Thèses sur le sujet « Emigration and immigration – United States – 19th century »

This thesis sketches out the history of Ottoman-Arab emigration from Greater Syria to the United States and to Argentina from the late nineteenth century up to the end of World War I, relying primarily (but not solely) on the related documents preserved in the Ottoman Archives. It depicts a wide range of this emigration history, including the scale and the number of immigrants, the causes behind emigration, the ways that emigrants managed to reach the Americas, the attitudes of Ottoman governments toward them, and the ways that emigrants adapted to their host societies. The thesis analyses the Ottoman-Arab emigration phenomenon from social and economic perspectives and in the larger context comprising other European population movements to the New World during this period, which has been called 'the Age of Mass Migrations'.

This study considers the question of whether immigrant women in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries had similarities in their experiences as immigrants to the United States. Two time periods were examined : the years between 1815 and the Civil War and the years since 1965 . As often as was possible, first- person accounts of immigrant women were used. For the nineteenth century women, these consisted of published letters and diaries and an occasional autobiography. For the contemporary women, published accounts and interviews were used. Twenty- six women from sixteen different countries were interviewed by the author. The interviewees were from a broad spectrum of educational, socioeconomic, and religious backgrounds. The first chapter discusses reasons for emigration, the difficulties of leaving one's home, and the problems of the journey. The second chapter considers some of the problems of adjusting to a new environment, such as adapting to new kinds of food and housing, feelings of isolation, separation from family and friends, language problems, and prejudice. The third chapter deals with family issues. It examines how living in a culture with new freedoms and opportunities affected relationships with husbands and children. Many immigrant women, either by choice or necessity, worked outside the home for the first time after immigrating, which changed a woman's role within the family. This chapter also looks at the difficulty of watching one's children grow up in a culture with different expectations and standards of behavior. The conclusion drawn from this study is that many women who have immigrated to the United States, even those from very different times and situations, have had a surprising number of experiences and emotions in common as part of their immigrant experience

This study examines the discrimination against Japanese immigrants in U.S. naturalization law up to 1952 and how it was covered in the Oregonian newspaper, one of the oldest and most widely read newspapers on the West Coast. The anti-Japanese movement was much larger in California, but this paper focuses on the attitudes in Oregon, which at times echoed sentiments in California but at other times conveyed support for Japanese naturalization. Naturalization laws at the turn of the century were vague, leaving the task of defining who was white, and thus eligible for naturalization, to the courts. Japanese applicants were often denied, but until the federal government clarified which immigrants could or could not become citizens, the subject remained open to debate. "Ineligibility to naturalization" was often used as a code for "Japanese" in discriminatory land use laws and similar legislation at the state level in California and in other western states. This study highlights several factors which influenced Oregonian editorials on the subject. First, the fear of offending Japan and provoking war with that empire was a foremost concern of Oregonian editors. California's moves to use naturalization law to prevent Japanese immigrants from owning land were seen as dangerous because they damaged relations with Japan and could lead to war. The Oregonian went so far as to recommend Japanese naturalization during the First World War. However, war and foreign relations were federal issues, thus the second theme seen throughout Oregonian editorials was deference to federal authority on questions related to naturalization. While suggesting that naturalization for existing immigrants might be good policy, the Oregonian urged the federal government to settle the matter. Once the Supreme Court ruled against Asian naturalization in 1922 and 1923, the Oregonian dropped its push for such rights. Nativism was another theme that influenced opinions at this time, and before 1923 the Oregonian generally opposed extreme nativist positions, while at the same time advocating for limits to Japanese immigration and against mixed marriages. This paper does not deal with the incarceration of Japanese Americans during World War II because naturalization was not the issue for the anti-exclusion movement at the time. Citizenship did not give the Nisei, second generation Japanese American citizens, any protection against their wartime removal from the West Coast. This study returns to the issue of naturalization for Japanese immigrants after the war, as a number of Issei, first generation Japanese immigrants, still lived in the United States but were denied citizenship, even though most had been in the country for decades at that point. There was less opposition to Japanese naturalization after the war due to the noted loyalty of the Japanese during the war, the focus on human rights as an issue promoted by the new United Nations, and Cold War politics which demanded better relations with Japan and thus fairer treatment of Japanese living in the United States. The Oregonian editorials reflected the shift in public opinion throughout the country in favor of lifting the racial bar to citizenship. Japanese Americans in Oregon were active in the campaign to change U.S. naturalization law. The issue was more important to the Japanese American community than it was to the Oregonian editorial board by then, as other Cold War events took precedence on the front and op-ed pages of the newspaper.

