Bibliographies thématiques / England. Parliament. House of Lords

Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « England. Parliament. House of Lords »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 26 juillet 2024
Mis à jour le 27 juillet 2024

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "England. Parliament. House of Lords"

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Cox, Gary W. « The Development of a Party-Orientated Electorate in England, 1832–1918 ». British Journal of Political Science 16, no 2 (avril 1986) : 187–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400003884.

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Modern British government is government by party leaders in Cabinet. It is still the ‘Crown in Parliament’ which formally takes or authorizes every legislative or administrative action, but of the three major components of the Crown in Parliament – the Commons, the Lords, and the Sovereign – the first is now virtually unchecked. The House of Lords can only minimally delay acts of the Commons, and both the Lords and the Monarch have long since lost their ability to veto (much less initiate) legislation. Since those in the Cabinet control the agenda of the House of Commons, since the Cabinet almost invariably consists solely of the leaders of the party with a majority of seats in the Commons, and since the influence of party on voting in Parliament is very strong, the Commons itself has in essence only retained a veto over the legislative proposals of the majority party's leaders who sit in the Cabinet. As a recent essay on legislation in Britain notes, ‘today's conventional wisdom is that … Parliament has relinquished any capacity for legislative initiative it may once have possessed to the executive in its midst’.
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FORD, J. D. « Protestations to Parliament for Remeid of Law ». Scottish Historical Review 88, no 1 (avril 2009) : 57–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0036924109000584.

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The Articles of Union approved by the parliaments of Scotland and England in 1707 provided for the preservation of the private law of Scotland and for the determination of disputes arising north of the border in Scottish courts. At the same time, however, the Articles not only allowed for the amendment of the law by legislation enacted at Westminster but also left open the possibility of appeals being made to the British parliament against decisions delivered in Scottish courts. The Articles did not allow explicitly for appeals, but nor did they prohibit them, and dissatisfied litigants, by exercising the privilege asserted in the Claim of Right to protest for remeid of law against decisions of the lords of council and session, enabled the upper house of the new parliament to substitute its decisions for those delivered by the supreme civil court in Scotland. This much has long been understood by historians of Scots law, as has the significant impact the opinions expressed by English judges in the House of Lords came to have on the development of the modern law. Yet what has never been properly understood is the nature of the protestations for remeid of law from which appeals to the British parliament emerged. Detailed study of these protestations in the years before and immediately following the union reveals that they were conceived of in several different ways and that their nature was never clearly defined. Nevertheless, it also tends to confirm that there is some basis for the common suspicion that appeals were not intended to be made to the House of Lords in the way that they have been.
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Marelja, Miran, et Valentino Kuzelj. « Evolucija fiskalnoga suvereniteta u Engleskoj ». Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Rijeci 41, no 2 (2020) : 509–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.30925/zpfsr.41.2.4.

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History of parliamentary development is narrowly tied to the development of fiscal prerogatives of the legislature. This is especially pronounced in the origins and development of the English Parliament. Moreover, we can ascertain that the fight of “medieval taxpayers”, i.e. those partaking in the distribution of power in medieval feudal structures, foreshadows the very foundation of the English Parliament and its precursors – the “assemblies of King’s servants”. In that sense, medieval England’s earliest constitutional documents espouse mechanisms limiting Crown’s autocracy. Later on, the invocation of Parliament’s fiscal prerogatives represented the most efficient form of subverting such absolutism, especially regarding the absolutist tendencies of the Stuarts. Upon establishment of Parliament’s supremacy over the Crown, the Victorian era was marked by the struggle between two houses of Parliament, culminating in early 20th century anent the issue of the Lords’ rejection of the budget bill. Parliament Act of 1911 marks the end of a centuries-long development of Parliament’s fiscal sovereignty, affirming the prerogatives of the House of Commons as the holders of democratic electoral legitimacy.
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Dingle, Lesley, et Bradley Miller. « A summary of recent constitutional reform in the United Kingdom ». International Journal of Legal Information 33, no 1 (2005) : 71–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500004650.

