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1
Piepiora, Ewa. « The Local Dimension of Immigrant Integration Policy Based on West Pomerania Province ». Reality of Politics 7, no 1 (31 mars 2016) : 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201609.
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Since Poland joined the European Community, it has been transforming from a country of emigration into an emigration-immigration one. Year by year an increase of immigrants coming to Poland has been observed, which involves the Polish government and local authorities taking actions within the implementation of migration policy. The multifaceted processes of integration take place on the levels of linguistics, culture, education, and social activation aimed at combating social exclusion of this group of Polish inhabitants.
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McCollum, David, Beata Nowok et Scott Tindal. « Public Attitudes towards Migration in Scotland : Exceptionality and Possible Policy Implications ». Scottish Affairs 23, no 1 (février 2014) : 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2014.0006.
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Scotland is often perceived as having a relatively welcoming view towards migrants and is presented as such by its politicians and policymakers. This positioning sits within a broader political context in which the Scottish Government favours immigration but has limited policy levers with which to directly influence it. This paper seeks to scrutinise the supposition that Scotland can be seen as ‘different’ to the rest of the UK in terms of how immigration is perceived in the public realm. This is pursued through the analysis of attitudinal data to explore public views on migration, the potential drivers of these perceptions and their implications for future immigration policy in the context of the 2014 referendum on the constitutional future of Scotland. The research finds that the public in Scotland does hold relatively positive views towards migration and that this could be related to Scotland's particular experience of population in and out movements. However there is evidence of some (growing) hostility towards migration on the part of the general public in Scotland and a possible link between nationalist leanings and opposition to ‘Others’. These findings have significant implications for debates regarding possible future immigration policies in Scotland.
3
Simplice, Asongu. « Determinants of health professionals’ migration in Africa : a WHO based assessment ». International Journal of Social Economics 42, no 7 (13 juillet 2015) : 666–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-12-2013-0287.
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Purpose – How do economic prosperity, health expenditure, savings, price-stability, demographic change, democracy, corruption control, press freedom, government effectiveness, human development, foreign aid, physical security, trade openness and financial liberalization play-out in the fight against health-worker crisis when existing emigration levels matter? Despite the acute concern of health-worker crisis in Africa owing to emigration, lack of relevant data has made the subject matter empirically void over the last decades. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – A quantile regression approach is used to assess the determinants of health-worker emigration throughout the conditional distributions of health-worker emigration. This provides an assessment of the determinants when existing emigrations levels matter. Findings – Findings provide a broad range of tools for the fight against health-worker brain-drain. As a policy implication, blanket emigration-control policies are unlikely to succeed equally across countries with different levels of emigration. Thus to be effective, immigration policies should be contingent on the prevailing levels of the crisis and tailored differently across countries with the best and worst records on fighting health-worker emigration. Originality/value – This paper has examined the theoretical postulations of a World Health Organization report on determinants of health-worker migration.
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Шешум, Урош. « ПОЛИТИКА МЛАДОТУРАКА ПРЕМА ДОСЕЉАВАЊУ МУХАЏИРА ИЗ БОСНЕ И ХЕРЦЕГОВИНЕ У ОСМАНСКО ЦАРСТВО 1908–1912. И РЕАКЦИЈA СРПСКЕ ВЛАДЕ НА ИСЕЉЕНИЧКИ ПОКРЕТ МУСЛИМАНА THE POLICY OF THE YOUNG TURKS TOWARDS THE IMMIGRATION OF MUHAJIRS FROM BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA TO THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE IN 1908–1912 AND THE REACTION OF THE SERBIAN GOVERNMENT TO THE MUSLIM EMIGRATION MOVEMENT ». Историјски часопис, no 70/2021 (30 décembre 2021) : 435–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.34298/ic2170435s.
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The paper presents the policy of the Young Turks and the attitude of the Government of the Kingdom of Serbia towards the emigration of Muhajirs from Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Ottoman Empire, and later their return to the homeland. The Serbian Government opposed the emigration of Muslims from Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Ottoman Empire and refused to provide assistance to those who moved to the area under the sovereignty of the Ottoman Porte. On the other hand, the Government of the Kingdom of Serbia supported and helped the movement of Muhajirs back to their homeland. For the purposes of writing this paper, we used primarily published and unpublished archival material of Serbian origin, the contemporary press, and relevant literature.
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Simplice, Asongu. « Globalization and health worker crisis : what do wealth-effects tell us ? » International Journal of Social Economics 41, no 12 (25 novembre 2014) : 1243–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-12-2013-0288.
