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1

Straehle, Christine. « Immigration, individual autonomy, and social justice : an argument for a redistributive immigration policy ». Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102827.

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Contemporary liberal democratic societies currently enact immigration policies that are morally indefensible from a liberal autonomy and social justice perspective. In a world characterized by stark inequalities in individual opportunities to lead autonomous lives, and in which many individuals lack the basic conditions for autonomous functioning, I argue that contemporary immigration regimes that distinguish between desirable immigrants---who are typically from similarly wealthy countries---and undesirable one ---who are typically members of the global poor---conflict with liberal commitments to individual autonomy and equality of opportunity. I advocate that such commitments should lead wealthy countries to change their criteria for immigration, so that they admit proportionally many more of the global poor than they currently do. Such redistributive immigration policies are a way for rich countries to fulfill their global distributive justice duties. The thesis examines two major objections to formulating immigration policies on grounds of global distributive justice. First, some theorists posit a moral distinction between compatriots and non-compatriots, and argue that duties of redistribution should be restricted to compatriots. Second, some theorists fear that redistributive immigration schemes will have negative consequences on the conditions of social justice in host communities. This fear derives from the assumptions that social solidarity and social trust will be eroded by the greater ethno-cultural heterogeneity that is likely to result from the implementation of redistributive immigration policies. In response I show, first, that social solidarity is not circumscribed by national boundaries; the empirical evidence does not support claims that solidaristic acts rely on a predefined idea of community. Second, drawing on the Canadian case study, I find that institutional trust rather than interpersonal trust is key to motivating compliance with social welfare policies, and that this kind of trust can be sustained under conditions of ethno-cultural heterogeneity.
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2

Vibert, Dermot Wilson. « Canada's Chinese immigration policy and immigration security 1947-1953 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61662.

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3

Eule, Tobias Georg. « Inside immigration law : decision-making and migration management in German immigration offices ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610093.

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4

Ma, Hing-yeung Gordon, et 馬慶揚. « An evaluation of the development and implementation of new immigrationpolicies for mainland chinese in Hong Kong ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1998. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31965441.

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5

Çetin, Elif. « Political debates, policy objectives and outcomes in British and Italian immigration politics, 1997-2010 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708065.

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6

Toussaint, Nicole G. « The Metropolitan Dimensions of United States Immigration Policy : A Theoretical and Comparative Analysis ». PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1065.

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Municipal unauthorized immigration policy, as an area of study, is underexplored. The literature is in the early stages of development, and little specific theory to guide research exists. To advance this emerging field, my study addresses two questions. First, what unauthorized immigration policies do local governments pursue, under what circumstances, and for what reasons? Second, what explains city-to-city variation in municipal responsiveness to the policy preferences and interests of residents without legal status? The dissertation also presents a typology of municipal responsiveness to unauthorized immigrants, based on my exploratory research. To explain intercity differences in the policy processes and choices of local government, I explore three possible explanations--Hero's (1998) social diversity thesis, urban regime theory, and political culture and policy entrepreneurship. My study engages these theoretical ideas with the findings of a comparative case study of three mid-size, reemerging gateway cities: Sacramento, California; Denver, Colorado; and Portland, Oregon. I explore whether associations between local factors and municipal unauthorized immigration policy emerge in the recent history of the three case cities. Analysis of data gleaned from document study suggests that political culture, as expressed through entrepreneurial political leaders, has been important in shaping regime development and subsequent policy action on unauthorized immigration, while differences in the ethnoracial structure of cities accounts for variation in policy approach.
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7

Muvhevhi, Roseline Rumbidzai. « South Africa's 2015 immigration regulations and the controversy concerning the right of the child traveller ». Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/2545.

