Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Environmental policy – European Union countries – Decision making »

The European Union and China are the two countries that have advantages in each of them. The European Union and China have a dispute regarding renewable energies, namely the problem with solar panels. China's policy of making solar panels prices have low bargaining power makes the European Union unable to accept the policy because it can cause a long trade conflict. The case study in this paper also illustrates that the EU is actively approaching it to overcome environmental challenges in China by involving the European Union in dialogue and negotiation on various issues and providing capacity-building support. China also introduced trade reforms and carbon emissions to environmental decision-making bodies in the European Union, and it was supported by the European Union, including through meetings to determine sustainable policies and development projects on energy and the environment. Keywords: EU – China dispute, Environmental Challenges, anti-dumping, China’s policy, World Trade Organization.

Fostering sustainability in the construction industry has been claimed; however, important barriers are hindering its implementation in public procurement. The main reason is the lack of knowledge about what sustainability criteria should be included and the high level of subjectivity in the definition of their level of importance. Both aspects should be addressed depending on the specific context of each country. Therefore, the aim of this research focused on identifying the sustainability shortcomings that exist in each European Union country in order to determine the level of importance of each sustainability category. Five environmental categories and eight social categories were established, and, to assess the sustainability performance of the 28 European countries, 42 national indicators were selected and the Promethee method was undertaken to rank the countries. Finally, through a cluster analysis, two groups of countries were identified. The first group consisted of the most economically developed European Union countries. These countries need to focus mainly on the environmental performance. However, the second group needs to make an effort in social sustainability at the same time, which controls their environmental performance. This research provides guidance on the decision-making with regard to the inclusion of sustainability in public procurement of the construction industry.

Environmental policy instruments allow to incorporate the problem of using the natural resources into the decision-making process of individual agents. One of the most efficient instruments for environmental protection are economic instruments, the indirect methods of influence on agents’ behavior. The aim of the article is to present the state of the Polish system of economic instruments in the light of other European countries’ experiences (especially European Union countries) and perspectives in the use of economic instruments for environmental policy during the coming years. The study is based on the literature review, reports ordered by the Polish Ministry of Environment and publications published by The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the European Environment Agency (EEA). The analysis suggests that economic instruments are widely used in Polish environmental policy. The main economic instruments in this policy are environmental charges and fines. Some of these charges and fines have been used in Polish environmental for several dozen years. Revenues from these instruments are earmarked for environmental expenditures. There are also some new, interesting economic instruments in Polish environmental policy, such as: deposit-refund systems, tradable energy certificates and emissions trading scheme. There are some opportunities for expanding the use of economic instruments for environmental policy in Poland. For example, there could be increased use of some environmental charges or taxes, and the environmental insurance. Poland could also implement an environmental tax reform.

Abstract Pollution adjacent to the continent's shores has increased in the last decades, so it has been necessary to establish an energy policy to improve environmental conditions. One of the proposed solution was the search of alternative fuels to the commonly used in Short Sea Shipping to reduce pollution levels in Europe. Studies and researches show that liquefied natural gas could meet the European Union environmental requirements. Even environmental benefits are important; currently there is not significant number of vessels using it as fuel. Moreover, main target of this article is exposing result of a research in which a methodology to establish the most relevant variables in the decision to implement liquefied natural gas in Short Sea Shipping has been development using data mining. A Bayesian network was constructed because this kind of network allows to get graphically the relationships between variables and to determine posteriori values that quantify their contributions to decision-making. Bayesian model has been done using data from some European countries (European Union, Norway and Iceland) and database was generated by 35 variables classified in 5 categories. Main obtained conclusion in this analysis is that variables of transport and international trade and economy and finance are the most relevant in the decision-making process when implementing liquefied natural gas. Even more, it can be stablish that capacity of liquefied natural gas regasification terminals under construction and modal distribution of water cargo transportation continental as the most decisive variables because they are the root nodes in the obtained network.