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Purpose – Owing to lack of relevant data on health human resource (HHR) migration, the empirical dimension of the health-worker crisis debate has remained void despite abundant theoretical literature. A health worker crisis is growing in the world. Shortages in health professionals are reaching staggering levels in many parts of the globe. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – A quantile regression approach is used to examine the determinants of health-worker emigration throughout the conditional distributions of health-worker emigration. This provides an investigation of the determinants when existing emigrations levels matter. The author assesses the determinants of emigration in the health sector through-out the conditional distribution of HHR emigration. Findings – The findings have been presented in two main strands: when existing emigration levels are low and when existing emigration levels are high. In the former case (when existing emigration levels are low), wealth-effects have the following implications. First, while economic prosperity is a good tool against nurse brain drain in middle income countries (MICs), health expenditure is a good instrument against physician brain drain in low income countries (LICs). Second, whereas positive demographic change fuels the problem in LICs, it mitigates the issue in their MIC counterparts. Third, savings, government-effectiveness, foreign-aid and inflationary pressures only accentuate the problem for both income groups. Fourth, corruption-control becomes a vital tool for emigration-control in both income-brackets. Fifth, while trade openness mitigates physician emigration in LICs, financial openness has the opposite effect on nurse emigration. In the latter case (when existing immigration levels are high), the following conclusions have been drawn. First, While economic prosperity fights nurse emigration only in LICs, savings is a tool against physician emigration only in their MIC counterparts. Second, health expenditure and inflationary pressures are relevant tools in the battle against physician resource flight. Third, whereas, government effectiveness is an important policy measure for mitigating emigration in LICs, human development plays a similar role in MICs. Fourth, democracy, press-freedom, foreign-aid and financial openness fuel emigration in either income strata. Fifth, population growth and trade openness are important tools in the fight against brain-drain. Sixth, the HIV infection rate is a deterrent only to nurse emigration. Originality/value – This paper complements existing literature by empirically investigating the World Health Organization hypothetical determinants of health-worker migration in the context of globalization when income-levels matter. In plainer terms, the work explores how the wealth of exporting countries play-out in the determinants of HHR emigration.
6
Richards, Eric. « How Did Poor People Emigrate from the British Isles to Australia in the Nineteenth Century ? » Journal of British Studies 32, no 3 (juillet 1993) : 250–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386032.
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One of the great themes of modern history is the movement of poor people across the face of the earth. For individuals and families the economic and psychological costs of these transoceanic migrations were severe. But they did not prevent millions of agriculturalists and proletarians from Europe reaching the new worlds in both the Atlantic and the Pacific basins in the nineteenth century. These people, in their myriad voyages, shifted the demographic balance of the continents and created new economies and societies wherever they went. The means by which these emigrations were achieved are little explored.Most emigrants directed themselves to the cheapest destinations. The Irish, for instance, migrated primarily to England, Scotland, and North America. The general account of British and European emigration in the nineteenth century demonstrates that the poor were not well placed to raise the costs of emigration or to insert themselves into the elaborate arrangements required for intercontinental migration. Usually the poor came last in the sequence of emigration.The passage to Australasia was the longest and the most expensive of these migrations. From its foundation as a penal colony in 1788, New South Wales depended almost entirely on convict labor during its first four decades. Unambiguous government sanction for free immigration emerged only at the end of the 1820s, when new plans were devised to encourage certain categories of emigrants from the British population. As each of the new Australian colonies was developed so the dependence on convict labor diminished.
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Predojević-Despić, Jelena. « Labour migration, COVID-19 pandemic and the Western Balkans : Measures to encourage temporary, circular and return migration ». Demografija, no 18 (2021) : 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/demografija2118071p.
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The aim of this paper is to consider measures that contribute to the regulation of temporary and circular migration, as well as reintegration in the countries of the Western Balkans, which have long faced numerous and diverse challenges of labor emigration. Immediately after the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, a large number of migrant workers returned to the countries of the Western Balkans. Migrant workers, especially those who are staying abroad temporarily, have faced sudden and numerous migration challenges, but they also want to return to work abroad as soon as the conditions are met. Therefore, in order to improve the position and protect the rights of international migrants as efficiently as possible in the future, it is necessary to develop measures that can complement the activities of the Western Balkan countries to regulate and encourage temporary and circular migration, as well as reintegration of migrant workers upon return. This is particularly important in the context of the complex challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic, as the contribution of both highly-skilled and low-skilled foreign workers has been shown to be an integral part of the sustainability of the state system in immigration countries. They will increasingly direct immigration policies towards measures to attract the necessary foreign workers. Therefore, emigration countries should work on improving legislation, developing inter-institutional cooperation and strengthening the capacity of actors at both national and local levels of government and building an approach that includes cooperation of whole of government approach, including the scientific and civil sector. After the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, it was shown that migration policy should rapidly develop measures that reduce the costs and negative effects of migration to the lowest possible level, both for migrants and their families who often remain in the country of origin.