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The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland consists of four countries: England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales. Legislative competence for the UK resides in the Westminster Parliament, but there are three legal systems (England and Wales, Northern Ireland, and Scotland) with separate courts and legal professions. These legal systems have a unified final court of appeal in the House of Lords. The Isle of Man, and the two Channel Islands (Guernsey and Jersey) are not part of the UK, but possessions of the crown. Although their citizens are subject to the British Nationality Act 1981, the islands have their own legal systems. They are represented by the UK government for the purposes of international relations, but are not formal members of the European Union.
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Gill, Sean. « ‘In a Peculiar Relation to Christianity’ : Anglican Attitudes to Judaism in the Era of Political Emancipation, 1830-1858 ». Studies in Church History 29 (1992) : 399–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011438.

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Between 1830 and 1858 fourteen attempts were made to remove the words ‘on the true faith of a Christian’ from the oath required of new Members and thereby to allow Jews to gain admission to Parliament. After 1833, when a bill was passed in the Commons, all proposals for reform foundered on opposition in the Lords. Speaking against Jewish emancipation in the Upper House on 1 August 1833, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr Howley, made it clear that the issue was not one on which the Church of England could remain indifferent. In contrast to other religions, he argued, Judaism stood ‘in a peculiar relation to Christianity’, for its very existence was ‘not simply a negative but a positive contradiction of Christianity’.
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Grimley, Matthew. « The Fall and Rise of Church and State ? Religious History, Politics and the State in Britain, 1961–2011 ». Studies in Church History 49 (2013) : 491–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002308.

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In trying to trace the development of church-state relations in Britain since 1961, one encounters the difficulty that conceptions of both ‘church’ and ‘state’ have changed radically in the half-century since then. This is most obviously true of the state. The British state in 1961 was (outside Stormont-governed Northern Ireland) a unitary state governed from London. It still had colonies, and substantial overseas military commitments. One of its Houses of Parliament had until three years before been (a few bishops and law-lords apart) completely hereditary. The prime minister controlled all senior appointments in the established Church of England, and Parliament had the final say on its worship and doctrine. The criminal law still embodied Christian teaching on issues of personal morality.
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LOFT, PHILIP. « LITIGATION, THE ANGLO-SCOTTISH UNION, AND THE HOUSE OF LORDS AS THE HIGH COURT, 1660–1875 ». Historical Journal 61, no 4 (4 décembre 2017) : 943–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000346.

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AbstractThis article examines the role of the House of Lords as the high court from the Restoration of 1660 to the passage of the Appellate Jurisdiction Act in 1876. Throughout this period, lay peers and bishops judged appeals on civil law from the central courts of England and Wales, Ireland (aside from between 1783 and 1800), and Scotland after the Union of 1707. It has long been known that the revolution of 1688–9 transformed the ability of parliament to pass legislation, but the increased length and predictability of parliamentary sessions was of equal significance to the judicial functions performed by peers. Unlike the English-dominated profile of eighteenth-century legislation, Scots constituted the largest proportion of appellants between 1740 and 1875. The lack of interaction between Westminster and Scotland is often seen as essential to ensuring the longevity of the Union, but through comparing the subject matter of appeals and mapping the distribution of cases within Scotland, this article demonstrates the extent of Scottish engagement. Echoing the tendency of Scottish interests to pursue local, private, and specific legislation in order to insulate Scottish institutions from English intervention, Scottish litigants primarily sought to maintain and challenge local privileges, legal particularisms, and the power of dominant landowners.
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Christianson, Paul. « Arguments on billeting and martial law in the parliament of 1628 ». Historical Journal 37, no 3 (septembre 1994) : 539–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014874.

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ABSTRACTDebates over billeting and martial law arose in the parliament of 1628 in conjunction with such other grievances as the forced loan and discretionary imprisonment employed by royal servants from 1626 onward to keep alive the war effort against the monarchs of Spain and France. Both houses dealt with billeting rather quickly, the Lords by resolving a dispute among magistrates and military officers in Banbury, Oxfordshire, and the Commons by hearing general and particular complaints from civilians, expelling a member who signed an order for billeting, and petitioning the king. Attacks upon the employment of military law internally when a state of war did not exist in England originated in the Commons, reawakened fears over the perceived threat of Roman or civil law superiority to the common law, and set off fierce debates in which royal servants and civil lawyers supported and leading common lawyers denounced as illegal the commissions of martial law issued by the privy council. Underlying these debates, as with those over discretionary imprisonment, were conflicting interpretations of England's ancient constitution with practical consequences for the governance of the realm.
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Edwards, Denis J. « The Treaty of Union : more hints of constitutionalism ». Legal Studies 12, no 1 (mars 1992) : 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.1992.tb00455.x.

