Articles de revues sur le sujet « Environmentalism – Italy »

Pressure to restart nuclear power has mounted as Italy has become the world's largest electricity importer. The Italian environmental movement campaigned against nuclear power during the 1980s, culminating in a 1987 moratorium on nuclear power production. The green movement was partly institutionalised by the Italian state during the 1990s, which contributed to the upholding of the moratorium. Internationally, some environmentalists have recently embraced nuclear power as an environmentally-friendly response to climate change. New nuclear power plants are planned in the USA, UK and ‘considered’ elsewhere. In Italy, however, the 1980s movement has a durable legacy which maintains opposition to nuclear power without evidence of it being reconsidered due to climate change. But in the general election of April 2008, environmentalists' political influence was reduced and a government promising to reopen nuclear plants was elected. Also, imported nuclear power from foreign joint ventures is now increasing and may provide an alternative to re-starting domestic nuclear generation.

- The birth of Italian environmental history in the late 80s is due to the works and research of professional and non-professional historians. Its recent growth, fed for the first time by young researchers, and its gradual institutionalization could take place neglecting or even ignoring the numerous and sometimes excellent studies published by non-professionals. The cases of the merceologist Giorgio Nebbia and the botanist Franco Pedrotti appear exemplary in this regard. Both of them being eminent scholars in their own fields and pioneers of the italian environmentalist movement, they dedicated a considerable part of their scientific production to historical research. Nebbia has devoted himself to the history of the relationship between society, commodities and natural resources and to the story of "ecological contestation" while Pedrotti has re- searched mainly in the fields of protected areas and in post 2nd World War Italian environmentalism. This essay aims to highlight the contribution given by Nebbia and Pedrotti to Italian studies in the field of environmental history and to the spread of interest in this subject.Parole chiave: Italia; storiografia; storia ambientale; ambientalismo; aree protette; archivi.Key words: Italy; historiography; environmental history; environmentalism; protected areas; archives.

This paper focuses on Italian libertarian and anti-authoritarian environmentalism, embodied at the political level by the Radical Party and by a small organization linked to it, the Amici della Terra, the Italian section of Friends of the Earth. It aims at highlighting their role within the environmentalist galaxy of associations, movements and committees and at studying their political strategy, the peculiarities of their cultural and political contribution to the Green movement, but also their clashes with the other components. The paper analyses the Radical Party and Amici della Terra's support for anti-nuclear mobilizations in the late 1970s, especially against the construction of a nuclear plant in Montalto di Castro; how they provided a political outlet for many animal-rights movements and contributed to bringing conservationist associations closer to politics; and how they tried to build international links with other Green parties and associations. The paper highlights some political and ideological clashes between Radical environmentalism and the so-called ‘Red ecology’ around the referendum against nuclear power plants, the anti-hunting referendum and the mobilization for peace and the Amici della Terra's proposal to create local Green Lists. Thus it aims at adding a political interpretation to the cultural one – suggested by scholars – of the delay in the development of a Green party in Italy compared to other Western European countries.

This article focuses on a protest campaign against the building of a high-speed railway in Tuscany, a region characterized by a "red" territorial subculture, that is, a dense network of associations and local institutions associated with the main left-wing party. The eight-year long protest campaign involved formal environmental movement organizations as well as parties and local institutional actors that often staged protests. The main actors of the campaign were, however, the local environmental movement organizations that were formed in most of the areas directly menaced by the project. Looking at the historical evolution of protest campaign, the authors investigate cooperation and competition inside the movement between the ideologically "purer" environmental organizations and the more moderate forms of action on the one hand, and the local, single-issue, and sometimes NIMBY groups that were more prone to protest, on the other. Drawing on a political process approach, the dynamics of the protest are explained by reference to a multilevel policy-making process, involving local, national, and even international political institutions. Moreover, a distinction is introduced between political opportunities and policy opportunities, all framed within the local political culture. Protest event analysis allows to relate the different repertoires with the changing set of resources and opportunities for the various actors in the different steps of the policy making process.

PurposeThe study aims to demonstrate that farmers' markets can represent a model of environmental, social and governance reference for modern agri-food systems facing the challenge of post COVID-19 pandemic reconstruction, responding to consumer expectations in terms of health, safety and wholesomeness of agri-food products.Design/methodology/approachA sample of consumers was surveyed in farmers' markets and social network analysis (SNA) was adopted as a methodological approach to reconstruct the links between the worlds of production and consumption and to derive the relative importance attributed to various factors that promote relational structures.FindingsThe work demonstrates the importance of sustainability – as a productive and behavioural model of firms – for the construction of efficient and durable relationship systems in two farmer markets in Sicily. In particular, four fundamental components emerge in the construction of networks represented by consumer sensitivity to sustainability processes, the individual behavioural model of purchasing and consumption, the expectation of political direction and the level and factors of knowledge of the firm. The clustering elements of the relationships were found to be the territory and local products, the environmentalist attitude and the protection of resources, as well as the adoption of a rational waste disposal policy, the fight against food waste, the encouragement of healthier and more sustainable consumption styles, clear and transparent communication and the activation of sustainable supply chain processes in line with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).Originality/valueThe paper aims to demonstrate how alternative food systems can become a useful model for large enterprises, which are committed to rebuilding their business strategy to overcome the current crisis.