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Vlasenko, Valerii. « Interwar Ukrainian Political Emigrants in Yugoslavia : Relations with the Authorities ». Diplomatic Ukraine, no XX (2019) : 132–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-8.
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This article is devoted to the relationship between interwar Ukrainian political emigrants and local authorities in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia). A comparative analysis of the attitude of the Yugoslav authorities towards Russian and Ukrainian emigrants was conducted. The Russophilia of Yugoslav authorities, who viewed the Ukrainian question through the lense of the Russian emigrants, was described. The idea of Pan-Slavism had been spreading in the Balkans for a long time, which facilitated the legitimization of friendly relations between the southern Slavs (primarily Serbs) and Russians, whom Serbs considered as protectors from the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian Empires. Yugoslavia sided with the anti-Bolshevik White Movement, an ally of the Entente, which had a positive impact on the situation of Russian emigrants. The young state was in need of professionals with a good command of foreign languages and European culture. Many emigrants met those requirements. Therefore, in the early 1920s, several thousands of emigrants worked in the public service. The reigning Karadjordjević dynasty had marital ties with the Romanov dynasty. A former Russian diplomat was among advisers to the king and the head of government. The immigration from the former Russian Empire was addressed by the Royal Court as well as several ministries and central government institutions. Direct support to the immigrants was provided by the State Commission for Assistance to Russian Refugees. Yugoslavia was a center of political and religious immigration for Russians and a provincial center for Ukrainian emigration. It is concluded that the Yugoslav authorities did not distinguish Ukrainians from Russian emigrants, therefore, any specific policy towards them was not carried out. The degree of interaction of Ukrainian emigrants with local authorities in Yugoslavia varied geographically (Slovenia and Croatia, on the one hand, and Serbia and Macedonia, on the other) and in time (in the first half of the 1920s and from the mid-1920s until the beginning of World War II). Keywords: authorities, emigration, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Yugoslavia.
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Privara, Andrej, et Eva Rievajová. « Migration governance in Slovakia during the COVID-19 crisis ». Migration Letters 18, no 3 (16 mai 2021) : 331–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v18i3.1469.
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Foreign-born population in Slovakia has been growing steadily over recent years. Since 2018, foreigners from the so-called third countries have become dominant within the immigrant population. The migration crisis due to the Pandemic seems not affected the patterns of migration to Slovakia. We would argue that the need in Slovakia‘s domestic labour market affected immigration flows more than anything else. Before the outbreak of the COVID-19 Pandemic, due to emigration flows, there was a shortage of labour in the country. However, as a result of the restrictive measures taken by the government in response to the Pandemic, changes are taking place, which also has an impact on the employment of foreigners. During the Pandemic, several laws regulating the legal status of foreigners in the Slovak Republic have been amended. This article focuses on the legislative developments in shaping the Slovak migration policy in the near future.
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Witalec, Robert. « Porozumienie Stronnictw Demokratycznych 1948-1950 – próba konsolidacji polskiej emigracji politycznej ». Studia Historyczne 61, no 2 (242) (31 décembre 2018) : 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/sh.61.2018.02.04.
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Agreement of Democratic Parties in the Years 1948-1950 – an Attempt to Consolidate the Milieu of Polish Political Immigration
After his arrival to London in 1947, Stanisław Mikołajczyk undertook endeavors to form a national committee, which would be a projection of the World War II quadruple agreement, which brought together Polish Peasant Party (Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe), Polish Socialist Party (Polska Partia Socjalistyczna), Labor Party (Stronnictwo Pracy) and National Party (Stronnictwo Narodowe). The creation of the Agreement of Democratic Parties was to be the initial step towards the future cooperation and functioning. Yet the National Party was not interested in such cooperation and the Agreement turned out to be a weak entity, unable to conduct active policy among Polish emigration. Differences between parties proved to be too big a barrier, among others regarding the question of the legality of Polish government in exile. The final blow to Mikołajczyk’s concept was the creation of Political Council by National Party, Polish Socialist Party and the Polish Liberty Movement “Independence and Democracy” (Polski Ruch Wolnościowy „Niepodległość i Demokracja”).