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The Court of Session decision in Pringle, Petitioner again raises the issue of what constitutional effect, if any, is to be attributed to the Treaty of Union between Scotland and England. Specifically, is it competent for the Court of Session to find that an Act or a provision in an Act of the United Kingdom Parliament is invalid because of an inconsistency with an Article of the Treaty of Union as enacted in Scots law by the former Scottish Parliament in the Union With England Act 1707 (c 7)? This is the first case since MacCormick v Lord Advocate in which the Inner House of the Court of Session has commented on this favourite question of Scottish constitutional lawyers and, although hardly answering the question any more revealingly than it did in that case, the court's latest reservation of opinion on the answer is worthy of some further discussion.
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Turnbull, Michael T. R. B. « Lord George Gordon : Politics, Religion and Slavery ». Journal of Religious History, Literature and Culture 10, no 1 (15 juin 2024) : 103–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/jrhlc.10.1.5.

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Lord George Gordon (1751‐1793), was son of Cosmo George, third Duke of Gordon and Katherine Duchess of Gordon. His mother remarried Staats Long Morris, an American soldier and politician, who inculcated in Gordon an admiration of America, particularly during his naval service based in America and a long posting in Jamaica where he experienced the cruelty of slavery under British rule. Gordon left the navy under a cloud and entered parliament in 1774 under demeaning circumstances, voting for the Opposition where he launched a series of attacks on the government of Lord North. In 1780, he marched as president for a Protestant Association on Parliament in protest at the 1778 Catholic Relief Act for England, and the possibility of bringing in a similar bill for Scotland. The ‘Gordon Riots’ outside Westminster followed and Lord George was arrested for treason but in 1781 was exonerated. He was later charged with libel and again imprisoned. By this time he had converted to the Jewish faith and on 26 April 1792 wrote a powerful indictment of slavery to the Speaker of the House of Commons.
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Thèses sur le sujet "England. Parliament. House of Lords"

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Peterhouse, Duncan Sutherland. « Peeresses, parliament, and prejudice : the admission of women to the House of Lords, 1900-1963 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.275342.

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Williams, Fiona. « Bicameral conflict resolution in an asymmetrical Parliament : nine case studies from the House of Lords, 1976-2012 ». Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2018. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/49211/.

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The House of Lords has been rising in profile in academic, political, and popular narratives. Whilst existing research has developed our understanding of the House of Lords and its role in bringing about defeats of the Government and the genesis and paths of amendments made within both chambers, there has been little distinction made between how the Lords brings about a defeat, and the Lords bringing about a defeat that is later overturned. Equally, the role of the Lords in amending a bill as a reviewing chamber, and amending one as a second chamber in its own right have not been separated. Research into comparable international examples has shown that this period between an amendment being moved and a defeat being sustained or overturned can define the bicameral relationship, and it is this area of the House of Lords relationship with the wider British political system that this thesis examines. This thesis studies the extent to which the Lords attempts and succeeds with amendments to bills, looking at the changes in both as the procedure known as ping pong progresses. It also examines the behaviour changes, both through debate language and through tangible voting turnout as, ping pong progresses to build up a picture of behaviour within the chamber. This thesis bridges the gap between the procedural single case study model and the large scale defeats and amendment tracing study model to show that the House of Lords has become a chamber that is driven more than ever by historical and political realities, as well as the political needs of the policy in question. This research argues that the House of Lords maintains a delicate balance between two roles, that of a second chamber which is performing a function complimentary to and distinct from that of the first chamber in passing legislation and that of a chamber that is aware of its somewhat uncomfortable position as a non-democratic institution, filled with non-directly elected members. Ultimately in the House of Lords, for ping pong to begin there is a need for strong feeling on the policy in question. The House of Lords ability to achieve its aims is measured in three points, first in its desired amendments to legislation, second in its actions as ping pong divisions progress, and the debates leading to them take place and lastly in the final degree of conciliation it achieves. In all three points, the role of self restraint has a positive role in achieving an outcome that is closest to the Lords original aims, whilst still allowing the Government's legislative programme and aims to pass. It is this understanding that allows the Lords to have the greatest influence over legislation, and perform a significant role.
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Sorensen, Lise Dybkar. « Procedure and patronage in the Parliament of 1626, the membership and function of committees in the House of Lords and the House of Commons ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0005/NQ38330.pdf.