Background: Most twin studies of multiple sclerosis (MS) are inconclusive regarding the impact of genes and environment on disease susceptibility. In particular, high uncertainty exists about whether shared environmental factors are aetiologically relevant. Objective: To disentangle, with a reasonable degree of confidence, the relative contributions of heritability and of shared and unique environmental components of MS susceptibility. Methods: We performed a meta-analysis of previous twin studies. After a MEDLINE search, we selected eight twin studies in France, UK, Canada, Denmark, North America, Italy, Finland and Sweden. We conducted a biometric multi-group analysis under the liability-threshold model, by taking account of the study-specific ascertainment strategies and the population-specific prevalence rates of MS. Results: The meta-analytic estimates of tetrachoric correlations were 0.71 (95% confidence interval (CI): 0.67–0.74) in monozygotic pairs and 0.46 (95% CI: 0.41–0.50) in dizygotic pairs. The biometric multi-group model provided meta-analytic estimates of 0.50 (95% CI: 0.39–0.61) for heritability, 0.21 (95% CI: 0.11–0.30) for shared environmental component and 0.29 (95% CI: 0.26–0.33) for unique environmental component. Conclusion: Our results support the continuing efforts to identify unknown genetic factors that fill the gap of ‘missing heritability’; moreover, a ‘missing environmentality’ deserves future investigations into the role of non-heritable components that act as both shared and individual-specific exposures.

Many farmers, in addition to normal farming activity, have already turned to agritourism as a source of additional farm income and opportunities. There are numerous benefits from the development of agritourism: it may strengthen local economy, create job opportunities and new businesses; develop and promote training and certification programs to introduce young people to agriculture and environment. Agritourism helps preserve rural lifestyles and landscape and also offers the opportunity to provide "sustainable" or "green" tourism. Organic agriculture is a cultural evolution that finds its origins in a environmentalist culture. Furthermore the focus on these products is due to demand on healthy foods with high quality standard limiting chemical substances usage. It’s clear the link of the organic agriculture with agritourism and tourism services. They have a considerable role in the future development of rural areas. The purpose of this paper was to identify and examine those factors that have helped rural communities successfully develop agritourism, in particular organic agritourism and its entrepreneurship opportunities. Several focus groups were conducted with local business persons and leaders about a applicative case of South Italy area.

Purpose Several sources have reported an increase in the opposition to the fifth-generation (5G) amongst local communities following the outbreak of Covid-19. In Italy, more than 300 municipalities banned 5G rollout from their territory between April and June 2020. Researchers have described this phenomenon as resulting from the infodemic caused by the pandemic, however, local protests also accompanied the rollout of the previous generation of mobile communications. This paper uses document analysis to explore the local debate on 5G municipal bans and map their evolution in an Italian region. This study aims to unravel the complexity of this phenomenon and inform future research on the actors and factors underlying the opposition of local communities towards 5G. Design/methodology/approach The analysis focusses on Marche, a region in Italy where, by July 2020, 25% of the municipalities had banned 5G rollout. This analysis is based on secondary data, retrieved from multiple online sources (articles from the local press, public statements and press releases, minutes from local council meetings and resolutions from local councils). Findings The analysis revealed that concerns on the safety of electromagnetic fields predated the pandemic, although these concerns may have increased the sensitivity of local communities towards health issues. The local debates on 5G involved many actors from the civil society, including environmentalists that had long campaigned against wireless technologies and local politicians playing a proactive role in leading and coordinating the adoption of resolutions against 5G. Originality/value This paper addresses an emerging phenomenon, such as municipal bans against 5G, that has not yet been explored in academic literature. Researchers have recently investigated the propagation of conspiracy theories on 5G on social media, but little has been said on the factors and actors shaping the debate on 5G within local communities.

Constructed wetlands (CWs) are nature-based solutions (NBS) for water pollution control that can also be designed to be multipurpose in terms of additional ecosystem services (ESs), such as biodiversity support and social benefits. Awareness about additional ESs of CWs can be raised with value transfer (VT) methods for ESs monetization, in particular, the simplified adjusted unit VT method. A multi-criteria analysis (MCA) was performed to compare grey and green infrastructure alternatives for the management of a combined sewer overflow in the Buccinasco town (Italy), in which the criteria related to ESs were monetized with an adjusted VT method (B£ST software). The results highlighted the potential interest in the implementation of the green infrastructure in a new urban park, due to the activation of additional ESs of interest, such as health and recreational aspects. The results were also confirmed by a sensitivity analysis, which simulated the variation of preferences among different stakeholder groups (e.g., citizens, environmentalists). In conclusion, this work provided a transparent methodology to support decisions regarding green and grey infrastructure, allowing to evaluate additional ESs from the beginning of the decision stage with low cost and efforts.

Today, the art of knowing how to listen is more urgent than ever. The perceptive sound system of the human being is stimulated daily by countless artificial sounds that dominate natural ones. When it comes to the idea of the soundscape, the terminology was initially referred to by composer and environmentalist Raymond Murray Shafer, who defined “soundscape” as a relationship between the ear, humans, built environments, and society. This paper aims to apply the sound landscape approach in the seaport area of Ancona (Italy); a large area, frequented daily by many people, which is divided into passenger and ferry terminals, container terminals, plants for solid bulk, and commercial and recreational activities. The purpose of the study was to evaluate the perception that a human has of the urban layout of the port area by correlating the parameters of traditional acoustics with psychoacoustics. To evaluate the subjective parameters, a questionnaire was developed and applied, enabling the analysis of demographic and behavioral factors such as age, visit frequency, and length of stay of the participants in the clusters of the seaport. This way, it was possible to give an indication of the sound quality of the different clusters of the port area, from an acoustic and emotional point of view, and this information could be particularly helpful in the planning phase of new attractions for the Ancona seaport.