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Maryasis, D. A. « Israel and Migration of High Skilled Workforce : Brain Drain and the Possibility of Replenishing the Market with High-Quality Human Capital ». MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no 4 (9 septembre 2019) : 201–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-201-215.
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International labor migration is one of the most important elements of the modern global economy. Amid growing knowledge economy, migration of highly skilled specialists plays an increasingly important role. For Israel, as an immigrant society, migration issues have been of paramount importance since the early days of the independent state. However, in the first decades the discussion focused mainly around the influence of immigrants on the economic development of the country and identification of the most effective ways to adapt immigrants. At present, the Israeli economic model is built in such a way that the institutions of the knowledge economy are at its core, that requires a significant amount of labor with an appropriate level of skills. At the same time, today Israel witnesses emigration of such specialists, mainly to the United States. This paper is devoted to the analysis of the current situation. The article substantiates the relevance of the chosen topic not only for Israel, but also for other economically developed countries and gives a brief bibliographic review in the field. Next, the author analyzes the tendencies of high skilled work force immigration to Israel at the present stage through the analysis of the supply and demand in the country's labor market in the high-tech sector and assessment of the government programs created to attract foreign non-Jewish specialists to the country which appear to be not effective. The article also deals with the problems of emigration of high skilled workers from Israel. An overview of the magnitude of the phenomenon is given based on international comparisons; main reasons of the trend are identified and analyzed; government programs for the return of compatriots are assessed. It is argued that Israel should pursue a more effective policy to attract highly skilled non-Jewish immigrants into the country, which will fully realize the existing positive externalities and dampen the problem of brain drain.
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Wach, Dominik, et Marta Pachocka. « Polish Cities and Their Experience in Integration Activities – The Case of Warsaw ». Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs 26, no 2 (26 juillet 2022) : 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.2.2022.6.
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In recent years, the issues of integration – related on the one hand to people referred to as foreigners, immigrants, newcomers, etc. – and on the other hand to host societies – have been gaining importance in the Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries, including Poland. Before the political and socio-economic transformation at the turn of the 1980s and the 1990s, it was a country relatively closed to international migration. Only in the early 1990s did it open up to migration fl ows. That was also the time when the state’s policy in this area had been gradually emerging. The preparations for EU membership enforced the process of developing a national migration policy. Poland’s accession to the EU in 2004 and to the Schengen zone in 2007 saw its full involvement in EU migration governance in terms of internal and external policies, and thus the further europeanisation of national law, public policy, and practices in the field of migration management. Recent years have seen a change in Poland’s migration status, which has now become an emigration-immigration state, and the near future may bring about its transition into a new immigration state, especially in connection with the influx of large numbers of forced migrants from Ukraine since the end of February 2022. At the time of writing, that is mid-2022, Poland does not have a formalised integration policy at the central level. National law provides integration measures only for benefi ciaries of international protection (persons with refugee status and subsidiary protection), which concerns a very small group of foreigners. However, the last two decades have seen increased involvement at the local government level (especially in cities) in integration. This is a process taking place in local communities with the support of other actors such as NGOs, informal associations, or universities. One such example is Warsaw, the capital of Poland, where the largest number of migrants, both voluntary and forced, live. This paper aims to explore the selected practices undertaken by some of Warsaw’s municipal institutions and offi ces, which can be treated as an important part of the local integration policy and which could be a role model for other cities less experienced in immigrant integration.
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Urteaga Olano, Eguzki. « Envejecimiento de la población, desarrollo económico y política de inmigración en Francia ». Acciones e Investigaciones Sociales, no 26 (8 avril 2011) : 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_ais/ais.200826337.