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Partington, Andrew. « The contribution of the Church of England bishops to the House of Lords during the Thatcher years ». Thesis, Brunel University, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269278.

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Michalak, Thomas. « Les Assemblées parlementaires, juge pénal : analyse d’un paradigme irréalisable : (1789-1918) ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 2, 2020. https://buadistant.univ-angers.fr/login?url=https://bibliotheque.lefebvre-dalloz.fr/secure/isbn/9782247218530.

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L’intitulé renvoie, en première approche, aux expériences institutionnelles de la Cour des pairs (1814-1848) et du Sénat de la IIIe République (1875-1940). Ce sont les manifestations les plus marquantes de la participation d’une assemblée parlementaire à la reddition de la justice. Le procès des ministres de Charles X et celui de Malvy semblent être bien connus mais ils ne le sont en réalité qu’imparfaitement. Dans les deux cas, les Chambres hautes se sont détournées de leur mission de législateur et de contrôleur du gouvernement pour se métamorphoser, de manière très incomplète, en instances judiciaires. Cependant le traitement isolé de ces deux seules expériences ne permet pas de définir la mission d’une juridiction parlementaire. La notion de Haute Cour de justice, quelle que soit sa dénomination, doit alors être appréhendée dans sa globalité et dans son histoire. Une histoire qui, comme beaucoup d’autres, est marquée par la Révolution, qui va influencer le XIXe et le XXe siècles, et imposer un certain « prototype français » de tribunal politique. Ces Hautes Cours se voient confier des compétences spéciales : ratione personae et ratione materiae. À raison des personnes, il s’agit de juger des personnalités politiques et, dès la Révolution, on entrevoit la difficulté de le faire avec un droit criminel, qui n’est guère adapté à la résolution de différends politiques. Enfin, une Haute Cour est aussi un tribunal des grands crimes politiques, c’est-à-dire des graves atteintes à la souveraineté. Il s’agit dès lors de retracer l’histoire du « Tribunal suprême » français afin de faire apparaître le concept même de justice politique, dans toute sa nudité, comme une aporie
At first glance, the title refers to the judicial activity of the Cour des pairs (1814-1848) and the Senate of the Third Republic (1875-1940). These are the most striking involvements of French legislative bodies in rendering justice. The trials of the ending Restauration ministers, and the one of Louis Malvy seem to be well known, but in reality these are only imperfectly so. In both cases, the upper house has turned away from its initial mission of legislator and supervisor of the government to transform itself, in a very incomplete way, into criminal courts. However, study only these two cases is not enough to define the mission of a parliamentary jurisdiction. The concept of Haute Cour de justice must therefore be understood in its entirety and in its history. A history which, like many others, is marked by the Revolution, which will influence the 19th and 20th centuries, and set a French prototype of political court. These Hautes Cours possess special competencies: ratione personae et ratione materiae. They judge politicians, but since the Revolution one foresees the difficulty of doing so with criminal law, which is hardly suited to the resolution of political disputes. Finally, the French Haute Cour is also a tribunal for major political crimes, namely, serious attacks on sovereignty. It is thereforce a question of recount the history of the “Tribunal supreme” in order to reveal the concept of political justice as an aporia
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Cunningham, David. « “ Bold in the Senate House and Brave at War ” : Naval Officers in the House of Commons 1715 - 1815 ». Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1973.

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Between 1715 and 1815, 182 British naval officers sat in the House of Commons, a group hitherto unstudied in a systematic way. This thesis draws upon the work of the History of Parliament Trust to examine naval MPs’ backgrounds, means of entering and leaving Parliament, activities in the House and the interrelationship between their professional and parliamentary obligations and patronage. By critically engaging with contemporary scholarship, naval MPs are placed within an eighteenth century context of nascent patriotism and national identity fuelled by popular culture and print media, indicating further avenues of inquiry.
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Livres sur le sujet "England. Parliament. House of Lords"

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Jacques, Blom-Cooper Louis, Dickson Brice et Drewry Gavin, dir. The judicial House of Lords, 1876-2009. New York : Oxford University Press, 2009.