This study analyzes newspaper coverage of immigration reform in mainstream newspapers prior to, and following the debate in June 2007. The newspaper text is analyzed using metaphor interpretation supported by content analysis. The quantitative result categorizes the identified metaphors in three distinct metaphor categories about: immigrants and immigration, immigration policy and enforcement, and metaphors about the debate and immigration issue itself. The relative distribution of metaphors among categories is provided. Using an open coding process, emergent metaphor categories are identified. The qualitative findings describe metaphors and schemas that were potentially activated by particular metaphorical phrases in this context. Lastly, this research compares the similarities and differences of the immigration debate of the early 20th century with the contemporary U.S. and European debate.

This thesis examines the Philippine labor diaspora in the United States, both historical and modern, with a specific focus on the modern period of migration to midsize urban places in Indiana. The historical or pre-1965 period is marked by two successive waves of movement to the United States, each of which is based upon different labor demands for unskilled labor. The modern period was initiated by the 1965 United States Immigration and Naturalization Act and is marked by far greater volumes of Filipinos entering the country. This most recent influx is characterized by significant numbers of professionals, an expression of the regional division of `skilled' labor migration flows between developing and developed countries associated with globalization. Quantitative questionnaires and qualitative interviews with 30 FilipinoAmerican professionals in six mid-size cities in Indiana examined topics of labor recruitment practices, secondary migration patterns, and the remittance practices and group formation associated with transnational identities.
Department of Geography

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed March 1, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 240-248).

Thesis advisor: Kevin Kenny
This dissertation examines the origins of American immigration policy. Without denying the importance of anti-Asian racism, it locates the roots of federal immigration policy in nativism and economics in nineteenth-century Massachusetts. The influx of poor Irish immigrants over the first half of the nineteenth century provoked anti-Irish nativism, or intense hostility toward foreigners, in Massachusetts. Building upon colonial laws for banishing paupers, nativists in Massachusetts developed policies for prohibiting the entry of destitute alien passengers by ship and railroad and for deporting immigrant paupers in the state to Ireland, Liverpool, British North America, or other American states where they resided before coming to Massachusetts. Prior to the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment in 1868, citizenship and its attendant rights remained inchoate, allowing anti-Irish nativism to override certain rights and liberties that were later taken for granted. Nativist officials seized and banished paupers of Irish descent, including some who were born or naturalized in America. Historians have long seen anti-Irish nativism as a set of prejudiced ideas that generated few consequences at the level of law and policy, and have identified late-nineteenth-century federal Chinese exclusion laws as the beginnings of American immigration control. This dissertation argues that anti-Irish nativism in Massachusetts had a significant practical impact on Irish immigrants in the form of state deportation policies, and demonstrates that Massachusetts' policies, which were driven by a poisonous combination of prejudice against the Irish and economic concerns, helped lay the foundations for later federal restriction policies that applied to all immigrants. The argument unfolds in a transnational context, examining the migration of paupers from Ireland, their expulsion from America, and their post-deportation experiences in Britain and Ireland. In this way, deportation from the United States can be seen as part of a wider system of pauper restriction and forcible removal operating in the Atlantic world
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2012
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History

Cette thèse constitue une étude comparée du processus de politisation au sein des groupes de Français ayant émigré aux États-Unis au cours de la première moitié du XIXe siècle, dans deux grands ports atlantiques américains, New York et La Nouvelle-Orléans.Dans une perspective d'histoire atlantique, elle aborde la question de la politisation sous l'angle du phénomène de nationalisation. Celle-ci se traduit dans le rapport des migrants à leur pays d'origine, dans le contexte des bouleversements politiques allant du Premier au Second Empire, et à leur pays d'accueil, marqué par la construction de la jeune république, la période jacksonienne, et le déclenchement de la guerre de Sécession. La thèse démontre que l'essor de structures de sociabilité urbaine parmi les Français est influencé par les circulations atlantiques de pratiques politiques et associatives, telles que la franc-maçonnerie. L'approche événementielle souligne la façon dont les grands événements locaux, nationaux ou internationaux sur les deux rives de l'Atlantique, suscitent diverses formes de participation politique, parfois conflictuelles, parmi les migrants. Trois moments marquent ce processus : une période de brassages issus des " révolutions atlantiques ", dont les répercussions humaines et politiques touchent les Français de New York et La Nouvelle-Orléans dans les premières décennies du XIXe siècle ; un moment de coexistence des appartenances nationales allant de pair avec de nouvelles formes d'encadrement partisan et de pratiques politiques dans l'Amérique jacksonienne et sous la monarchie de Juillet ; et une dernière phase conflictuelle et révolutionnaire marquée par les répercussions atlantiques de 1848, les migrations de masse et les mouvements ouvriers de l'ère de l'industrialisation. La prégnance du cadre américain suscite alors des évolutions divergentes à New York et La Nouvelle-Orléans du fait de la division Nord-Sud sur l'esclavage, la guerre de Sécession rebattant les cartes des allégeances nationales et politiques des migrants français.

