliste ou transcendantaliste, ouvrant ainsi la voie à un transfert culturel des œuvres, mais aussi de leurs exégèses. Que ce soit dans une perspective historiographique, philosophique ou littéraire, Socrate devient peu à peu un exemplum, un modèle de vie
When, in 343 B.C., the Romans paid tribute to wisdom, they built a statue of Pythagoras. Why was not Socrates chosen instead ? Pliny the Elder wonders. This interrogation reflects the progressive integration of the figure of the Athenian philosopher in Rome, from the second century B.C. until the work of Seneca which internalises the Socratic teaching model.At first, the exhaustive corpus of the occurrences of Socrates is gathered in a diachronic perspective. The passages are contextualized in the entire work, its genre and the purposes of every author. The Greek sources are, when possible, identified : the presence of Socrates serves then as a marker for the reading of the texts of Plato, Xenophon, but also other Socratics like Aeschines.Secondly, the texts are studied according to chronological and thematic groupings : a double reception of Socrates is then defined, between praise and contempt, which articulates around his greatness, his founding role for the Hellenistic philosophic schools, his courageous death and, on the contrary, his denunciation of rhetoric or the fact that Socratics’ theories are useless to fight against passions. The philosophic lifestyle embodied by Socrates sometimes contrasts with the one defined by the mos maiorum, or by the elegiac poets. Various interpretations of Socrates come to light, as an ancestor of Cynicism and Stoicism, as a sceptic or a transcendentalist, paving the way for a cultural transfer of the Greek philosophical works but also of their exegeses. Whether it be in an historiographic, philosophic or literary perspective, Socrates gradually becomes an exemplum, a model of life

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Livres sur le sujet "Epistles of Socrates and the Socratics"

The function of personal example in the Socratic and Pastoral Epistles. Rome : Biblical Institute Press, 1986.

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J, Rowe C., dir. The circle of Socrates : Readings in the first-generation Socratics. Indianapolis, Ind : Hackett Pub. Co., 2013.

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Luise, Fulvia De, et Alessandro Stavru. Socratica III : Studies on Socrates, the Socratics, and the ancient Socratic literature. Sankt Augustin : Academia Verlag, 2013.

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Richard, Bentley. Dissertations Upon The Epistles Of Phalaris, Themistocles, Socrates, Euripides And Upon The Fables Of Aesop. Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007.

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Richard, Bentley. Dissertations Upon The Epistles Of Phalaris, Themistocles, Socrates, Euripides And Upon The Fables Of Aesop. Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007.

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From the Socratics to the Socratic Schools : Classical Ethics, Metaphysics and Epistemology. Taylor & Francis Group, 2015.

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Nails, Debra. The People of Plato : A Prosopography of Plato and Other Socratics. Hackett Publishing Company, 2002.

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Zilioli, Ugo. From the Socratics to the Socratic Schools : Classical Ethics, Metaphysics and Epistemology. Taylor & Francis Group, 2015.

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Zilioli, Ugo. From the Socratics to the Socratic Schools : Classical Ethics, Metaphysics and Epistemology. Taylor & Francis Group, 2015.

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Zilioli, Ugo. From the Socratics to the Socratic Schools : Classical Ethics, Metaphysics and Epistemology. Taylor & Francis Group, 2015.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Epistles of Socrates and the Socratics"

Costa, C. D. N. « Socratics ». Dans Greek Fictional Letters, 82–83. Oxford University PressOxford, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199240012.003.0009.

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Abstract I have given Euphron the Megarian six measures of barley, eight drachmas, and a new tunic, to see you through the win ter. Please accept them, and know that Euclides and Terpsion are eminently good and true men, and well-disposed to you as well as Socrates. And whenever the children want to come to us, don ’t stop them: it’s not far to come to Megara. Enough of all your weeping, my good friend: it will do you no good, and maybe even some harm. Remember what Socrates used to say and try to be guided by his character and his words; for constant grieving will do the utmost damage both to yourself and to the children. For they are, as it were, nestlings of Socrates, and we must not only nurture them, but also try to preserve ourselves on their account. If you or I or anyone else, who is concerned for Socrates ‘ children now he is dead, should die, they will suffer wrong being deprived of anyone to help and support them on a comparable basis. That is why you must try to live for their sakes, and you can ‘t do this without allowing yourself the essentials for living.

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« Plato and the Socratics ». Dans Socrates and the Socratic Dialogue, 237–67. BRILL, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004341227_013.