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Over the years, human trafficking has become one of the fastest growing crimes in the world. According to a report of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Women and Children account for 75 percent of trafficked victims. Between 2007 and 2010, children accounted for 20 percent of the trafficked victims which is approximately 1343 children per year. Sadly, these statistics continue to rise annually. It is from this premise that no one can doubt the rationale behind the 2015 Immigration Regulations that affect children travelling in and out of South Africa. However, in terms of section 28 (2) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, it is a prerequisite that in any matter affecting a child, the best interest of the child be of paramount importance. This mini dissertation seeks to establish whether these Immigration Regulations which initially came into effect in May 2014, are in the best interest of child travellers. This has been done by looking at the old system which regulated the movement of children; its loopholes and shortcomings, thereby establishing whether Regulation 6 (12) is a panacea or in fact the hallmark of a series of problems that have a detrimental effect on the well-being as well as the rights of the child. The research methodology is mainly based on a study of existing literature. This largely includes internet sources, national legislation, regional and international instruments as well as case law. The South African Immigration Act 2002 is the primary reference with regards to regulatory information. However, lessons are drawn from legislation from other jurisdictions, notably Zimbabwean Immigration laws as well as those of Namibia. This is because South Africa shares a border with Zimbabwe and it also has a historical connection with Namibia and has good relations with both States. The mini dissertation analyses the impact of the 2015 Immigration Regulations not only on children but on other sectors as well. Lastly, the latter makes recommendations on how to improve these Regulations without affecting the best interest of child travellers.
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8

Salgado, Martinez Teofilo de Jesus. « Canadian refugee policy : asserting control ». Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83148.

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This thesis considers the apparent shift in Canadian refugee policy between the more liberal refugee programs of the 1980s to the more restrictive contemporary orientation. We provide an explanation for the nature and content of policy pronouncements made in the period following the events of September 11, 2001. In order to put contemporary policy in context, we begin our investigation post-World War II when Canada first entered the international arena as a fully independent state. What follows is an examination of why the Canadian government has preferred its choice of refugee policies, and a consideration of forces and institutions that have shaped policy in the postwar period. At the same time, we reflect on the tension between Canada's refugee policy choices and its stated commitment to humanitarian values and international agreements.
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9

何國桓 et Kwok-wun Dennis Ho. « Selection and rejection : ethical issues in immigration in Hong Kong ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2008. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B41013414.

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10

Pedzisa, Beatrice. « The implementation of deportation laws against the right to security and liberty of migrants workers : a case study of South Africa ». Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/2533.

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Globalisation has resulted in the increase of migrant workers who cross borders in search of better opportunities and greener pastures. Migrant workers, wherever they decide to relocate, are at the risk of arbitrary arrests and illegal deportations which infringe their right to liberty and security. Many unreported cases show that migrant workers in South Africa have to endure inhuman treatment every day, through the implementation of deportation laws by law enforcement agencies. This is however, done in a manner which disregards their possession of necessary documentation authorising them to be in the country. The Constitution of South Africa, legislation and other related policies provide for the protection of the right to liberty and security of migrant workers. It is against the above that this mini dissertation examines and analyses how the implementation of deportation laws impacts on the right to liberty and security of migrant workers. This mini dissertation points out that there is a dire need to ensure that the implementation of deportation laws complies with the requirements of the right to security and liberty of persons accorded to the status of migrant workers by the Constitution and other related legislation or policies. The methodology made use of in this research is qualitative. This research used legislative texts, case law, journal articles and other academic commentary to acquire information on the right of migrant workers and their plight in South Africa. The study also makes recommendations for appropriate domestic law reform in respect to how deportation laws can be implemented in a bid to protect the right to liberty and security of migrant workers. These recommendations are designed to ensure that law enforcement agencies adhere to the law and procedure which protect migrant workers from arbitrary arrests, and illegal deportations.
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11

Guha, Julia Patricia. « The immigration and refugee board of Canada's guidelines on gender-related persecution : an evaluation ». Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33285.

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The thesis focuses on the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada's Guidelines on Women Refugee Claimants Fearing Gender-Related Persecution, released in 1993. The guidelines were designed to address a perceived shortcoming in international refugee law and its domestic applications, namely, the omission of gender-based persecution from the protection of the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. The omission of gender from the UN Convention had resulted in gender inequalities in the evaluation of asylum claims, inequalities the Canadian guidelines were designed to correct. However, since the inception of the guidelines, critics have dismissed the directives as numerically ineffective, pointing to the low numbers of women requesting asylum on the basis of gender-related persecution. While such a numerical analysis may be useful, the thesis argues it is incomplete. The thesis centres instead on the vital consciousness-raising role played by the guidelines, both domestically and abroad, and on the concrete results engendered by this function in the international realm of women's human rights.
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12

Dorais, Sophie Thanh Lan. « Conception et mise en place des politiques relatives au contrôle des demandeurs d'asile : nouvelles stratégies canadiennes dans le contexte de la globalisation ». Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=19667.