This essay analyzes two ecological movements that emerged and developed in Southern European Mediterranean countries (France, Italy, and Spain) during the last couple of decades. Both the de-growth and the slow movement challenge the illogical logic of constant economic growth in the context of a limited biosphere and denounce the social and ecological degradation generated by global capitalism. Both articulate a redefinition of European environmentalism by opposing the environmental thinking of strong Euro-American tradition—very rooted in the official discourse of the European Union, such as the “gospel of eco-efficiency” (Martínez Alier 31)—that try to solve the ecological problems with the same logic that causes and perpetuates them (green capitalism, sustainable development). The de-growth and the slow movement propose instead sustainable, systemic alternatives which are socially and ecologically possible. These alternatives are based on conviviality, voluntary simplicity, slowness, and the reduction of the socioeconomic metabolism. They point out the necessity of an epistemological change and question the tyranny of industrial time (to augment constantly the production and consumption pace) to conclude that we can and need to live better with less, since it is more desirable, sustainable, and just. Since the 2008 financial crisis the de-growth and slow movement are acquiring certain popularity and visibility beyond their Euro-Mediterranean context, which makes them relevant actors on the global movement for environmental justice and the critique of global capitalism. Finally, this essay explores one of the many ways in which these Euro-Mediterranean socioenvironmental insights can be translated into ecocriticism in the specific case of recent Spanish novels. In the last decade, there have been a number of Spanish novels that use complex and sophisticated narrative strategies to focus on aspects related to neoliberal globalization. While some of them perpetuate the mainstream discourse of the European Union by privileging the uncritical celebration of digital culture, progress, and globalization, others challenge this by questioning our society’s blind faith in technological progress and economic growth—such texts advocate instead for a change of logic and lifestyle. The latter narratives seem to be more in-tune with the Euro-Mediterranean socioenvironmental movements mentioned previously and are therefore able to articulate a meaningful critique of the myths of progress, development, and economic growth by exposing the ecological and social degradation that is often generated by global capitalism. On the contrary, the kind of novel that reproduces mainstream European discourse—and, more importantly, the critics that celebrate it—tends to overtly and abundantly represent digital culture while failing to acknowledge its relation to the culture of new capitalism and its environmental and social impact. Resumen El presente ensayo analiza dos movimientos de raigambre ecologista que emergen y se desarrollan en las dos últimas décadas en los países mediterráneos del sur de Europa (Francia, Italia y España). Ambos, decrecimiento y movimiento lento, cuestionan la ilógica del crecimiento económico constante en el marco de una biosfera limitada y denuncian la degradación ecológica y social generada por el capitalismo global. Tanto uno como otro suponen una redefinición del ecologismo Europeo al oponerse a ciertos ecologismos de tradición Euroamericana—muy arraigados en el discurso oficial de la Unión Europea, como el “evangelio de la ecoeficiencia” (Martínez Alier 31)—sospechosos de querer solucionar el problema ecológico con la misma lógica que lo genera y perpetúa (desarrollo sostenible, capitalismo verde). El decrecimiento y el movimiento lento, en cambio, proponen alternativas sostenibles, sistémicas y viables económica y socialmente, basadas en la convivialidad, la simplicidad voluntaria, la desaceleración, la descomplejización y la reducción del metabolismo económico y social. Abogan, entonces, por un cambio de lógica, epistemológico, y cuestionan la tiranía del tiempo industrial (aumentar constantemente la velocidad de producción y consumo) para concluir que se puede y se debe vivir mejor con menos por ser más justo, deseable y sostenible. Desde la crisis financiera del 2008 el decrecimiento y el movimiento lento están adquiriendo cierta popularidad y visibilidad más allá del ámbito euro-mediterráneo, lo que les transforma en actores relevantes en el movimiento global por la justicia ecológica y la crítica altermundista al capitalismo global. En los últimos años se están publicando numerosas novelas españolas con estructuras narrativas complejas en las que el tema de la globalización está muy presente. Algunas de estas novelas celebran la cultura digital y la globalización de manera acrítica, coincidiendo con la corriente tecnófila hegemónica del discurso oficial europeo, mientras que otras cuestionan el modelo de crecimiento económico y la aceleración industrial, siendo más afines a las nuevas tendencias socioecológicas euro-mediterráneas. Son estas últimas narraciones las que mejor articulan una crítica coherente a la degradación ecológica y social generada por el capitalismo global al deconstruir los mitos sobre crecimiento económico y progreso tecnológico. En cambio, el otro tipo de novelas suele perpetuar en su discurso la ilógica del crecimiento económico por ser incapaces de relacionar las conexiones entre la cultura digital, la degradación ecológica y la lógica del nuevo capitalismo.

Resumo: Este artigo busca reconhecer alguns pontos de tangência entre os romances Vidas secas, de Graciliano Ramos, As cidades invisíveis, de Italo Calvino, e Grande sertão: veredas, de Guimarães Rosa, sobretudo no que respeita às relações modalizantes entre literatura e meio ambiente. Em meio à diversidade temática das obras indicadas, subjaz o tema da consciência ambiental, que, nas últimas décadas, vem recebendo a crescente adesão não apenas de ambientalistas, mas também de intelectuais, políticos, escritores. O foco na degradação ambiental, no alerta implícito acerca das precárias condições de vida futura em nosso planeta revela um dos nucleares e contundentes problemas a desafiar a agenda contemporânea. Nesse sentido, revela-se paradigmático o “lugar-sertão” rosiano, que, ao difundir seu território, seus valores e denúncias, patenteia uma concepção ambiental inovadora e reticular, em estreito diálogo com as atuais pesquisas interdisciplinares sobre o tema, as quais deveriam doravante guardar, em seu horizonte de expectativa, os paradigmas, as perspectivas e os equacionamentos que alicerçam as artes em geral e a literatura em particular.Palavras-chave: meio ambiente; literatura; modernidade.Abstract: This article aims to identify some tangential aspects among the novels Vidas Secas, by Graciliano Ramos, As cidades invisíveis, by Italo Calvino, and Grande Sertão: Veredas, by Guimarães Rosa, especially those referring to the modalizing relations between literature and environment. Amongst the thematic diversity of the indicated novels it is subjacent the environmental conscience theme. In the last decades such theme has been receiving increasing attention not only by environmentalists but also by intellectuals and politicians. The focus on environmental degradation and on the implicit alert about the poor future life conditions in our planet reveals one of the main and incisive problems as challenges to the contemporaneous agenda. In this sense, the “lugar-sertão” of Guimarães Rosa reveals itself as been paradigmatic which, by revealing its territory, values, and denunciations, shows an innovative and reticular environmental conception, in a close dialogue with the current interdisciplinary researches on the theme. These researches should keep, from that moment on, in their expectative horizon, the paradigms, perspectives, and problems to solve that consolidate the arts in general and, specifically, the literature.Keywords: environment; literature; contemporaneity.