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Henry, Elsynge. Judicature in Parlement. London : Hambledon Press, 1991.

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Edwards, Ruth Dudley. Ten lords a-leaping. London : HarperCollins, 1995.

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Edwards, Ruth Dudley. Ten lords a-leaping. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1996.

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Commission, Great Britain Countryside. Evidence from the Countryside Commission for England and Wales to Sub Committee D of the Houseof Lords Select Committee on the European Communities. Cheltenham : Countryside Commission, 1988.

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Commission, Great Britain Countryside. Submission by the Countryside Commission for England and Wales, to the House of Lords Select Committee on Science and Technology's Sub Committee on Agricultural and Food Research. [Cheltenham] : Countryside Commission, 1988.

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Baldwin, Nicholas. The House of Lords. Barnstaple : Phillip Charles Media for Wroxton College, 1990.

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Jean, Stafford. La prévision-prospective en gestion : Tourisme, loisir, culture. 2e éd. Sainte-Foy : Presses de l'Université du Québec, 2005.

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Jean, Stafford. La prévision-prospective en gestion : Tourisme, loisir, culture. Sainte-Foy, Québec : Presses de l'Université du Québec, 2000.

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Shell, Donald. The House of Lords. 2e éd. New York : Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1992.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "England. Parliament. House of Lords"

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Ryan, Mark. « Parliament III : The House of Lords ». Dans Unlocking, 261–93. 4th edition. | Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series : Unlocking the law : Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315652610-10.

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Ryan, Mark, et Steve Foster. « Parliament III : The House of Lords ». Dans Unlocking Constitutional and Administrative Law, 263–95. 5e éd. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003262138-10.

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Shell, Donald. « The House of Lords : A Chamber of Scrutiny ». Dans The Future of Parliament, 107–14. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523142_10.

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Evans, Mark. « Modernizing Parliament — Reforming the House of Lords ». Dans Constitution-Making and the Labour Party, 132–57. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502260_6.

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Dorey, Peter, et Alexandra Kelso. « Labour Learns the Complexities of Lords Reform : The 1949 Parliament Act ». Dans House of Lords Reform Since 1911, 56–86. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230306929_3.

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Dorey, Peter, et Alexandra Kelso. « Crossman can’t Convince his Colleagues : The 1969 Parliament (No. 2) Bill ». Dans House of Lords Reform Since 1911, 135–70. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230306929_6.

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Dorey, Peter, et Alexandra Kelso. « Firing the First Shots : The 1911 Parliament Act and Inter-War Initiatives ». Dans House of Lords Reform Since 1911, 10–55. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230306929_2.

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Russell, Meg, et Maria Sciara. « Parliament : The House of Lords — Negotiating a Stronger Second Chamber ». Dans The Palgrave Review of British Politics 2006, 119–33. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230592605_9.

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Russell, Meg, et Maria Sciara. « Parliament : The House of Lords — A More Representative and Assertive Chamber ? » Dans Palgrave Review of British Politics 2005, 122–36. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230598157_9.

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Loach, Jennifer. « Mid-Tudor Parliaments ». Dans Parliament under the Tudors, 78–96. Oxford University PressOxford, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198730927.003.0005.

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Abstract The consequences of the Reformation Parliament were immense, for parliament as well as for the religious history of England. Because Henry VIII had used parliament in his fight with the pope, his son was to use it to carry through a Protestant reformation: because the Reformation had been sanctioned by parliament, the Counter-Reformation of Mary’s reign had also to be carried out through parliament. Of course parliament had concerned itself about religious matters before the Reformation, but the Reformation and the changes of the subsequent decades, changes carried out by statutory authority, brought parliament into the centre of religious debate to an unprecedented extent: Hooker’s treatise on parliament of about 1571 would indeed declare that the chief justification for parliament’s existence was the need to see ‘that God be honoured’. This central role was recognized by clergy and laity alike. In 1547 the lower house of convocation asked that the lesser clergy might be represented in the Commons-the bishops, of course, already sat in the Lords-so that ‘such statutes and ordinances as shall be made concerning all matters of religion and causes ecclesiastical may not pass without the sight and assent of the said clergy’.
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