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This thesis analyzes the influence of globalization on state sovereignty in the design and implementation of policies concerning asylum seekers. Using Canada as an example, it is argued that there are three emerging global forces that directly challenge the sovereignty of the state in matters of immigration. These forces are neoliberal and global security discourses and international refugee rights standards. But these forces have not led to a decline in the power of the state. Rather, they have forced the state to develop new strategies in order to reassert its sovereignty and regain its legitimacy. The state has responded to neoliberal and security pressures by designing, implementing and reinforcing control policies over asylum seekers. It has reacted to the international refugee rights norms and the demands of the refugee advocacy groups by developing strategies to integrate some of their principles without relinquishing its authority and autonomy.
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13

Luedtke, Adam. « Fortress Europe or spillover ? : immigration politics and policy at the European level ». Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20441.

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Although the evolution of a unified Europe has been unsteady, the immigration policies of member states have nonetheless become increasingly harmonized in recent years. This harmonization has not been without its controversies, however, and is characterized by two inter-linked political disputes that have shaped the progress achieved thus far. The first dispute area is the exclusion of Europe's legally-resident third country nationals (TCNs) from the privileges of intra-EU free movement, contrary to the inclusionist arguments of the European Commission and Parliament. The second dispute area is the political struggle between advocates of intergovernmental decision-making structures, which are not subject to EU law or institutional control, and the advocates of full (supranational) EU competence over policy. Two hypotheses are contrasted to examine these disputes: (1) the "Fortress Europe" hypothesis, which foresees the continuation of exclusionism and intergovernmentalism; and (2) the "spillover" hypothesis, which predicts the inclusion of TCNs through the EU's central institutions eventually winning full competence over policy. It is concluded that although exclusionism continues to hold the upper hand, recent victories for supranationalism have confirmed the optimism of the spillover hypothesis.
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14

Puttagunta, P. Saradhi. « "Invasion" of the "Immigrant Hordes" : an analysis of current arguments in Canada against multiculturalism and immigration policy ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/nq27229.pdf.

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15

Formanek, Alexandra. « Managing asylum : a critical examination of emerging trends in European refugee and migration policy ». Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=82703.

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This thesis takes a critical approach to examine recent developments in European asylum and migration policy. Specifically, this research is interested in addressing the emerging paradigm of "migration management" and its impact on the nature of refugee protection and asylum in an integrated Europe. Two approaches are used in this analysis. First, from a functionalist perspective, this work considers how migration management has responded to contemporary realities of international migration. Secondly, from a critical theory perspective, the thesis analyzes how refugee protection becomes subsumed within the broader goals of migration management. This thesis will argue that the paradigm of migration management has effectively shifted the contours of the asylum debate by linking refugee and asylum policy with broader issues of labor migration, illegality and foreign relations. This has resulted in the separation of asylum from territoriality and more broadly, the submersion of the humanitarian considerations to the overarching goals of migration management.
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16

Wong, Yiu Chung. « The policies of the Hong Kong government towards the Chinese refugee problem, 1945-1962 ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2008. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/858.

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17

BIRNIE, Rutger Steven. « The ethics and politics of deportation in Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/61307.

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Defence date: 19 February 2019
Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Matthew Gibney, University of Oxford; Professor Iseult Honohan, University College Dublin; Professor Jennifer Welsh, McGill University (formerly European University Institute)
This thesis explores key empirical and normative questions prompted by deportation policies and practices in the contemporary European context. The core empirical research question the thesis seeks to address is: what explains the shape of deportation regimes in European liberal democracies? The core normative research question is: how should we evaluate these deportation regimes morally? The two parts of the thesis address each of these questions in turn. To explain contemporary European deportation regimes, the four chapters of the first part of the thesis investigate them from a historical and multilevel perspective. (“Expulsion Old and New”) starts by comparing contemporary deportation practices to earlier forms of forced removal such as criminal banishment, political exile, poor law expulsion, and collective expulsions on a religious or ethnic basis, highlighting how contemporary deportation echoes some of the purposes of these earlier forms of expulsion. (“Divergences in Deportation”) looks at some major differences between European countries in how, and how much, deportation is used as a policy instrument today, concluding that they can be roughly grouped into four regime types, namely lenient, selective, symbolically strict and coercively strict. The next two chapters investigate how non-national levels of government are involved in shaping deportation in the European context. (“Europeanising Expulsion”) traces how the institutions of the European Union have come to both restrain and facilitate or incentivise member states’ deportation practices in fundamental ways. (“Localities of Belonging”) describes how provincial and municipal governments are increasingly assertive in frustrating deportations, effectively shielding individuals or entire categories of people from the reach of national deportation efforts, while in other cases local governments pressure the national level into instigating deportation proceedings against unwanted residents. The chapters argue that such efforts on both the supranational and local levels must be explained with reference to supranational and local conceptions of membership that are part of a multilevel citizenship structure yet can, and often do, come apart from the national conception of belonging. The second part of the thesis addresses the second research question by discussing the normative issues deportation gives rise to. (“Deportability, Domicile and the Human Right to Stay”) argues that a moral and legal status of non-deportability should be extended beyond citizenship to all those who have established effective domicile, or long-term and permanent residence, in the national territory. (“Deportation without Domination?”) argues that deportation can and should be applied in a way that does not dominate those it subjects by ensuring its non-arbitrary application through a limiting of executive discretion and by establishing proportionality testing in deportation procedures. (“Resisting Unjust Deportation”) investigates what can and should be done in the face of unjust national deportation regimes, proposing that a normative framework for morally justified antideportation resistance must start by differentiating between the various individual and institutional agents of resistance before specifying how their right or duty to resist a particular deportation depends on motivational, epistemic and relational conditions.
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18