The problem of rational and economical use of food is increasingly understood among the public, in particular among environmentalists, in different countries and people. In particular, the reasons for the loss of food raw materials and food products can be considered the presence of high competition among food producers, the problems of distribution and storage of food raw materials and food products and high requirements for the quality-appearance-of products, dishes. A significant amount of unused, discarded food negatively affects the ecology of the planet due to the formation of toxins and greenhouse gases, which in turn lead to contamination of soil, air and water resources. Direction foddering involves the distribution of extra food among the needy. Organizations and individuals donate excess food to other organizations, such as charities that help the poor or prepare meals for people without a fixed place of residence. The founder of this direction is Germany. Class food sharing in this country a strictly specified set rules and appropriate documentation. For example, food-accepting organizations are prohibited from divulging the names of the stores and hotels that provide their products. Exceptions are individual bio-companies that emphasize their charity involvement. The adoption by the German government of a program of measures to reduce food consumption is projected by 2030 should lead to a reduction in the discarded food in half. In Russia, thanks to food sharing in 2018, about 7 thousand tons of food were saved. According to RAEC and TIAR Center estimates, this volume can grow to 1 million tons by 2024. The most popular platform for food exchange is the Food sharing. ‘I’ll give you food for nothing.’ Vkontakte group. The main problem is the lack of regulation of food sharing at the legislative level, because no documents have been developed that could establish specific requirements for this type of activity and for the food sold of this kind. Also, the features of food sharing in other countries are considered: USA, France, Italy, Belgium, etc.

Formata dal movimento dei ghiacciai quaternari, la Valle di Susa è una valle alpina nel Nord Ovest italiano. Luminoso esempio di “materia narrante”, è anche terreno di scontro tra iniziative conservazionistiche e progetti infrastrutturali transnazionali. Il progetto dell’alta velocità-capacità ferroviaria, o TAV, è stato oggetto di dure critiche. Dagli anni Novanta, grandi mobilitazioni riunite sotto il vessillo No TAV dalla valle si sono estese all’intero territorio nazionale. Parallelamente, il TAV gode l’appoggio bipartisan delle forze politiche. Diversi progetti preliminari sono stati stracciati nel tentativo di sedare un conflitto quasi trentennale con le comunità locali, un conflitto che buona parte della popolazione descrive come “resistenza”, riallacciandosi all’epopea partigiana contro la piaga nazista. Il 28 luglio 2017, il Movimento No TAV ha annunciato il rinvenimento della sgargiante Zerynthia polyxena presso il torrente Clarea. Questa farfalla è inserita nella Direttiva Habitat, adottata dall’Unione europea nel 1992 per promuovere la tutela della biodiversità. Tuttavia, l’area è stata scelta come nuovo sito di cantiere da TELT, Promotore Pubblico responsabile della realizzazione e gestione della sezione transfrontaliera della futura linea Torino-Lyon. La notizia offre una lettura inedita del rapporto fra umano, tecnologia e ambiente in un contesto di altissima tensione economica e sociale quale è la Val di Susa. Nell'Ecuba, Euripide racconta che Polissena, principessa troiana, preferì farsi uccidere piuttosto che diventare schiava. La vicenda di Polissena è il cavallo di legno che introduce nel dibattito sul progetto del TAV l’assunto per cui “la liberazione della natura così ardentemente desiderata dagli ambientalisti non potrà mai essere pienamente ottenuta senza la liberazione della donna” (Gaard). Una nuova possibilità per il Movimento No TAV di far sentire la propria voce sarà illuminando la verità che il corpo della Terra e i corpi delle donne sono un unico corpo soggiogato e subordinato all’uomo, vittime dello stesso pregiudizio, quello di essere predisposti a uno scopo: compiacere, nutrire, servire. Ho ripercorso una china che va da La Dea Bianca di Robert Graves alla stregoneria al fascismo, guidato da alcune eroine letterarie. Coniugando idealmente l’ecofemminismo alla teoria designata da Edward Lorenz, battendo le ali Polissena può davvero scatenare un uragano. Abstract Formed by the movement of large ice sheets during the Quaternary glaciations, the Susa Valley is an alpine site in northwestern Italy. It is a luminous example of “storied matter,” but it is also a battlefield between visions of wild nature and the plans of “crossnational” infrastructures. The planned TAV (Treno Alta Velocità, or high-speed train) line has been the source of heavy criticism: since the 1990s, an intense mobilization has spread from the valley all across Italy under the banner of the “No TAV” movement. The TAV project has since enjoyed unwavering political support from the members of parliament, right-wing and left-wing alike. Several preliminary drafts have been overturned in the attempt to quell a three-decades–long clash with the communities, a clash that most of the local people depict as “resistance,” latching on to the partisans’ epic stories of endurance against the Nazi scourge that took place in the valley. On July 28, 2017, the No TAV movement announced the discovery of the rare and striking butterfly Zerynthia polyxena, among the rare, threatened, or endemic species in the European Union listed in the Habitat Directive adopted in 1992. Yet, the area has been chosen as the new construction site by the company entrusted with the management of the cross-border section of the high-speed railway line between Turin and Lyon (a.k.a. TELT). This piece of news provides an original point of view to address the relationship between human and non-human agencies in a context of economic and social tension such as the Susa Valley. In this paper, I compare contemporary circumstances in the valley to the ancient Greek myth of Polyxena. In the tragedy Hecuba, the dramatist Euripides describes Polyxena as the Trojan princess who prefers to kill herself rather than become a slave. Hence, the butterfly that carries her name might become a Trojan horse enshrining the idea that “the liberation of nature so ardently desired by environmentalists will not be fully effected without the liberation of women” (G. Gaard). Combining various critical strains within the Environmental Humanities–from ecofeminism and biosemiotics to environmental history and new materialism–I suggest that richer, more encompassing narratives will be generated only when the similar fate of subjugation experienced by non-human bodies and the bodies of women will be more widely recognized. I carve a meandering spatio-temporal narrative path that goes from Robert Graves’ The White Goddess to witch trials and fascism, attempting to follow an erratic fluttering pattern amongst the voices of literature. It is the very slanted figure eight pattern that Polyxena makes with its wings, and by which, according to the theory designated by Edward Lorenz, a hurricane could grow, bringing alternative world visions.Resumen Formado por el movimiento de grandes capas de hielo durante las glaciaciones cuaternarias, el valle de Susa es un enclave alpino en el noroeste de Italia. Es un ejemplo luminoso de “materia narrada”, pero también es un campo de batalla entre las visiones de la naturaleza salvaje y los planes de las infraestructuras “transnacionales”. La línea TAV (“Treno Alta Velocità” o tren de alta velocidad) ha sido objeto de fuertes críticas: desde la década de 1990 se ha extendido en toda Italia una intensa movilización bajo el lema del movimiento “No TAV”. Desde entonces, el proyecto TAV ha gozado de un apoyo político inquebrantable por parte de los miembros del parlamento, tanto de derecha como de izquierda. Varios proyectos preliminares han sido revocados en un intento de sofocar un enfrentamiento de tres décadas con las comunidades, un choque que la mayoría de la población local concibe como “resistencia”, con referencia a las épicas historias de resistencia de los partisanos contra el flagelo nazi que tuvo lugar en el valle. El 28 de julio de 2017, el movimiento No TAV anunció el descubrimiento de la sorprendente mariposa Zerynthia polyxena, entre las especies raras, amenazadas o endémicas de la Unión Europea, enumeradas en la Directiva Hábitat adoptada en 1992. Sin embargo, el lugar ha sido elegido como el nuevo sitio de construcción por la empresa encargada de la gestión del tramo transfronterizo de la línea ferroviaria de alta velocidad entre Turín y Lyon (también conocido como TELT). Esta noticia proporciona un punto de vista original para abordar la relación entre los seres humanos y el medio ambiente en un contexto de tensión económica y social como el Valle de Susa. En este artículo, comparo las circunstancias contemporáneas en el valle con el antiguo mito griego de Políxena. En la tragedia Hécuba, el dramaturgo Eurípides describe a Políxena como la princesa troyana que prefiere suicidarse antes que ser una esclava. Por lo tanto, la mariposa que lleva su nombre podría convertirse en un caballo de Troya que consagre la idea de que “la liberación de la naturaleza tan ardientemente deseada por los ecologistas no se realizará completamente sin la liberación de las mujeres” (G. Gaard). Combinando varias tendencias críticas dentro de las ciencias humanas ambientales—desde el ecofeminismo y la biosemiótica hasta la historia ambiental y los nuevos materialismos—sugiero que se generarán narrativas más ricas e incluyentes sólo cuando el destino similar de subyugación experimentado por cuerpos no humanos y cuerpos de mujeres sea más ampliamente reconocido. Trazo una ruta narrativa espacio-temporal serpenteante que va desde La Diosa Blanca de Robert Graves hasta los juicios de brujas y el fascismo, tratando de seguir un patrón de aleteo errático entre las voces de la literatura. Es el patrón inclinado de la figura de ocho que hace Políxena con sus alas, y por obra del cual, de acuerdo con la teoría designada por Edward Lorenz, un huracán podría crecer, trayendo visiones alternativas del mundo.