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Este artículo se pregunta si: ¿la política migratoria restrictiva elaborada y puesta en marcha por el gobierno francés, a través de la aceleración de las salidas y de la reducción de las entradas, que pretende reducir el número de inmigrantes y favorecer une inmigración de trabajo tratando de atraer a los más cualificados, permitirá hacer frente a los nuevos retos impuestos por el envejecimiento de la población, el aumento de la mortalidad y la disminución de la población activa? Defendemos la hipótesis según la cual, esta política carece de sentido en un contexto caracterizado por un bajo saldo migratorio, porque la llegada continua pero reducida de inmigrantes no compensa el envejecimiento de la población, provocará una falta de mano de obra, un declive de la actividad económica y una crisis del sistema de pensiones, por el aumento de los jubilados y el descenso de la población activa. Más allá, se repercutirá tanto en el crecimiento económico como en el Estado de Bienestar. A pesar de estos datos, el gobierno francés se empeña en aplicar su política de inmigración en razón de las ideas de los gobernantes, de la presión de la extrema derecha y de la visión cortoplazista de los cargos electos.This article asks whether the restrictive policy on migration drawn up and implemented by the French government speeding up emigration and reducing immigration in an effort to reduce the number of immigrants and encourage an immigrant workforce, in an attempt to attract more skilled workers, will enable them to overcome the new challenges imposed by the ageing of the population, the increase in the mortality rate and the reduction of the active population.We defend the hypothesis that this policy does not make any sense in a context characterised by a low balance of migration, because the constant albeit reduced stream of immigrants arriving in the country is no compensation for the ageing population. It will lead to a lack of manpower, a decline in economic activity and a crisis in the pension system, because of the increase in the number of pensioners and the slump in the active population. Beyond that, it will have repercussions on both economic growth and on the Welfare State. Despite these facts, the French government is set on applying its policy on immigration in line with the ideas of the people in power, of the pressure from the extreme right and of the short-term view of the politicians.
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Stankiewicz, Wojciech. « Integracja emigrantów muzułmańskich ze społeczeństwem przyjmującym na przykładzie Francji ». Sprawy Narodowościowe, no 36 (18 février 2022) : 127–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2010.008.
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Incorporating Muslim Migrants in the West: The French Model of IntegrationThe Muslim emigration to France is connected with many social, religious and political problems. The worshippers of Islam were admitted to settle, but not to integrate with French society and the national economy. Although, according to the French scheme of integration, all people are equal before the law and it is unlawful to emphasise differences, life in France does not reflect the Republican idea any more, and instead of creating the French nation as one community, a multicultural society unable to assimilate newcomers is being born.There are numerous stereotypes in French society that push aside Algerians and Moroccans, especially those living in the suburbs, and put them in conflict with the French legal system. This approach should change and the French must cease perceiving Muslims as strangers and realise they are lawful citizens, an inseparable part of their everyday life. The successive generations of Muslim immigrants should no longer be pushed to the margins of social life because of their ethnic origin, name, religion, and culture.The violent riots in France in 2005 and 2007, however, were caused not only by cultural conflict but also by the recession of the French economy. The main problem in the French suburbs is the high level of unemployment (40%) caused by the numerous meanders of the immigration policy. Instead of facilitating employment for immigrants, the government demands special professional training even for jobs which do not require such qualifications.
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Flores-Yeffal, Nadia Y., et Karen A. Pren. « Predicting Unauthorized Salvadoran Migrants’ First Migration to the United States between 1965 and 2007 ». Journal on Migration and Human Security 6, no 2 (juin 2018) : 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2331502418765404.
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Although Salvadoran emigration to the United States is one of the most important migratory flows emanating from Latin America, there is insufficient information about the predictors of first unauthorized migration from El Salvador to the United States. In this study, we use data from the Latin American Migration Project–El Salvador (LAMP-ELS4) to perform an event history analysis to discern the factors that influenced the likelihood that a Salvadoran household head would take a first unauthorized trip to the United States between 1965 and 2007. We take into account a series of demographic, social capital, human capital, and physical capital characteristics of the Salvadoran household head; demographic and social context variables in the place of origin; as well as economic and border security factors at the place of destination. Our findings suggest that an increase in the Salvadoran civil violence index and a personal economic crisis increased the likelihood of first-time unauthorized migration. Salvadorans who were less likely to take a first unauthorized trip were business owners, those employed in skilled occupations, and persons with more years of experience in the labor force. Contextual variables in the United States, such as a high unemployment rate and an increase in the Border Patrol budget, deterred the decision to take a first unauthorized trip. Finally, social capital had no effect on the decision to migrate; this means that for unauthorized Salvadoran migrants, having contacts in the United States is not the main driver to start a migration journey to the United States. We suggest as policy recommendations that the United States should award Salvadorans more work-related visas or asylum protection. For those Salvadorans whose Temporary Protected Status (TPS) has ended, the United States should allow them to apply for permanent residency. The decision not to continue to extend TPS to Salvadorans will only increase the number of unauthorized immigrants in the United States. The United States needs to revise its current immigration policies, which make it a very difficult and/or extremely lengthy process for Salvadorans and other immigrants to regularize their current immigration status in the United States. Furthermore, because of our research findings, we recommend that the Salvadoran government — to discourage out-migration — invest in high-skilled job training and also offer training and credit opportunities to its population to encourage business ventures.