Abstract The EU Lisbon Treaty 2007 (LT) brings some changes for the common commercial policy (CCP) and the decision-making processes related to it. CCP is newly included in the one area with all the external activities of the EU, with foreign and security policy, international environmental policy, development aid and economic, financial and technical cooperation with third countries. The fundamental areas of the CCP have been expanded to include foreign direct investment, services and trade-related aspects of intellectual property rights. The EU’s exclusive competence for external negotiation of agreements in areas of exclusive competence and internal CCP regarding their implementation were confirmed. The changes affect the role of the European Parliament and also the functioning of the European Council, the Council, and competences of the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the European External Action Service. Together with these changes, there will be also changes in procedures within the European Union. A number of aspects of the decision-making process are not yet entirely clarified, and only the practice of the participation of the EU Member States and the European Parliament in the formation of the common commercial policy will bring more meaningful conclusions. The changes brought by the LT will affect not only the extent of the influence of EU Member States on the common commercial policy, but they can also affect the position of the EU in the context of international trade, particularly in the area of negotiating commitments and rules of multilateral and bilateral trade and investment agreements.

The Czech Republic and Romania present two very different levels of development of environmental impact assessment ( EIA ) , even though both countries gained their independence in the same year (1989) and both have aspirations to join the European Union (EU). This article examines the various driving forces for EIA legislation, analyses the different EIA concepts and identifies the strengths and weaknesses of the two regimes. While the Czech Republic introduced an EIA Act in 1992 (based mainly on the EC Directive 851337jEEC), Romania has yet to draft any ElA-specific legislation. Furthermore, the concept of EIA in Romania is very different to that in the Czech Republic and the EU. While all indicators suggest that the Romanian EIA system is ineffective, little research has so far been carried out to verify this. The Czech Republic, by contrast, shares many weaknesses of its EIA system with those of EU countries. Both share common problems of many Central and Eastern European countries, including low or variable public environmental awareness, an immature NGO movement (but gaining in strength and experience), a history of minimal public involvement in decision-making, and internal conflicts within government which inhibit the development of EIA and wider environmental legislation.

Investment opportunities are analyzed from the perspective of the variables that influence risk. The present study analyzes some energy characteristics using data from the Eurostat Data Browser. First, we identified a gap in energy research. Second, we proposed a multicriteria analysis using the analytic hierarchy process (AHP). An algorithm was developed to simulate how experts think to determine pairwise comparisons. A procedure identified the levels of importance of each criterion and alternative based on extracted data from the Eurostat website. The method was used to rate countries according to data regarding their energy policy results. The present study shows that applying the AHP method is possible without expert support and using data regarding the theme studied. The results show that Malta and Estonia are the most suitable countries to receive investments since they are presently at the top of the energy security ranking. The selected set of criteria seems to properly correspond with the assessment of the sector security as far as risk investment is concerned. The results of the current study may represent a base to support investment decision-making in the energy sector of EU countries.

The European Union (EU) has made eco-innovation and green technology a priority as they are essential to the continent’s long-term prosperity. To move towards sustainable economic growth, eco-innovation takes a significant role in the transition process. The aim of the article is to use the eco-innovation indicators as an instrument to measure the eco-innovation performance of Lithuania in the context of the EU Green Deal in order to analyze and assess the components and indicators of the eco-innovation index for Lithuania. Following the aim of the article, a set of research hypotheses will be formulated. The evaluation of eco-innovation indicators in Lithuania relative to EU countries using Eco-IS indicators, determination of eco-innovation efficiency using the Decision-Making Trial and Evaluation Laboratory (DEMATEL) method, and identification of necessary eco-innovation policies for sustainable growth are the objectives of this paper. The research results present the positive impact of eco-innovation activities in the EU on Lithuania, and vice versa. Lithuania was affected positively by eco-innovation activities of other EU nations. The outcome of the study indicates its relevance by highlighting Lithuania’s position among the lowest countries in terms of eco-innovation adoption, hence new research pathways for the creation and implementation of policies to solve the current situation are provided.