This article explores the challenges faced by working-class environmentalism through the case study of the industrial decline of Porto Marghera’s petrochemical complex, in Venice, Italy. It argues that there is a class dimension in environmentalist struggles in both workplaces and communities. Workplace-centred struggles are conflicts over the conditions under which workers produce commodities or reproduce labour-power, while community-centred struggles are conflicts over the conditions of workers’ own reproduction. The distinction between workplace-centred and community-centred struggles is based on three theoretical expansions: (1) a conception of working-class based on dispossession rather than exploitation; (2) a conception of work including both production and reproduction; (3) a conception of working-class interests encompassing both the workplace and the community. The article thus contributes to environmental labour studies with an original analysis of the interplay between workplace-centred and community-centred working-class environmentalist struggles. In Porto Marghera, in the 1990s and 2000s, the community-centred and workplace-centred working-class environmentalist camps diverged over chlorine-based production, with the former demanding a just transition away from chlorine and the latter a just transition within it. While the rival mobilisations limited damage to health and the environment on the one hand, and to chlorine workers’ livelihoods on the other hand, chlorine-based production was closed without full environmental remediation and without the relocation of all its workers to comparable jobs. The article concludes that the convergence between workplace and community organising is a critical step in the construction of alternatives to the jobs versus environment dilemma.

Purpose It has been established that values, beliefs and norms are good predictors of pro-environmental behaviour; however, it is less explored how these constructs can be influenced. The purpose of this paper is to assess whether the COVID-19 pandemic, as a shock event, was a “game changer” or it had limited impacts on deep-rooted travel patterns. Design/methodology/approach To understand whether the pandemic has influenced people’s value orientations with regards to sustainable travel, the authors have made use of the value–belief–norm (VBN)theory of environmentalism and conducted a large-scale survey in Germany, Italy, France, The Netherlands and UK (N = 1545). Findings The findings showed that the pandemic caused only temporary change in deep-rooted travel patterns as (self-reported) pre-pandemic behaviour of respondents align with their value orientations and proved to be a good predictor of projected travel behaviour. Based on projected travel behaviour and value orientations, four market segments were identified – Frontrunners, Laggards, Comfortable Crowd and Entitled Stewards. While all segments showed willingness to adapt, the authors found variations in the extent of adaption and in the phases of the customer journey where travellers are likely to make changes. Originality/value According to our knowledge, using the VBN theory of environmentalism to understand the impact of shock events on deep-rooted travel patterns represents a new perspective. Moreover, to the best of authors’ knowledge, this study is one of the first, written in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic, which looks at the impact of the health crisis on deep-rooted travel patterns, instead of the commonly studied risk perception.