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Humble, Noreen. « Sparta and the Socratics ». Dans Socrates and the Socratic Philosophies, 51–64. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783985720057-51.

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Natali, Carlo. « Socrates’ Dialectic in Xenophon’s Memorabilia ». Dans Remembering Socrates, 3–19. Oxford University PressOxford, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199276134.003.0002.

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Abstract In recent years there has been a tendency to revise the harsh judgement given on Xenophon by philologists of the nineteenth century and the First part of the twentieth century. Some contemporary scholars maintain that it is interesting to study Xenophon’s Socratic writings, even if it is not possible to Find in them a historically accurate image of Socrates. Also the tendency to Find in Xenophon the remains of all the literature written by the Minor Socratics is not as strong as it was previously.

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« Book 2 : Ionians, Socrates and Socratics ». Dans Diogenes Laertius : Lives of Eminent Philosophers, 81–134. Cambridge University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781139047111.004.

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Moore, Christopher. « The Figure of Socrates ». Dans The Virtue of Agency, 133—C6N67. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197663509.003.0006.

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Abstract Socrates wrote nothing but, as the subsequent chapters on Xenophon and Plato show, had a perspective on sôphrosunê—and may have been thought distinctively to have embodied it. This chapter deals with other sources that speak to a Socratic perspective on sôphrosunê. We begin with the Old Comedy evidence, which links him to debates about sôphrosunê and characterizes him as dubiously sôphrôn. Then we turn to the small evidence from Antisthenes, the oldest of the Socratics, and to the sayings on sôphrosunê attributed to Socrates by Stobaeus, who may even be drawing from lost works of Antisthenes. Finally we look at the Alcibiades found in the Platonic corpus, which has Socrates identify sôphrosunê with self-knowledge, a plausibly Socratic equation.

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Rowe, Christopher. « The Teachability of Aretē among the Socratics ». Dans Early Greek Ethics, 629–48. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198758679.003.0028.

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“The Teachability of Aretē among the Socratics” surveys the Socratics’ views on the teachability of aretē (“virtue” or better “goodness”), bringing together the key evidence relating to Euclides, Antisthenes, Xenophon, Aeschines, and Plato—those Socratics for whom we have significant evidence on the topic. The chapter ends with brief speculations on the position of Socrates himself. The survey is in roughly equal parts original, synthetic, and critical. The chief focus is on the implications of the various figures’ treatments of the question “Is aretē teachable or not?” for their views on what aretē actually is, and on the degree to which those views may or may not have committed them to one form or another of intellectualism.

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Osorio, José Manuel. « Plato’s Good in the Phaedo : a New Reading ». Dans Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy, 239–44. Philosophy Documentation Center, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/wcp232018221313.

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In the Phaedo Socrates tells his intellectual biography. He states that in the beginning of his intellectual career he occupied himself with the same causes that the ones of the Pre-Socratics. But this explanation was the root of all sort of philosophical problems so he abandoned it. After this disappointment, Socrates discovered the book of Anaxagoras and he expected there to find that the nous is causa finalis of everything because it is the good. But Anaxagoras never really developed this thought so Socrates pursued a different path: the method of hypothesis and the theory of ideas (the deuteros plous). Is there any trace of the good in the Phaedo? The standard interpretation of the intellectual biography and the deuteros plous passage, where Socrates says he was deprived of it, maintains that there isn’t. Contrary to the standard reading of the text we affirm that the critique that the old Socrates makes against the Pre-Socratics for not taking into consideration the teleological aspect of causality could also be read as an outline of the causal role of the good. This reading allows us to think of a Socrates who is still searching for the good in the deuteros plous account.

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« The Ethical Philosophy of the Historical Socrates ». Dans Early Greek Ethics, sous la direction de David Conan Wolfsdorf, 169–94. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198758679.003.0010.

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“The Ethical Philosophy of the Historical Socrates” attempts to determine the basic ethical philosophical commitments of the historical Socrates. The method employed is to canvas prevailing ethical philosophical commitments among the Socratics, which can also be non-anachronistically imputed to a philosopher of a prior generation. The discussion specifically focuses on Socrates’ conception of his philosophical enterprise, including its scope, whether it was (explicitly) eudaimonistic, whether Socrates explicitly spoke of the psychē, his conception of the nature and role of knowledge in living well, and his methodological commitments, including his concern with definition and argumentation.

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« Epicurus and the Epicureans on Socrates and the Socratics ». Dans Brill's Companion to the Reception of Socrates, 237–65. BRILL, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004396753_010.

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