The European Union has adopted very ambitious climate and energy goals for the coming years. The key prerequisite to successfully achieve these goals seems to be extensive support and adequate commitment of the member states and their citizens to the implementation of the clean energy transition and climate neutrality measures. Therefore, this study presents a comprehensive analysis aiming to identify the factors determining the EU citizens’ attitudes towards the European Energy Union priorities. The analysis was based on representative data obtained from residents of twenty-seven EU countries using a Eurobarometer survey. The collected data were subjected to a comparative analysis and binary logistic regression. The research results demonstrated that the support for specific energy policy priorities varies significantly depending on different perceptions of the EU citizens and was affected by a number of demographic variables. It was indicated that perceiving the environment, climate and energy as the most important issues from the perspective of an individual, a country and the EU significantly affects attitudes towards energy policy priorities. However, this mostly concerned the awareness of the importance of these issues at the EU level. Individuals who supported a common energy policy among the EU member states were more likely to point to green energy priorities, whereas guaranteeing low energy prices for companies and consumers seemed less important for them. It was remarkable that the reduction of energy consumption was indicated as an energy policy priority by respondents expecting both more and less decision-making at the European level in the field of environmental protection. People with a right-wing orientation were the most likely to support the competitiveness of the EU’s industry, while individuals with a leftist ideology showed the strongest tendency to opt for environmental protection. Furthermore, gender, occupation and the place and country of residence emerged as very important determinants of attitudes towards the European Energy Union priorities, whereas age and the educational level were predictors in very few cases only.

There is a need to reduce carbon-based energy and replace it with clean energy in order to counteract the negative effects of climate change. The increase in renewable energy sources may result in savings and the increasing cost of maintaining carbon-based energy. Worldwide involvement is required. The fulfillment of conditions by individual states does not solve the problem. The COVID-19 pandemic has slowed economic growth. It turns out that economic growth is not always associated with increased investments in RES (existing or emerging new clean energy points). We have a new epidemiological threat—Delta—which could become large. This will not improve the situation. Germany is an exemplary country for benchmarking in the field of renewable energy. The worrying fact is that Poland, despite economic growth, does not achieve an even growth in RES. Each of us is required to be involved, to be open to innovation and to act in accordance with the energy policy of the European Union. Basic management functions (planning, organizing, motivating and controlling) are also essential. Failure to meet the demands of the energy policy should be thoroughly verified and consequences should be drawn in order to involve the whole world. The authors thoroughly analyzed many factors that have a significant impact on the success in stopping climate change and increasing RES. With the increase in energy demand, renewable energy is introduced to a greater extent. Additionally, coal energy will be more expensive to maintain. The more RES, the more expensive the energy obtained from mine sources. The investment is an opportunity to meet the demands of RES, but investors are currently only interested in investing in renewable energy in highly developed countries. The decision-making process regarding the implementation of renewable energy sources not only consists in a radical decision to introduce changes, but also in the fulfillment of a number of assumptions regarding the energy policy controlled by the authorities of a given state as part of this action. There is a risk (fear) in underdeveloped countries that they will not be able to finalize this project, either due to the lack of investor interest or the lack of real opportunities due to the failure to meet the guidelines of the energy policy of a given country. It is advisable that state governments facilitate the process as much as possible so that even less developed countries could take advantage of this postulate.

Defence date: 17 January 1994
Examining board: Prof. Beate Kohler-Koch (University of Mannheim, supervisor) ; Prof. Klaus Eder (European University Institute, co-supervisor) ; Prof. Giandomenico Majone (European University Institute) ; PD Dr. Wolfgang Wessels (Institut für Europäische Politik, Bonn) ; Dr. Ole Waever (Centre for Peace and Conflict Research, Copenhagen)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