The world has paid increasing attention to energy efficiency projects since the Paris agreement and UN climate summit. Recently, the COVID-19 pandemic accelerated the process of the green energy transition, which has attracted considerable attention from economists, environmentalists, and international organizations and has led to significant research in energy. This study addresses the importance of green energy practices in the post-COVID-19 era to deal with environmental deregulation using bibliometric analysis. Data were extracted from the Scopus database from 2020 to 2022. Results indicate that China gained a prominent place in publishing topic-related articles. However, Italy stands at the top position in total and average article citations. Sustainability is the most productive journal, followed by Energies and the Journal of Cleaner Production. Nazarbayev University and the University of Cambridge are the most contributing research institutes. In general, the cooperation of authors, institutes, and countries strengthens research; however, collaboration at the author level across the nation was lower than in others. The study highlights three research streams and four themes by systematically conducting a bibliometric coupling and co-occurrence network that anticipates and significantly segregates literature. Bibliometric coupling identifies three research streams of sustainable green business strategies, green infrastructure requirements, and green solutions and opportunities from COVID-19. Furthermore, the co-occurrence network proposes four main themes related to green innovation in the epidemic era, security and sustainable development goals with green practices, public health protection and green finance, and investment and risk management. The results provide insights into current research in the field of energy and will assist future work promoting environmentally friendly projects.