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Zastavetska, Lesia, et Taras Zastavetskyi. « SOCIO-GEOGRAPHICAL DIMENSION OF DEMOGRAPHIC PROCESSES IN UKRAINE IN THE PERIOD OF INDEPENDENCE (FROM 1991 TO 2022) ». SCIENTIFIC ISSUES OF TERNOPIL VOLODYMYR HNATIUK NATIONAL PEDAGOGICAL UNIVERSITY. SERIES : GEOGRAPHY 52, no 1 (30 mai 2022) : 66–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.25128/2519-4577.22.1.9.
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The article considers the formation of the demographic situation in Ukraine during its independence, namely - from 1991 to 2022. The authors analyzed the main demographic indicators - birth rate, mortality rate, natural increase, average life expectancy in the country over the past thirty years.
In the first years of our country's acquisition of statehood, in addition to positive natural population growth, the increase in its number was also facilitated by a positive balance of migration due to a significant influx of immigrants. However, the deepening socio-economic crisis in 1992-1995 led to a sharp decline in birth rates, a deepening of natural population decline due to negative natural growth, and mass migration abroad in search of work. For the first time since this period, a negative balance of migration was recorded in Ukraine, and from that time until 2022, the volume of emigration exceeds immigration. Indicators of natural population movement have significant differences in the regions of Ukraine, urban and rural settlements. The highest values are traditionally preserved in Volyn, Rivne and Zakarpattia oblasts, and the lowest ones are in Chernihiv and Sumy oblasts.
The study allowed us to draw conclusions about the negative demographic phenomena - a rapid decline in population due to a significant decrease in birth rates, high mortality rates, the spread of the phenomenon of "aging" of the population. All this leads to the inevitable depopulation in the country, which confirms the demographic loss of about 10 million people during the study period (due to natural population decline and high migration in the mid-1990s and early XXI century). The demographic situation in rural areas remains particularly catastrophic. Negative demographic trends are exacerbated by the mass exodus of young people to study and work in the cities.
Among the main factors that influenced the formation of the current demographic situation in Ukraine are: socio-economic (high unemployment, migration abroad, low level and quality of life compared to other countries in the European region), environmental (high level of industrial pollution) certain regions, uncontrolled application of mineral fertilizers to agricultural land, radiation emissions associated with the Chernobyl disaster), natural (Covid-19 epidemic), military (active phase of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2022).
The demographic catastrophe in Ukraine, connected with the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2022, deserves special attention. The huge direct and indirect losses suffered by the country are due to the direct deaths during the hostilities, as well as the mass migration of people abroad since the beginning of the war. The losses will be assessed by demographers and statistical services after the war, but it is already worth considering the directions of a comprehensive demographic policy in Ukraine in the postwar period, which will restore the country's demographic potential. This work requires the coordinated work of demographers, geographers, economists and government and local government representatives. The authors outlined only the most important vectors of the formation of a new demographic policy in postwar Ukraine. They plan to pay more attention to these aspects by continuing further research.
Keywords: population reproduction, birth rate, mortality, natural movement, life expectancy
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Skiljan, Filip. « Organized massive forced migration of Serbs from Croatia in 1941 ». Stanovnistvo 50, no 2 (2012) : 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv1202001s.