Examining board: Prof. Pascal Vennesson, EUI/RSCAS (Supervisor) ; Prof. Adrianne Héritier, EUI/RSCAS ; Prof. Monica Den Boer, Free University of Amsterdam; Prof. Hanna Ojanen, Finnish Institute of International Affairs
Defence date: 22 December 2008
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Prior to 11 September 2001, the counter-terrorist responsibilities overseen by the European Union (EU) were relatively unimportant. Since then, however, member states have decided to engage the EU in a larger number of counter-terrorist issues and, in some cases, empower it to undertake substantial tasks. The EU has thus become an important player in counterterrorism in Europe; notwithstanding the fact that the major actor remains the member states themselves. However, this increase in EU engagement on counter-terrorist issues has varied enormously from one policy area to another. This asymmetric increase lies at the centre of my research question: since 11 September 2001, why have member states conferred important anti-terrorist responsibilities to the EU in some areas - for instance, judicial cooperation in criminal matters - and less significant in others, such as policing? I address this question by investigating the agenda-setting and decision-making processes of two specific EU decisions in each of my two policy area cases (2001-2007). In each case, one decision constitutes a large increase of EU engagement and the other represents a small or zero increase. The two cases are: Judicial Cooperation (European Arrest Warrant and the European Evidence Warrant) and Police Cooperation (EU ‘Prüm Measure’ and failure of the Commission’s proposal on the Principle of Availability). In order to explain the research puzzle, I apply a modified version of John Kingdon’s ‘Three Strands Model.’ This enquiry sheds light on the relative influence on decision-making of the occurrence or non-occurrence of a major terrorist attack (i.e. changes in the addressed problem) and the entrepreneurship of the European Commission or of the member state holding the rotating Presidency of the EU Council. The EU member states are the central actors and their preferences are analysed as a means to understand the role played by the logic of consequentialism and the logic of appropriateness, respectively.