Introduction In November 2020, upon learning that the company’s Covid-19 vaccine trial had been successful, the head of Pfizer’s Vaccine Research and Development, Kathrin Jansen, celebrated with champagne – “some really good stuff” (Cohen). Bubbles seem to go naturally with celebration, and champagne is fundamentally associated with bubbles. Yet, until the late-seventeenth century, champagne was a still wine, and it only reached the familiar levels of bubbliness in the late-nineteenth century (Harding). During this period and on into the early twentieth century, “champagne” was in many ways created, defined, and defended. A “champagne bubble” was created, within which the “nature” of champagne was contested and constructed. Champagne today is the result of hundreds of years of labour by many sorts of bubble-makers: those who make the bubbly drink, and those who construct, maintain, and defend the champagne bubble. In this article, I explore some elements of the champagne bubble, in order to understand both its fragility and rigidity over the years and today. Creating the Champagne Bubble – the Labour of Centuries It is difficult to separate the physical from the mythical as regards champagne. Therefore the categorisations below are always overlapping, and embedded in legal, political, economic, and socio-cultural factors. Just as assemblage – the mixing of wine from different grapes – is an essential element of champagne wine, the champagne bubble may be called heterogeneous assemblage. Indeed, the champagne bubble, as we will see below, is a myriad of different sorts of bubbles, such as terroir, appellation, myth and brand. And just as any assemblage, its heterogeneous elements exist and operate in relation to each other. Therefore the “champagne bubble” discussed here is both one and many, all of its elements fundamentally interconnected, constituting that “one” known as “champagne”. It is not my intention to be comprehensive of all the elements, historical and contemporary. Indeed, that would not be possible within such a short article. Instead, I seek to demonstrate some of the complexity of the champagne bubble, noting the elaborate labour that has gone into its creation. The Physical Champagne and Champagne – from Soil to Bubbles Champagne means both a legally protected geographical area (Champagne), and the wine (here: champagne) produced in this area from grapes defined as acceptable: most importantly pinot noir, pinot meunier (“black” grapes), and chardonnay (“white” grape). The method of production, too, is regulated and legally protected: méthode champenoise. Although the same method is used in numerous locations, these must be called something different: metodo classico (Italy), método tradicional (Spain), Methode Cap Classique (South Africa). The geographical area of Champagne was first legally defined in 1908, when it only included the areas of Marne and Aisne, leaving out, most importantly, the area of Aube. This decision led to severe unrest and riots, as the Aube vignerons revolted in 1911, forcing the inclusion of “zone 2”: Aube, Haute-Marne, and Seine-et-Marne (Guy). Behind these regulations was a surge in fraudulent production in the early twentieth century, as well as falling wine prices resulting from increasing supply of cheap wines (Colman 18). These first appellations d’origine had many consequences – they proved financially beneficial for the “zone 1”, but less so for the “zone 2”. When both these areas were brought under the same appellation in 1927, the financial benefits were more limited – but this may have been due to the Great Depression triggered in 1929 (Haeck et al.). It is a long-standing belief that the soil and climate of Champagne are key contributors to the quality of champagne wines, said to be due to “conditions … most suitable for making this type of wine” (Simon 11). Already in the end of the nineteenth century, the editor of Vigneron champenois attributed champagne’s quality to “a fortunate combination of … chalky soil … [and] unrivalled exposure [to the sun]” (Guy 119) among other things. Factors such as soil and climate, commonly included in and expressed through the idea of terroir, undoubtedly influence grapes and wines made thereof, but the extent remains unproven. Indeed, terroir itself is a very contested concept (Teil; Inglis and Almila). It is also the case that climate change has had, and will continue to have, devastating effects on wine production in many areas, while benefiting others. The highly successful English sparkling wine production, drawing upon know-how from the Champagne area, has been enabled by the warming climate (Inglis), while Champagne itself is at risk of becoming too hot (Robinson). Champagne is made through a process more complicated than most wines. I present here the bare bones of it, to illustrate the many challenges that had to be overcome to enable its production in the scale we see today. Freshly picked grapes are first pressed and the juice is fermented. Grape juice contains natural yeasts and therefore will ferment spontaneously, but fermentation can also be started with artificial yeasts. In fermentation, alcohol and carbon dioxide (CO2) are formed, but the latter usually escapes the liquid. The secret of champagne is its second fermentation, which happens in bottles, after wines from different grapes and/or vineyards have been blended for desired characteristics (assemblage). For the second fermentation, yeast and sugar are added. As the fermentation happens inside a bottle, the CO2 that is created does not escape, but dissolves into the wine. The average pressure inside a champagne bottle in serving temperature is around 5 bar – 5 times the pressure outside the bottle (Liger-Belair et al.). The obvious challenge this method poses has to do with managing the pressure. Exploding bottles used to be a common problem, and the manner of sealing bottles was not very developed, either. Seventeenth-century developments in bottle-making, and using corks to seal bottles, enabled sparkling wines to be produced in the first place (Leszczyńska; Phillips 137). Still today, champagne comes in heavy-bottomed bottles, sealed with characteristically shaped cork, which is secured with a wire cage known as muselet. Scientific innovations, such as calculating the ideal amount of sugar for the second fermentation in 1836, also helped to control the amount of gas formed during the second fermentation, thus making the behaviour of the wine more predictable (Leszczyńska 265). Champagne is characteristically a “manufactured” wine, as it involves several steps of interference, from assemblage to dosage – sugar added for flavour to most champagnes after the second fermentation (although there are also zero dosage champagnes). This lends champagne particularly suitable for branding, as it is possible to make the wine taste the same year after year, harvest after harvest, and thus create a distinctive and recognisable house style. It is also possible to make champagnes for different tastes. During the nineteenth century, champagnes of different dosage were made for different markets – the driest for the British, the sweetest for the Russians (Harding). Bubbles are probably the most striking characteristic of champagne, and they are enabled by the complicated factors described above. But they are also formed when the champagne is poured in a glass. Natural impurities on the surface of the glass provide channels through which the gas pockets trapped in the wine can release themselves, forming strains of rising bubbles (Liger-Belair et al.). Champagne glasses have for centuries differed from other wine glasses, often for aesthetic reasons (Harding). The bubbles seem to do more than give people aesthetic pleasure and sensory experiences. It is often claimed that champagne makes you drunk faster than other drinks would, and there is, indeed, some (limited) research showing that this may well be the case (Roberts and Robinson; Ridout et al.). The Mythical Champagne – from Dom Pérignon to Modern Wonders Just as the bubbles in a champagne glass are influenced by numerous forces, so the metaphorical champagne bubble is subject to complex influences. Myth-creation is one of the most significant of these. The origin of champagne as sparkling wine is embedded in the myth of Dom Pérignon of Hautvillers monastery (1638–1715), who according to the legend would have accidentally developed the bubbles, and then enthusiastically exclaimed “I am drinking the stars!” (Phillips 138). In reality, bubbles are a natural phenomenon provoked by winter temperatures deactivating the fermenting yeasts, and spring again reactivating them. The myth of Dom Pérignon was first established in the nineteenth century and quickly embraced by the champagne industry. In 1937, Moët et Chandon launched a premium champagne called Dom Pérignon, which enjoys high reputation until this day (Phillips). The champagne industry has been active in managing associations connected with champagne since the nineteenth century. Sparkling champagnes had already enjoyed fashionability in the later seventeenth and early eighteenth century, both in the French Court, and amongst the British higher classes. In the second half of the nineteenth century, champagne found ever increasing markets abroad, and the clientele was not aristocratic anymore. Before the 1860s, champagne’s association was with high status celebration, as well as sexual activity and seduction (Harding; Rokka). As the century went on, and champagne sales radically increased, associations with “modernity” were added: “hot-air balloons, towering steamships, transcontinental trains, cars, sports, and other ‘modern’ wonders were often featured in quickly proliferating champagne advertising” (Rokka 280). During this time, champagne grew both drier and more sparkling, following consumer tastes (Harding). Champagne’s most important markets in later nineteenth century included the UK, where the