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The author brings forth a range of information on forced migration of the Serb population from the Croatian part of the Independent State of Croatia in 1941 (NDH). Almost one third of the population were Serbs in the NDH. One of the methods of solving ?the Serbia issue? in the NDH was migrating the Serbs into Serbia. The other methods were forced conversions of the Serbian population, namely physical killings. The adopted legal provisions made the terror policy over Serbian population legitimate. A conference was held on June 4th in the German legation in Zagreb. At the meeting it was agreed that Slovenians from Styria were to be moved to NDH, and Serbs from the NDH to Serbia. Deportation was to be carried out in three waves. The first wave was to last from June 7th to July 5th and 5000 Slovenian intellectuals from Lower Styria were to be deported directly to Serbia, except for catholic priests who were to be deported to the NDH. Orthodox priests from the NDH were to be deported to Serbia together with their families. In the second wave, lasting from June 10th to August 30th, 25,000 Slovenians from Slovenia were to be deported to the NDH and NDH was to deport just as many Serbs. In the last wave (from September 15th to October 31st), 65,000 Slovenian peasants from the Gorenjska region (Upper Carniola region) were to be deported to the NDH, and NDH was to migrate just as many Serbs to Serbia, as well as 30,000 Serbs whose citizenship was not acknowledged by the NDH. The government of the NDH founded an office for this purpose under the name State Directorate for Renewal. The migration of the Serbs from NDH began in June of 1941. Volunteers from the Salonika Front were then moved from their properties in Slavonia and Srem. Their total number was about 28,000. Then the Orthodox priests were migrated. According to the lists made by the NDH authorities, 327 of them were migrated from the NDH. 104 priests from the Croatian part of NDH were moved away in an organized manner. One part of them managed to escape before they were arrested. The migration of priests was carried out through transit camps in Caprag and Pozega. Massive deportations of the Serbian population through transit camps in Caprag, Bjelovar and Pozega began with the arresting of Serbs in Zagreb in the first half of July 1941, and then continued in other districts of northern Croatia and Bosnia. The total number of migrations in an organized manner from the Croatian part of the NDH up to the beginning of September 1941, according to the name list drawn up in 2012, amounted to 9875 Serbs, although that number was not final since there were greater disparities for certain districts. By the end of September 1941, the Ustashas migrated 14,733 Serbs out of the NDH in a legal way. Croatians from Dalmatia, Herzegovina and the Croatian Zagorje as well as displaced Slovenians primarily originally from Styria, moved into their houses. The authorities of NDH confiscated the property of the forced out Serbs. Other forms of the Ustasha terror, like massive killings, caused intensive illegal emigration of Serbs from NDH to Serbia, which, according to German data, had already increased to around 180,000 relocated Serbs by the end of July, although it seems this number exceeded 200,000 by the end of September. Organized migration was ceased in October 1941 after the German authorities in Serbia forbid further immigration of Serbs from the NDH mainly because of the uprising in western Serbia. Part of the banished Serbs from the Pozega concentration camp were returned home to the districts of Osijek, Garesnica, Krizevac, Virovitica and Ludbreg. However, from the documentation of the Commissariat for Refugees in Belgrade, it is evident that the research on the migration of Serbs from Croatia and the whole of NDH was not finished in 1941, so the number of 200,000 of forced migrants who have left is not final.
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Antoshin, Alexey. « From DP Camps to the “Green Continent” ». Quaestio Rossica 8, no 2 (23 juin 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/qr.2020.2.489.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This review focuses on a monograph written by Jayne Persian, lecturer at the University of Southern Queensland (Australia). The work is the first complex study devoted to the adaptation of former “displaced persons” (more particularly, émigrés from the Soviet Union) in Australia between the 1940s and 1960s. The work refers to an extensive complex of documents from the National Archives of Australia, the National Archives (United Kingdom), the Noel Butlin Archives Centre, Australian National University, and interviews with former “displaced persons” residing in Australia. The study is very important because it provides new information on the second wave of Soviet emigration, which is seldom examined by contemporary Russian scholars. Persian demonstrates that political factors played an important role in how the Australian government granted immigration permission. Quite frequently, Australia preferred people who shared anti-communist positions. Therefore, many former collaborators of the World War II era came to Australia; this hindered cooperation between the USSR and Australia. Persian shows that “new Australians” had difficulty integrating into society. The government tried to assimilate them, which pushed the immigrants to seek isolation in their communities. This book helps us understand the controversial character of the state policy of historical memory, a problem that is also very important for contemporary Russia.
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Tukhashvili, Mirian. « Population of Kakheti : Dynamics and Ethnic Structure ». Economics and Business XIV, no 3 (30 novembre 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.56079/20223/10.