Rea, Andrea. « Immigration, état et citoyenneté : la formation de la politique d'intégration des immigrés de la Belgique ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211905.

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19

Biria, Ensieh. « Figurative Language in the Immigration Debate : Comparing Early 20th Century and Current U.S. Debate with the Contemporary European Debate ». PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/234.

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This study analyzes newspaper coverage of immigration reform in mainstream newspapers prior to, and following the debate in June 2007. The newspaper text is analyzed using metaphor interpretation supported by content analysis. The quantitative result categorizes the identified metaphors in three distinct metaphor categories about: immigrants and immigration, immigration policy and enforcement, and metaphors about the debate and immigration issue itself. The relative distribution of metaphors among categories is provided. Using an open coding process, emergent metaphor categories are identified. The qualitative findings describe metaphors and schemas that were potentially activated by particular metaphorical phrases in this context. Lastly, this research compares the similarities and differences of the immigration debate of the early 20th century with the contemporary U.S. and European debate.
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20

Moffatt, Rowena. « An appeal to principle : a theory of appeals and review of migration status decision-making in the United Kingdom ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:95a2afbc-835e-4de9-84b4-2e65598bfd4b.

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The question asked by this thesis is when and why, as a matter of principle, should there be judicial scrutiny on the merits of administrative decisions on migration status ('migration status decisions') in the United Kingdom? It argues that this is a moral question, engaging concerns of fair treatment. The first two chapters examine the question theoretically. It is argued that access to justice is not a gift of citizenship and that migration status decision-making should be reviewable on the merits to avoid the appearance and/or occurrence of injustice in the light of the effects of migration control on individual migrants and the nature of migration status decision-making as 'very imperfect procedural justice' (save where a decision is not based on the judgment discretion of an administrator). The latter five chapters apply the normative claims to the United Kingdom constitutional context, including the relevant European regimes (European Convention on Fundamental Rights and European Union). First, as background to the argument, a history of recourse from migration status decision-making in the UK from the initial establishment of a review system in 1905 is sketched out. The history demonstrates the absence of a coherent or principled account of migration status appeals. The history is followed by a three-part critique of the current system of recourse in the UK. First rights of appeal in three case studies (deportation, offshore visitors and students) are examined. Secondly, the three standards of review available under judicial review (rationality, anxious scrutiny and proportionality) are critiqued, and thirdly, the contribution of European and international norms is considered. In general terms the thesis concludes that the current UK system of recourse is deficient in certain respects and suggests reform to the current appeals system.
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Rutland, Suzanne D. « The Jewish Community In New South Wales 1914-1939 ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6536.

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Rutland, Suzanne D. « The Jewish Community In New South Wales 1914-1939 ». University of Sydney, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6536.

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Lemelin, Bernard. « Les hommes politiques de l'Etat de New York et les débats d'immigration, 1945-1953 / ». Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=70270.