growing middle classes consumed champagne for both celebration and hospitality (Harding), the US, where (upper) middle-class women were served champagne in new kinds of consumer environments (Smith; Remus), and Russia, where the upper classes enjoyed sweeter champagne – until the Revolution (Phillips 296). The champagne industry quickly embraced the new middle classes in possession of increasing wealth, as well as new methods of advertising and marketing. What is remarkable is that they managed to integrate enormously varied cultural thematics and still retain associations with aristocracy and luxury, while producing and selling wine in industrial scale (Harding; Rokka). This is still true today: champagne retains a reputation of prestige, despite large-scale branding, production, and marketing. Maintaining and Defending the Bubble: Formulas, Rappers, and the Absolutely Fabulous Tipplers The falling wine prices and increasing counterfeit wines coincided with Europe’s phylloxera crisis – the pest accidentally brought over from North America that almost wiped out all Europe’s vineyards. The pest moved through Champagne in the 1890s, killing vines and devastating vignerons (Campbell). The Syndicat du Commerce des vins de Champagne had already been formed in 1882 (Rokka 280). Now unions were formed to fight phylloxera, such as the Association Viticole Champenoise in 1898. The 1904 Fédération Syndicale des Vignerons was formed to lobby the government to protect the name of Champagne (Leszczyńska 266) – successfully, as we have seen above. The financial benefits from appellations were certainly welcome, but short-lived. World War I treated Champagne harshly, with battle lines stuck through the area for years (Guy 187). The battle went on also in the lobbying front. In 1935, a new appellation regime was brought into law, which came to be the basis for all European systems, and the Comité National des appellations d'origine (CNAO) was founded (Colman 1922). Champagne’s protection became increasingly international, and continues to be so today under EU law and trade deals (European Commission). The post-war recovery of champagne relied on strategies used already in the “golden years” – marketing and lobbying. Advertising continued to embrace “luxury, celebration, transport (extending from air travel to the increasingly popular automobile), modernity, sports” (Guy 188). Such advertisement must have responded accurately to the mood of post-war, pre-depression Europe. Even in the prohibition US it was known that the “frivolous” French women might go as far as bathe in champagne, like the popular actress Mistinguett (Young 63). Curiously, in the 1930s Soviet Russia, “champagne” (not produced in Champagne) was declared a sign of good living, symbolising the standard of living that any Soviet worker had access to (at least in theory) (Gronow). Today, the reputation of champagne is fiercely defended in legal terms. This is not only in terms of protection against other sparkling wine making areas, but also in terms of exploitation of champagne’s reputation by actors in other commercial fields, and even against mass market products containing genuine champagne (Mahy and d’Ath; Schneider and Nam). At the same time, champagne has been widely “democratised” by mass production, enabled partly by increasing mechanisation and scientification of champagne production from the 1950s onwards (Leszczyńska 266). Yet champagne retains its association with prestige, luxury, and even royalty. This has required some serious adaptation and flexibility. In what follows, I look into three cultural phenomena that illuminate processes of such adaptation: Formula One (F1) champagne spraying, the 1990s sitcom Absolutely Fabulous, and the Cristal racism scandal in 2006. The first champagne bottle is said to have been presented to F1 grand prix winner in Champagne in 1950 (Wheels24). Such a gesture would have been fully in line with champagne’s association with cars, sport, and modernity. But what about the spraying? Surely that is not in line with the prestige of the wine? The first spraying is attributed to Jo Siffert in 1966 and Dan Gurney in 1967, the former described as accidental, the latter as a spontaneous gesture of celebration (Wheels24; Dobie). Moët had become the official supplier of F1 champagnes in 1966, and there are no signs that the new custom would have been problematic for them, as their sponsorship continued until 1999, after which Mumm sponsored the sport for 15 years. Today, the champagne to be popped and sprayed is Chanson, in special bottles “coated in the same carbon fibre that F1 cars are made of” (Wheels24). Such an iconic status has the spraying gained that it features in practically all TV broadcasts concerning F1, although non-alcoholic substitute is used in countries where sale of alcohol is banned (Barker et al., “Quantifying”; Barker et al., “Alcohol”). As disturbing as the champagne spraying might look for a wine snob, it is perfectly in line with champagne’s marketing history and entrepreneurial spirit shown since the nineteenth century. Nor is it unheard of to let champagne spray. The “art” of sabrage, opening champagne bottle with a sable, associated with glamour, spectacle, and myth – its origin is attributed to Napoleon and his officers – is perfectly acceptable even for the snob. Sparkling champagne was always bound up with joy and celebration, not a solemn drink, and the champagne bubble was able to accommodate middle classes as well as aristocrats. This brings us to our second example, the British sitcom Absolutely Fabulous. The show, first released in 1992, featured two women, “Eddy” (Jennifer Saunders) and “Patsy” (Joanna Lumley), who spent their time happily smoking, taking drugs, and drinking large quantities of “Bolly” (among other things). Bollinger champagne may have initially experienced “a bit of a shock” for being thus addressed, but soon came to see the benefits of fame (French). In 2005, they hired PR support to make better use of the brand’s “Ab Fab” recognisability, and to improve its prestige reputation in order to justify their higher price range (Cann). Saunders and Lumley were warmly welcomed by the Bollinger house when filming for their champagne tour Absolutely Champers (2017). It is befitting indeed that such controversial fame came from the UK, the first country to discover sparkling champagne outside France (Simon 48), and where the aspirational middle classes were keen to consume it already in the nineteenth century (Harding). More controversial still is the case of Cristal (made by Louis Roederer) and the US rap world. Enthusiastically embraced by the “bling-bling” world of (black) rappers, champagne seems to fit their ethos well. Cristal was long favoured as both a drink and a word in rap lyrics. But in 2006, the newly appointed managing director at the family owned Roederer, Frédéric Rouzaud, made comments considered racist by many (Woodland). Rouzard told in an interview with The Economist that the house observed the Cristal-rap association “with curiosity and serenity”. He reportedly continued: “but what can we do? We can’t forbid people from buying it. I’m sure Dom Pérignon or Krug would be delighted to have their business”. It was indeed those two brands that the rapper Jay-Z replaced Cristal with, when calling for a boycott on Cristal. It would be easy to dismiss Rouzard’s comments as snobbery, or indeed as racism, but they merit some more reflection. Cristal is the premium wine of a house that otherwise does not enjoy high recognisability. While champagne’s history involves embracing new sorts of clientele, and marketing flexibly to as many consumer groups as possible (Rokka), this was the first spectacular crossing of racial boundaries. It was always the case that different houses and their different champagnes were targeted at different clienteles, and it is apparent that Cristal was not targeted at black rap artists. Whereas Bollinger was able to turn into a victory the questionable fame brought by the white middle-class association of Absolutely Fabulous, the more prestigious Cristal considered the attention of the black rapper world more threatening and acted accordingly. They sought to defend their own brand bubble, not the larger champagne bubble. Cristal’s reputation seems to have suffered little – its 2008 vintage, launched in 2018, was the most traded wine of that year (Schultz). Jay-Z’s purchase of his own champagne brand (Armand de Brignac, nicknamed Ace of Spades) has been less successful reputation-wise (Greenburg). It is difficult to break the champagne bubble, and it may be equally difficult to break into it. Conclusion In this article, I have looked into the various dilemmas the “bubble-makers” of Champagne encountered when fabricating what is today known as “champagne”. There have been moments of threat to the bubble they formed, such as in the turn of nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and eras of incomparable success, such as from the 1860s to 1880s. The discussion has demonstrated the remarkable flexibility with which the makers and defenders of champagne have responded to challenges, and dealt with material, socio-cultural, economic, and other problems. It feels appropriate to end with a note on the current challenge the champagne industry faces: Covid-19. The pandemic hit champagne sales exceptionally hard, leaving around 100 million bottles unsold (Micallef). This was not very surprising, given the closure of champagne-selling venues, banning of public and private celebrations, and a general mood not particularly prone to (or even likely to frown upon) such light-hearted matters as glamour and champagne. Champagne has survived many dramatic drops in sales during the twentieth century, such as the Great Depression of the 1930s, and the post-financial crisis collapse in 2009. Yet they seem to be able to make astonishing recoveries. 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