My dissertation examines the cultural, political, and economic relationship between Haiti and the United States in the early nineteenth century--a key period in the development of both young nations. Most scholarship on this relationship has revolved around either the Haitian Revolution or later periods, from the mid-nineteenth century onward. Through trade, migration, and politics, the two countries had a more substantial role in one another's formative years than the literature currently suggests. Haitian leaders actively sought to attract African Americans to the island and believed they were crucial to improving Haiti's economic and political standing. African Americans became essential players in determining the nature of Haiti and U.S. relations, and the migration of thousands to Haiti in the 1820s proved to be the apogee of the two countries' interconnectedness. Drawing on a variety of materials, including emigrant letters, diary accounts, travelers' reports, newspaper editorials, the National Archives' Passenger Lists, Haitian government proclamations, Haitian newspapers, and American, British, and French consulate records, I analyze the diverse political and social motivations that fueled African American emigration. The project links Haitian nation building and Haitian struggles for recognition to American abolitionism and commercial development.
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Defence date: 13 May 2008
Examining Board: Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (EUI) - supervisor; Prof. Bartolomé Yun (EUI); Prof. Eric Vanhaute (Ghent University); Prof. Lewis Fischer (University of Newfoundland).
First made available online on 24 August 2018
Why, yet another study on the long 19th century European mass-migration movement to the US, when during the last decade migration historians have encouraged a shift away from the Atlanto-centrism and Modernization-centrism that has dominated the sub-discipline (Lucassen and Lucassen, 1996, 28-30; Hoerder, 2002, 10-18)? For many, the topic seems saturated, yet one particular and reoccurring question has not yet received a satisfying answer: how did the migrant trade evolve and influence the relocation of approximately thirty five million migrants across the Atlantic, of whom an ever increasing percentage returned and repeated the journey during the steamship era? More than half a century ago Maldwyn Jones, Frank Thistletwaite, and Rolf Engelsing drew attention to the fact that transatlantic migration was determined by trade routes (Jones, 1956, Engelsing, 1961; Thistletwaite, 1960). Migrants essentially became valuable cargo, on a shipping route made up of raw cotton, tobacco or timber from the New World; a route that had room to spare on the return leg of the journey. Rolf Engelsing in particular documented how the maritime business community reacted to this trade opportunity, by erecting inland networks, directing a continuous flow of human cargo to the port of Bremen during the sailship-era. Marianne Wokeck later stressed the Atlantic dimensions of these networks, by dating the origins of non-colonial mass migration movements to the 18th Century (Wokeck, 1999).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1990.
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 168-172).

Since the publication of David Wyman's seminal monograph on the American immigration policy during the Second World War— Paper Walls: America and the refugee crisis—the historiography has been framed by a fundamental assumption: that, at its heart, decisions on refugee immigration policy were motivated by anti-Semitism. By examining many of the same primary sources used by Wyman and the historians who have followed him, my thesis argues that the claim that anti-Semitism was the primary, or even major, motivation is not supported by the evidence, and that the shaping of policy was much the product of general xenophobia and nativism.

This study deals with Cold War Okinawa and the genesis of the emigration program that was organised by the U.S. military during the 1950s. As result of the postwar agreements with Japan, the United States occupied the Ryukyu Islands and began to build a series of military complexes in the Island. The emigrational movement from Okinawa to Bolivia was part of a security policy planned by the U.S. authorities to maintain social and political stability in the Ryukyu Islands. Therefore, the study of the Okinawan emigration program in the 1950s highlights the fact that security considerations may play an important part in migration, and thus that both sender and receiver states may play a major role in international migration. The Ryukyuan emigration program is analyzed utilizing the Hegemonic Stability Theory since it can be applied to the relation between the world's hegemonic nation and international migration. The selection of Bolivia as the first hosting country is also studied since the U.S. authorities tried not only to put forward security policies in Okinawa but also assist friendly governments.

Defence date: 29 May 1998
Examining board: Prof. John Brewer, European University Institute ; Prof. Richard Johnson, The Nottingham Trent University ; Prof. Mark Mazower, University of Sussex ; Prof. Luisa Passerini, European University Institute, Supervisor
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017