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The New York State politicians, notably members of Congress such as Irving Ives, Herbert Lehman, Samuel Dickstein, Emanuel Celler and Jacob Javits, were very involved in the immigration debates for the period from 1945 to 1953. By their interventions, they emerged as fiery supporters of a liberalization of American immigration policy. A willingness to satisfy a multiethnic electorate largely explains their position. But these individuals, mostly defenders of President Truman's foreign policy, also believed in this cold war context that an attenuation of restrictionism in immigration would provide numerous advantages to the nation. If their attitude seems dictated by considerations that were both pragmatic and idealistic, it generated non-negligible results. Thus, the granting of a quota to India in 1946, the act on the war brides in 1945, as well as the legislation affecting the refugees in 1950, were among the measures mainly ascribable to the activities of these politicians.
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24

Rousseau, Guillaume 1980. « Le modèle québécois d'intégration culturelle comme troisième voie entre l'intégration républicaine et le multiculturalisme bilingue : analyse et réformes possibles ». Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99151.

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It is sometimes said that the Quebec model of cultural integration constitutes a third way between the French model (republican integration) and the Canadian model (bilingual multiculturalism) for addressing issues relating to immigration. The present thesis analyses that hypothesis by reviewing the history of laws related to language and religion, especially as they concern the integration of immigrants, in France, English Canada and Quebec. In parallel to those legal histories, the thesis presents some statistical data, notably to better understand the motivations of legislators and to assess the degree of conformity between social change and the policies these legislators have sought to pursue.
After having demonstrated certain weakness of the Quebec model of integration, this thesis proposes three reforms to improve it. The first one, which concerns language legislation, is of republican inspiration. The other two focus on laws concerning religion and are inspired by the Canadian model of integration.
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Clark, Matthew Franklin. « The Challenges and Opportunities of Immigrant Integration : A Study of Turkish Immigrants in Germany ». PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/322.

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In an ever-globalizing world, societies comprised of myriad people and cultures are quickly becoming the norm rather than the exception. In societies made up of culturally diverse, religiously pluralistic and disparate people, an added layer of complexity becomes apparent when attempting to integrate multiple cultures into a single society. Germany, in its reconstruction effort following World War II, faced such an integration challenge when a massive influx of Turkish migrants arrived as part of a "foreign worker" agreement. The introduction of a large and culturally diverse immigrant population made cultural understanding of paramount importance. Culture is an intangible element that can be difficult to quantify in political, social, or economic terms. As such, understanding culture and the peaceful coexistence of multiple cultures requires an examination beyond traditional perspectives. The implementation of conflict resolution theories and viewing situations from a conflict resolution perspective enables the extra layer of complexity that can occur within culturally diverse societies to be unpacked and better understood. Specifically, the goal of this thesis was to examine the integration challenges for Turkish immigrants in Germany while at the same time looking for opportunities to learn from the challenges facing societies attempting to implement immigration and integration policies in order to promote the coexistence of multiple cultures. The thesis concludes by offering directives or recommendations, formulated from the findings in this study, for multicultural societies facing integration challenges.
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Lai, I. Tak. « Towards the EU common migration and asylum policy : challenges or opportunities ? » Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555551.

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Testore, Gaia. « In vogue and versatile : the spread of the civic integration policies to Italy ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209039.

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Since the end of 1990s, a growing number of countries in Europe have introduced a new kind of integration measures, the so-called civic integration policies.

Formulated for the first time in the Netherlands in order to deal with the persistence of integration difficulties and the social cohesion concerns, these policies demand migrants to fulfill mandatory integration requirements in order to obtain the residence permit, its renewal, or the citizenship.

Among the other countries, Italy introduced a similar policy in 2009, the Integration Agreement (IA). The Italian example appears particular interesting, since this country looked like the less probable one that could choose a similar solution.

Examining the dynamics behind the adoption of the IA represents, therefore, a valuable opportunity not only to understand the Italian case, but also to highlight the mechanisms that have facilitated the diffusion of these policies in Europe.

The research highlights two main aspects. On the one hand, several politicians in different countries have proposed these solutions because they represent quite useful political resources in dealing with the “democratic impatience” of our political systems (Vermeulen and Penninx 1994). On the other hand, the building up of the EU and the growing interconnections of the national policy communities in this policy sector have played an indirect but not residual role in facilitating the convergence of the European countries towards similar solutions.


Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Takami, Chieko. « Defining women as a particular social group in the Canadian refugee determination process ». Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=31175.