Defence date: 8 January 2015
Examining Board: Professor Pepper Culpepper, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor E. Scott Adler, University of Colorado, Boulder (External Supervisor); Professor Stefano Bartolini, European University Institute; Professor Peter John, University College London.
Who sets lawmakers' priorities? The aim of the thesis is to provide a convincing theoretical argument able to identify what are the policy problems that demand lawmakers' attention, but also to test this empirically for France, Denmark, Spain and the United Kingdom between 1980 and 2008. This research shows how accounting for the way in which lawmakers deal with competing policy problems integrate two major accounts of the way in which governments set their priorities: party mandate approaches and public policy approaches. The thesis does so by suggesting that given their double role of representatives and administrators, lawmakers have to deliver policies consistent both with electoral and non-electoral mandates. In this framework, parties’ promises, administrative commitments, and the priorities of the public originate policy problems that compete for lawmakers' attention to enter the policy agenda. Compared to classic party mandate approaches, this research does not conceive parties as being the key actors of the game or the major agenda-setters. Compared to public policy approaches, the study does not dismiss the role of parties. The theory argues that a problem-solving approach is key to account for lawmakers' priorities and for the way in which lawmakers select policy problems that need to be addressed in the policy agenda. In this framework, different policy problems demand lawmakers' attention and problems-solving scholars have illustrated that the types of issues that need to be addressed are different in "nature". Existing accounts of the composition of policy agendas distinguish between problems ranging from "compulsory" to "discretionary" concerns (Walker 1977; Adler and Wilkerson 2012) where the former derive from "periodically recurring demands " and the latter from "chosen problems" (Walker 1977:425). Building on these contributions, the theoretical model of the dissertation discusses the "nature" of different policy problems by identifying some 'ideal types' that originate from the double functions that lawmakers shall perform in contemporary democracies as "representatives" of voters' interests and as "responsible" administrators (Mair 2009). In this sense, the dissertation contends that different policy problems emerge from the electoral promises of the governing parties, from commitments related to the responsibility of being in office, and from the 'external world', and that the balance between them determines the composition of the policy agenda. 13 There are four propositions of this study to existing knowledge in the field of policy agendas. The first is that the content of the policy agenda is stable across countries with different institutional settings. Lawmakers' priorities are no less stable in institutional systems that are more 'open' to accommodating policy problems brought by the electoral promises of the parties. At the same time stability persists even when elections approach, questioning the long-lasting assumption that lawmakers may manipulate policies to their will in order to assure re-election. The second is that policy problems brought by the electoral promises of the governing parties impact lawmakers’ priorities, but this is only half of an old story. The results show that the policy problems originating from the electoral promises of the opposition influence the content of the policy agenda confirming that the agenda-setting power of parties is not limited to those who are in office. The third proposition is a theoretical effort and empirical contribution to conceptualise and measure "policy commitments". Studies of public policy have stressed the importance of inherited commitments in everyday law making (Rose 1994; Adler and Wilkerson 2012) since some decisions take longer than a legislature to be realised. Classic analyses have emphasised the importance of budgetary constraints on policy agendas, but the thesis suggests that there is also another striking case of policy commitments for European polities: EU integration, since decisions on EU affairs and delegation of powers taken from previous governments are hard (if not impossible) to reverse by their successors. In this sense, EU decisions are inherited by all governments, and they add complexity to the problem-solving capacity of Member States because they produce extra policy problems that require lawmakers' attention. For lawmakers respecting legally binding EU decisions, this is a way to avoid "reckless and illegal decision making" (Mair 2009). The results highlight that when reflecting on the divisions of competences between the Union and its Member States (MSs), policy commitments derived from the EU directives are concentrated on a narrow set of policy areas. The results show that in most fields where commitments are higher, the agenda-setting power of parties’ electoral promises is weakened. Finally, this research suggests that policy problems originating from the agenda of the public (as approximated by media coverage) are another explanatory factor of policy priorities, but in a very narrow set of policy areas. Media effects appear to be limited to policy areas with the special characteristics of newsworthiness and sensationalism (Soroka 2002) that contribute to boost their policy appeal. In addition, the findings highlight that the agenda-setting power of the media is mediated by the interaction with the electoral promises of the opposition, probably as a result of a blame avoidance game to discredit incumbents. 14 Chapter 1 introduces the concepts of policy agenda and policy problem before summarising existing accounts of the content of policy agendas. Two theoretical traditions are identified. The first one is the "partisan account" highlighting the importance of partisan preferences for lawmakers' priorities. The second is made up of the "public policy accounts" proposing incrementalist and agenda-setting approaches to representatives' priorities. Chapter 2 sets up the theoretical framework that will be tested in this research. Drawing upon theories of "representative and responsible" government (Mair 2009) the research provides an encompassing model of how different policy problems compete for attention in order to enter the agendas of lawmakers. The thesis highlights that different agenda-setters have to be considered as creating policy problems: the electoral promises of the governing parties, the demands addressed to lawmakers by the EU agenda, and the issues that are important for the public as reported by the media. Starting from existing typologies of problems that must be addressed in the policy agenda (Walker 1977; Adler and Wilkerson 2012), the research roughly distinguishes between discretionary and compulsory policy problems, discussing how the three agenda-setters considered in this study fit into those ideal types, as well as the incentives for lawmakers to prioritise one over the other. Chapter 3 presents the data, models and methods that are used to test the theoretical framework. The dissertation relies on data from the Comparative Agendas Project modelled in the form of time series cross sectional models. Chapter 4 introduces the empirical investigation of the content of the policy agenda. It focuses on stability and change in lawmakers' priorities, to understand the extent to which priorities change (or remain the same) across elections. Chapter 5 moves a step further and will assess the connection between policy problems brought by parties' electoral promises and the content of the policy agenda. Chapter 6 will account for one of the most debated sources of policy problems among public policy scholars: policy commitments. This chapter will test the agenda-setting power of policy commitments deriving from the content of the EU directives on lawmakers' priorities and proposing an "EU acquiescence index" to shed light on the 'overlaps' between EU and domestic policy agendas. Finally, Chapter 7 aims at analysing the connection between lawmakers' priorities and media coverage (in terms of print and, where appropriate, audio media) and each of the two relevant types of policy problems competing for lawmakers' attention identified in the previous chapters. In sum the thesis offers a theory of the composition of policy agendas grounded in a problem-solving understanding of politics, and an empirical assessment of its validity. In this sense the study is about how policy problems originating from the dual role of lawmakers in 15 contemporary democracies (representation and administration) affect everyday policy making. More precisely the thesis considers the impact of different agenda venues (parties, EU commitments, and the media) on the way in which lawmakers deliver policies.

Information needs of government for SEA, EIA, and other aspects of biodiversity conservation and sustainable development are studied and reported in this chapter. This includes needs related to biodiversity for land use planning, for operation of the EU Common Agricultural Policy, for agricultural policy more generally, and for Biodiversity Action Plans. Legislation and its implementation are considered at European Union and member state level by direct enquiries and a preliminary questionnaire survey in project partner countries. Preliminary conclusions are drawn and lessons learned for a Pan-European survey.