Texte intégralRésumé :
For the development and implementation of a rational demographic policy, it is of great importance to reveal the regularities of the transformation of the number and structure of the population of Georgia. The object of our research is the population of the Kakheti region, which has undergone significant changes over the past centuries. The article discusses the main trends of population size and ethno-structural changes – issues of the ratio of the Georgian population and diasporas of Georgia, annexed by the Russian Empire, the Soviet Republic and the post-Soviet Kakheti region. During the considered period, the specific weight of the diasporas in the entire population continuously increased due to the permanent implementation of the intensive immigration policy in Georgia, which was under imperial rule. The same situation was in the population of the Kakheti region, where the contingent of national minorities increased. With active immigration policy, the number of Russian population increased rapidly. In 1926-1939 it became 7.2% of the population of Kakheti. A relatively fast numerical increase of the Armenian diaspora was noted in the 19th century, of the Ossetians - at the beginning of the 20th century. The most stable increase is characterized by the Muslim population. Thanks to its traditions of high natural increase, the number of Azerbaijanis and Kists increased from 6.4 thousand to 37.5 thousand in 1884-1989, by 2014 their share in the population of Kakheti region became 11.8%. In the post-Soviet period, significant changes took place in the number and ethnic structure of the population of the Kakheti region. In the period between the population censuses of 1989-2014, it decreased significantly. Both the number of the entire population and diasporas: Armenians 3 times, Russians - 7 times, Ossetians - 4.9 times, Ukrainians - 9.4 times. Diasporas of Muslim Azeris and Kists remained relative stability. In the conditions of a rapid decrease in the number of the population, the tendency of the transition from a poly-ethnic to a bi-ethnic structure was evident in the Kakheti region. The main reason for the decrease in the number of diasporas is the intensification of emigration processes. It was caused by the collapse of the Georgian economy in the post-Soviet period, ethno-political conflicts and the unprecedented deterioration of living conditions, unemployment, and the deepening of poverty. In addition to this, the intensity of emigration of national minorities was influenced by the fact that a significant part of the diaspora did not know the state language – Georgian and chose to return to their historical and cultural environment, to their homeland. Some emigrated to countries where the standard of living was much higher than in Georgia. The reduction of diasporas was partly caused by their integration into the Georgian population. In the conditions of long-term coexistence, nationalities culturally close to Georgians: Ossetians, Armenians integrated into the Georgian ethnos. Among them, inter-ethnic marriages were common. There were no inter-ethnic confrontations and ethnic conflicts in the Kakheti region. According to the 2014 census in the Kakheti region, it was revealed that in terms of religious confession, Christian Orthodoxy (85.7%) and Muslims (12.1%) dominate. The absolute majority of Muslims are Azerbaijanis, Kists, Hundzis and representatives of the older generation of eco-immigrant Georgian Adjarians. An important task of the government is to ensure decent socio-cultural development of national minorities in the region of Kakheti, characterized by tolerance; to establish an exemplary respect of the population for their customs; in Case of desire to help them in their civic integration, to create an exemplary environment for humane coexistence of nations. Keywords: Georgia, diaspora, Kakheti, national minority, ethnic structure, population. JEL Codes: Q56, R20, R23
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Pollard, Teresa, et Natasha Howard. « Mental healthcare for asylum-seekers and refugees residing in the United Kingdom : a scoping review of policies, barriers, and enablers ». International Journal of Mental Health Systems 15, no 1 (14 juin 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s13033-021-00473-z.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Background Since 2011, a large influx of asylum-seekers and refugees has put pressure on the UK’s under-resourced national health services and mental health services. Asylum-seekers and refugees (ASR) may experience traumatic events pre-departure, life-threating circumstances on their journeys, and difficulties integrating into host countries related to immigration policies, social isolation, poor living conditions, and unemployment, all of which can significantly affect their mental health. This topic is increasingly important due to the numbers of people seeking asylum and growing concern for their mental health on resettlement. This study examined UK-wide policies and guidance, healthcare practices, barriers, and enablers of mental healthcare for ASR residing in the UK. Methods We conducted a scoping review using Arksey and O’Malley’s 2005 framework, which included semi-structured interviews with stakeholders from non-governmental organisations, academia, UK National Health Service, and community groups. We synthesised and analysed literature and interview data thematically to examine current barriers and potential enablers of ASR mental health support in the UK. Results We included 39 literature sources, of 1,638 identified, and 10 stakeholder interviews. Sources, most published in 2019 (n = 13), included data from England (n = 13), Scotland (n = 3), Wales (n = 3), and Northern Ireland (n = 2) and covered access to care (n = 16), mental health disorders (n = 7), impacts on health (n = 7), barriers to care (n = 13), policies and plans (n = 4), and clinical recommendations (n = 3). Synthesised themes from literature and interviews included existing barriers (i.e. communication difficulties and lack of funding, resources, and political will) and potential enablers (i.e. proposed provision practices, social needs of ASR, and policy changes). Conclusions There is a gap in the literature regarding UK-wide assessment of access and delivery of mental healthcare for ASR in the UK. Time sensitive and culturally appropriate approaches are needed, with greater funding and resource support from the UK Government. This study provides justification for a call to relax hostile environment policies, and for ASR-specific mental health services and support to be considered within the UK. Further research is needed to assess implementation of guidelines across the UK.