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Recent feminist criticism has resulted in remarkable changes to the interpretation of the refugee definition. Case law, academic commentaries and gender guidelines now recognize that women may constitute a particular social group under the definition of refugee. However, only those who belong to certain subgroups of women are usually granted asylum because being a woman only is considered too broad to comprise a particular social group. Such restrictive interpretation is theoretically and practically problematic, and it is the primary cause for the inconsistency in the interpretation of the definition of a particular social group and refugee determination in gender-based claims. Through an analysis of recent gender-based cases before the Canadian courts and the Immigration and Refugee Board, this paper argues that this inconsistency will be avoided when categorization of women does not require female claimants to prove characteristics other than their gender. Female refugees who are persecuted for being women do not need to provide additional reasons for their suffering, and this broad categorization of women should be consistently applied in Canada.
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Borja, Ruena, et Ana Brunes. « A critical look at immigrants who could have been disqualified from supplemental security income as a result of welfare reform ». CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1998. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1808.

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Kilpatrick, Anne. « The Jewish Immigrant Aid Services : an ethnic lobby in the Canadian political system ». Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22598.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the Jewish Immigrant Aid Services (JIAS) as an example of an ethnic lobby in the Canadian political system. The research explores how in-group and external political factors influence the techniques and effectiveness of JIAS within the immigration policy arena. Specifically, this paper examines how JIAS' lobbying efforts are influenced as a result of issues emerging from within the organization (e.g. structure, hierarchy, leadership, etc), and those arising from within the organization's constituency: Canadian Jews as a whole, and other organizations within the Jewish polity. Further, the broader context of public opinion and the Canadian immigration system are explored to determine how each affects JIAS' advocacy efforts. The political system is examined from the perspective of the structure and agendas operating at three levels of government involved in the development and implementation of immigration policy (the Department of Immigration, Legislative and Senate committees on immigration and employment, and the Cabinet).
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Chippendale, Emma. « The global financial crisis and public sentiment towards immigration and immigrants in the Netherlands : implications for liberal democracy and political culture ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/19928.