This chapter explores policy outcomes by looking at a number of European countries. It considers some salient policy areas, including those that are decided primarily at the national level, for example health, and policies that are determined at the more macro, European Union (EU) level, for example trade. It also looks at policy areas that involve shared decision-making across different levels of government, examples here include immigration and the environment. The chapter also focuses on the role of position-taking by political parties and other groups, such as interest groups and social groups or movements. It considers how these explain variations in policy outcomes.

The article is devoted to the studying of the functioning of features of public diplomacy of the Kingdom of Sweden. The author covered the evolution of Swedish public diplomacy as a bright example of «niche» public diplomacy. It has been proved that the initial goal of county’s public diplomacy was to get rid of the negative consequences of the neutrality policy during World War II, and during the 1950s and 1980s – to make the Sweden more visible in the international arena by promoting its national features and interests. The institutional and legal principles and tools for the implementation of public diplomacy are also revealed. In particular, it has been established that the main country’s public diplomacy institutions are: the Swedish Institute, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Swedish Arts Council, Natioanal Heritage Fund, Team Sweden, Nordic Council of Ministers. Today, Sweden successfully implements its public diplomacy through cooperation with Eastern European countries, among which special attention is paid to the development of relations with European Union, as well as countries in South Africa, the Middle East, Latin America and Asia. The priority areas of country’s public diplomacy are environmental protection, gender equality, education, combating sexual violence and others. Also, a set of theoretical and empirical methods have been used during the study of the topic. Thanks to the use of the historical method, it was possible to investigate the origins, causes and preconditions of the public diplomacy’s institution development. Due to the systematic method, public diplomacy was considered as a set of appropriate tools and mechanisms responsible for improving the image, visibility and attractiveness of the Scandinavian state in the eyes of the world community. With the help of swat analyze it was possible to summarize the advantages and disadvantages, as well as challenges and potential threats of the Swedish public diplomacy. The study object is the public diplomacy as an element of Swedish foreign policy. The subject of the study is the peculiarities of the functioning of public diplomacy in the Kingdom of Sweden. The aim of the study is to analyze the features and prospects of the public diplomacy model of the Kingdom of Sweden. During the research it has been founded that the strengths of Swedish public diplomacy are: convenient geographical location, membership in international organizations (UN, Nordic Council, EU), democratic style in decision making, international corporations that promote products and services associated with Swedish quality and standards (IKEA, Flippa K, H&M, Spotify, Ericsson, COS); great cultural heritage (music, cinema, literature, design, fashion, cuisine); active academic mobility and cooperation, intensive implementation of Internet technologies Web 2.0; attractive tourist infrastructure. Instead, one of the shortcomings are: the weak migration policy, which has led to the large influx of immigrants from Africa and the Middle East, that affects the economic and social climate in the country and further more the blurring of national identity; lack of clear long-term strategy for the development of foreign affairs.

There is evidence local farming systems and short supply chains have more impact on local economies than on long supply chains and have significant impacts on sustaining local employment in rural areas. Short supply chains focus on meeting consumer demands for local products in a guaranteed manner, strengthen local economies, improve carbon footprint, and contribute to food safety, access to natural and healthy nutrition, and sustainability of small producers and their businesses. In this research, case study and interview methods have been applied to evaluate environmental, social, and economic risks for short food supply chain. This chapter reveals decision-making process through accounting in a more regular, consistent, and integrated way by including environmental and economic information which aims to balance human and environmental needs within the framework of the European Union Short Food Supply Chain Policy.

The EU has major economic and environmental powers, and is increasingly active in foreign policy, defence, and internal security. ‘How the EU is governed’ asks: how is this power used and controlled, and how is the EU governed? The system for governing the EU, with its complex mix of intergovernmental and federal elements, makes decision-making difficult and a satisfactory relationship between the institutions and the citizens hard to achieve. The EU has, however, been able to benefit from its growing democratic elements, such as the powers of the European Parliament, and that model is still likely to continue, along with the development of the EU as a whole.