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ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 ushered in a new era of globalisation and with it, intensified levels of global migration. The movement of people across increasingly fluid and penetrable boundaries has altered the demographic profile of European states and this cultural diversity has confronted contemporary Western liberal democracies with a unique set of challenges concerning the integration of diverse groups into society for the purpose of fostering cohesion and domestic stability. The effects of cultural diversity are not limited to demographics however, and this thesis focuses predominantly on the political and public responses that this phenomenon has evoked. The context of the Netherlands provides a particularly enlightening example of the way in which attempts to manage cultural diversity have stimulated intensive debate on immigration and integration topics, which have subsequently become firmly ensconced within public and political discourse. This ongoing debate in the Dutch context has brought to the fore wider questions pertaining to citizenship, national identity and culture. More importantly, these issues have exposed the limits of Dutch tolerance: increasingly restrictionist immigration and integration policy over the last two decades, and in the last 10 years in particular, has appeared incongruous with stereotypical perceptions of the Netherlands as an ultra-liberal and progressive paragon of multiculturalism. This thesis therefore seeks to rework this image of the Netherlands by observing possible shifts in public attitudes towards immigrants and immigration in the context of considerably less favourable material circumstances, occasioned by the current global financial crisis. Attitudes towards Muslims in Dutch society are of particular interest to this research given the particular cultural and symbolic threat that Islam is considered to pose to liberal values. Realistic Group Conflict Theory provides a useful framework for analysing inter-group competition and conflict stemming from both material and non-material perceptions of threat. Whilst particular focus is accorded to the specific macro-economic conditions of the ongoing financial crisis for observing potentially shifting sentiments, this discussion is situated within a larger national debate about immigration and integration spanning two decades. Linking public perception data to analyses of Dutch integration and immigration policy, patterns of voting behaviour and the real effects of the financial crisis on the Dutch economy, the ultimate intention of this research, then, is to assess the prospects and overall “health” of liberal democracy in the Netherlands. The country‟s experiences in attempting to deal with cultural pluralism reveal that liberal democratic norms have not simply been entrenched as “givens” and they are subject to contestation and ambiguity. It is in attempts to address difference and “otherness” in society that the shortfalls of Dutch liberal democracy have been laid bare.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Met die val van die Berlynse Muur in 1989 het „n nuwe tydperk van globalisasie aangebreek en daarmee saam, verskerpte vlakke van globale migrasie. Die beweging van mense oor meer toegangklike grense het die demografiese profiel van Europese state verander. Hierdie kulturele diversiteit het huidige Westerse liberale demokrasieë met „n unieke stel uitdagings gekonfronteer, aangaande die integrasie van diverse groepe in die samelewing met die doel om saamhorigheid te bevorder. Die effek van kulturele diversiteit is egter nie beperk tot demografie nie en hierdie tesis fokus hoofsaaklik op die politieke en openbare reaksies wat die verskynsel uitgelok het. Die Nederlandse konteks verskaf „n besondere insiggewende voorbeeld van die manier waarop pogings om kulturele diversiteit te hanteer, intensiewe debat oor immigrasie- en integrasie-onderwerpe gestimuleer het, wat sedertdien stewig in die openbare en politieke diskoers verskans is. Die voortdurende debat in die Nederlandse verband het wyer vrae aangaande burgerskap, nasionale identiteit en kultuur laat ontstaan. Selfs van groter belang is die feit dat hierdie vraagstukke die perke van Nederlandse verdraagsaamheid ontbloot het: toenemende inperkings op immigrasie- en integrasie-beleid oor die afgelope twee dekades en veral in die laaste 10 jaar, het teenstrydig voorgekom met die stereotipiese indruk van Nederland as „n ultra-liberale en progressiewe toonbeeld van multi-kulturalisme. Hierdie tesis be-oog derhalwe om hierdie beeld van Nederland te ondersoek deur moontlike veranderings in openbare houdings teenoor immigrante en immigrasie waar te neem, teen die agtergrond van aansienlik minder gunstige materiële omstandighede, veroorsaak deur die huidige globale finansiële krisis. Houdings teenoor Moslems in die Nederlandse samelewing is van besondere belang in hierdie ondersoek teen die agtergrond van die beweerde kulturele en simboliese bedreiging wat Islam vir liberale waardes inhou. Realistiese Groep-Konflikteorie voorsien „n nuttige raamwerk om inter-groep wedywering en konflik, wat spruit uit beide materiële en nie-materiële perspesies van bedreiging, te analiseer. Alhoewel besondere aandag geskenk word aan die spesifieke makro-ekonomiese omstandighede van die huidige finansiële krisis om moontlike veranderings in houdings waar te neem, is hierdie bespreking deel van „n groter nasionale debat oor immigrasie en integrasie oor die afgelope twee dekades. Deur inligting oor openbare persepsie te verbind met die Nederlandse integrasie-en immigrasie-beleid, stempatrone en die ware uitwerkings van die finansiële krisis op die Nederlandse kultuur, is die uiteindelike doel van hierdie navorsing om die vooruitsigte en algehele “gesondheid” van liberale demokrasie in Nederland te evalueer. Die land se ervaring van kulturele pluralisme bewys dat liberale demokratiese norme nie verskans is nie en dat hulle onderhewig is aan omstredenheid en dubbelsinnigheid. Die pogings om verskille en “andersheid” in die samelewing aan te spreek, het die tekortkominge van die Nederlandse liberale demokrasie ontbloot.
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Court, Erin. « How transnational actors change inter-state power asymmetries : the role of the Indian diaspora in Indo-Canadian relations on migration ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8501d594-e5c1-47e0-9a08-24b7645f29f2.

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The overall aim of this thesis is to explore what emigration state power means in relation to the rules that govern international migration. This thesis challenges the conventional view that within a bilateral migration relationship the migrant-sending state is a 'rule-taker' compelled to accept the consequences of the migrant-receiving state's immigration and integration policies. Using India-Canada migration relations as its empirical case, this thesis examines how diaspora populations can serve as a transnational resource for the sending state to mitigate power asymmetries with the receiving state in bilateral migration relations. Part I of this thesis examines the Indo- Canadian diaspora's use of Canadian tribunal, electoral and lobby channels to advance immigration and integration policy outcomes that further both the interests of the diaspora and the Indian state. Part II considers the diffuse and ideational mechanisms through which the Indian state influences the diaspora's political mobilisation abroad. The diaspora's political activities in the host state, combined with the sending state's transnational influence over facets of diaspora identity, interests and organisational capacity, register important effects on Canadian migration policy that bear on the distribution of power between sending and receiving states. These effects cannot be explained on a purely inter-state model of migration relations, but are accounted for by the framework developed and applied in this thesis. The Conclusion addresses the scope conditions under which this thesis' theoretical framework and conclusions derived within it from the single-case study may allow for a wider comparative approach across other cases in future research.
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Rhee, Young Ju. « From ethnically-based to multiple belongings : South Korean citizenship legislative reforms, 1997-2007 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711704.