This chapter examines the issue of the common foreign and security policy, as well as its integral part of the common security and defense policy, discussed from the perspective of the EU Member States, including, in particular, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. To create a substantive basis for the assessment of the position of EU Member States in the CSFP implementation process, the basic issues related to the provi- sions of the treaties in this area are discussed at the beginning. An important element of the chapter is also the characterization and identification of the separateness of the regulations in force in the field of CFSP. Attention is also paid to institutional solutions, which are important in this case, as well as legal instruments for the implementation of CFSP. In addition to general guidelines, decisions, and the issues of strengthening systematic cooperation, attention is also drawn to the importance of international agreements concluded by the EU in the area of CFSP. An important element of the analysis of the rights and obligations of EU Member States is also the decision-making procedure considering the unanimity principle, as well as the so-called solidarity clauses. The discussion of the role and position of the EU Member State in the CFSP area is summarized with a reference to issues that specifically concern the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Attention is drawn to the spectrum of problems that arise in the practice of CFSP implementation, related primarily to significant differences in defining state security guarantees and the underlying factors.

Policy guidelines and recommendations were derived from direct and indirect sample surveys of stakeholders in most European Union countries and some others and from related analytical work. They call for rationalisation of the high level environmental assessment systems in Europe, greater sharing of data derived from them, more research into the information needs of stakeholders, especially local stakeholders, who take key decisions about the environment, recognition of the value of participation in biodiversity-related activities by ordinary users of the countryside, promotion of citizen capability to use electronic mapping tools for biodiversity monitoring and management, analysis of the links between land-use changes and success in biodiversity conservation, and support for progress towards a comprehensive decision-support system via an internet portal providing a one-stop site for ideas and knowledge.

In the frame of existing differences between genders regarding the access and control of resources, women and men have different vulnerability, capacities, and reactions to climate change and global warming issues and policies. Women are increasingly recognized as potentially critical actors of successful climate change policies. Thus, gender dimensions and perspectives need to be addressed by both global and local stakeholders and decision makers. The current chapter explores and highlights this gap. It identifies the current situation and indicates ways for authorities to integrate the gender dimension of climate change in the various stages of policy making. The focus is on European countries and Greece. The chapter stands as a starting point that introduces gender-sensitive aspects of climate change to decision makers and experts and promotes the development of efficient environmental and women-friendly technologies for sustainable development.

José Delfín Duarte rises at the crack of dawn in a neighborhood on the outskirts of San Isidro, Costa Rica. He grabs his machete and rain parka, puts on his black galoshes, and heads out in a flatbed truck up a series of muddy roads surrounded by lush forest interspersed with farms. Eventually he arrives at a small water-distribution facility located at the top of a hill overlooking the surrounding watershed. He checks the station’s tanks, carefully noting the water levels. Duarte is the elected leader of a group of local citizens who have been given responsibility for managing water resources in their community. They decide how much water is used and how it will be allocated among families and farms in the area. They collect user fees, purchase equipment, and make numerous daily decisions affecting water use. Their role stems from a power-sharing arrangement with the Costa Rican government, which in recent years has crafted similar agreements with hundreds of local water associations throughout the country. Six thousand miles to the east, Claudia Olazábal begins her day in the outer suburbs of Brussels. She takes the subway to her office in the European Commission, a sleek modern glass and steel building where she heads the Biodiversity Unit of the European Union’s Directorate General for the Environment. On this particular day, her attention is focused on the design of new rules for the control of invasive species, which pose a major threat to ecosystems worldwide. Six years in the making, this rule came about after extensive consultation with stakeholders throughout the twenty-seven member countries of Europe—farmers unions and botanic gardens, prime ministers and pet shop owners. Working with a professional staff of Swiss and Germans, Poles and Portuguese, and many other nationalities, Olazábal is preparing for a lengthy negotiation involving lawmakers throughout the continent in a complex dance that will hopefully produce a new European policy on invasive species. Claudia Olazábal and José Delfín Duarte operate worlds apart, yet they have much in common. Both are creating rules that will shape our planet for decades and even centuries to come.

The European Union is 450 million citizens in 25 otherwise sovereign countries, but connected in a multinational federal metastate that claims a combined economy in excess of $9 trillion (US), making it one of the world’s largest economies. As a community faced with massive decontamination and re-industrialization from devastating wars, Europe places due emphasis on issues of environmental sustainability and pollution prevention. Under broad policy guidelines of the New Approach and Integrated Product Planning frameworks, the European Commission is drafting legislation that will mandate eco-standards for all energized end-use equipment for sale in the internal market. These proposed standards may raise controversy in many industry sectors and international arenas (including within Europe itself) because they may not be based on sound and accepted scientific analysis, because they may constitute a de-facto violation at least in spirit of the Technical Barriers to Trade Agreement, and because nobody can yet predict their cost impact and other market effect. Compliance with these emerging energy efficiency regulations will impose considerable management requirements on manufacturers as they devise documentation and certification programs for their products that are likely to be of a scope similar to ISO 14000. This paper assesses the new requirements from a product and design management perspective.

The spread of neo-liberal political and economic ideology and the proliferation of global capital have created new opportunities and challenges for cities everywhere (Sassen 2012). Within the urban planning discourse, it is generally assumed that globalization leads to the same type of transformations and urban development trends everywhere in the world. However, it cannot create a certain prototype for spatial development or a new spatial order for cities. Rather, it gives a variety of spatial patterns, also called "global urban forms". Recently, these forms have identified themselves spatially within a series of "mega-projects", their intensity being felt in today's global cities, North-American and West-European, but with a domino effect, especially in the cities situated at the periphery of these capitalist economies. Total global megaproject spending is assessed at USD 6-9 trillion annually, or 8 percent of total global GDP, which denotes the biggest investment boom in human history. Never has systematic and valid knowledge about mega projects therefore been more important to inform policy, practice, and public debate in this highly costly area of business and government. It is argued that the conventional way of managing mega projects has reached a "tension point," where tradition is challenged and reform is emerging (Flyvbjerg, 2011). These kind of projects often take place within fragmented and entrepreneurial forms of governance (Harvey 1989; Healey 1997; Gordon 1997a, 1997b; Feldman 1999; Feinstein 2001; Granath 2005; Butler 2007) represented by public-private partnerships, in a societal environment of increased capital mobility and inter-urban competition (Malone 1996). Hence, it is argued, that mega projects have been examples of new governance styles and policy targets, but also object of intensive local planning debates and conflicts based on different actors (authorities, planners, residents, environmental groups, developers, etc.) holding an equal number of views (Hoyle, 2002) which are often difficult to reconcile. Strongly linked to the 2023 Vision of Turkey, the 3rd airport, Istanbul Airport is one of the mega projects that will bring Turkey among top 10 economically powerful countries. Istanbul Airport distinguishes itself from a myriad of other build-operate-transfer projects by its governance dynamics and planning process. The study employs discourse analysis through which extracts lesson from the decision-making process that will inform planners in Istanbul and beyond.

The internet and digital technologies are upending global trade. Industries and supply chains are being transformed, and the movement of data across borders is now central to the operation of the global economy. Provisions in trade agreements address many aspects of the digital economy – from cross-border data flows, to the protection of citizens’ personal data, and the regulation of the internet and new technologies like artificial intelligence and algorithmic decision-making. The UK government has identified digital trade as a priority in its Global Britain strategy and one of the main sources of economic growth to recover from the pandemic. It wants the UK to play a leading role in setting the international standards and regulations that govern the global digital economy. The regulation of digital trade is a fast-evolving and contentious issue, and the US, European Union (EU), and China have adopted different approaches. Now that the UK has left the EU, it will need to navigate across multiple and often conflicting digital realms. The UK needs to decide which policy objectives it will prioritise, how to regulate the digital economy domestically, and how best to achieve its priorities when negotiating international trade agreements. There is an urgent need to develop a robust, evidence-based approach to the UK’s digital trade strategy that takes into account the perspectives of businesses, workers, and citizens, as well as the approaches of other countries in the global economy. This working paper aims to inform UK policy debates by assessing the state of play in digital trade globally. The authors present a detailed analysis of five policy areas that are central to discussions on digital trade for the UK: cross-border data flows and privacy; internet access and content regulation; intellectual property and innovation; e-commerce (including trade facilitation and consumer protection); and taxation (customs duties on e-commerce and digital services taxes). In each of these areas the authors compare and contrast the approaches taken by the US, EU and China, discuss the public policy implications, and examine the choices facing the UK.