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黃劍虹. « 澳門政府的移民管理政策研究 ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2008. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1880887.

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Galan, Andreea Elena. « The Impact of the Refugee Crisis on the European Union ». PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4253.

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The purpose of this thesis is to focus on the impact of the influx of refugees on the European Union taking into consideration the challenges, threats and opportunities that arise from this persistent crisis. The examination of the above-mentioned issue presents and analyzed pertinent findings derived from the relevant literature in the field, ranging from diverse case studies, public statistics, data of European Union institutions as well as NGO's, associations and other entities that have addressed issues of human rights and refugee integration in European Union countries. The thesis discloses how this complex matter, referred to as the "current European refugee crisis" gives rise to complex problems and divergent concerns ranging from Islamophobia, terrorist attacks and threats, economic challenges, cultural conflicts, and social clashes. It concludes that there is a need for new perspectives and strategies for better addressing the long and short term causes and challenges of the European refugee crisis.
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Ouali, Nouria. « Migration et accès au marché du : les effets émancipateurs sur la condition des femmes issues de l'immigration ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210479.

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La thèse a pour objet l'émancipation des femmes issues de l'immigration. Elle propose d'évaluer les effets de la migration et de l'accès au marché du travail sur l'émancipation des filles de migrantes d'origine marocaine en Belgique francophone.

L'étude tente d'abord de mettre en lumière le rôle des femmes immigrées dans l'histoire de la Belgique en le ré-articulant à l'histoire sociale, l'histoire des femmes et l'histoire de l'immigration. Ensuite, elle montre que l'approche dominante des travaux sur les migrations ne prend pas en compte la dimension du genre, ce qui a pour conséquence de masquer la différenciation des expériences migratoires selon le sexe. Enfin, elle replace l'analyse du statut des femmes immigrées et de leurs descendantes dans la complexité des rapports sociaux de sexe, de race et de classe afin de mieux rendre compte des réalités concrètes et de sortir du simplisme des approches culturalistes.

La thèse développe une analyse des politiques d'intégration (politiques éducative, de l'emploi et de lutte contre les discriminations) visant l'émancipation des immigrées et en évalue l'impact sur les filles de migrant-es d'origine marocaine. Elle présente enfin les trajectoires individuelles des filles de migrant.es marocain.es et examine les facteurs individuels et collectifs favorisant leur émancipation.


Doctorat en sciences sociales, Orientation sociologie
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Adam, Ilke. « Au-delà des modèles nationaux d'intégration : analyse des politiques d'intégration des personnes issues de l'immigration des entités fédérées belges ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210193.

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L’objectif principal de cette recherche est d’analyser les politiques d’intégration des personnes issues de l’immigration développées par les entités fédérées belges et d’en expliquer les différences principales, et ce depuis la communautarisation de cette politique publique en 1980. Cette date marque également le début d’une période dans laquelle l’installation définitive des immigrés est graduellement acceptée. Marco Martiniello, dans un article publié en 1996, avançait que la coïncidence de la découverte de la question de l’intégration en Belgique, parallèlement au processus des réformes d’Etats consécutives, a donné lieu à des « combinaisons très particulières » (Martiniello, 1996 :87). Ce constat, ainsi que la thèse selon laquelle le nationalisme ethno-culturel flamand et le nationalisme citoyen wallon seraient à l’origine de deux « philosophies » de l’intégration « qui se sont développées dans des directions opposées » sont à la base des interrogations qui constituent le fondement de notre travail. Notre these se situe ainsi dans le débat scientifique international sur les « modèles nationaux de l’intégration », initié par des auteurs, tels que Rogers Brubaker (1992), qui postulent que différents « idiomes culturels de la nation » sont à l’origine de différentes politiques d’accès à la citoyenneté. Cette différenciation des politiques d’intégration, en terme d’idées, a conduit à des catégorisations différentes. En Belgique, la catégorisation dominante des politiques d’intégration des entités fédérées est celle identifiant les politiques d’intégration en Belgique francophone comme proche d’un modèle « assimilationniste » ou « d’intégration individuelle » à la française, et celles menées en Flandre comme « multiculturalistes » et influencées par les Pays-Bas (Rea, 1993 & 1994 & 2000; Martiniello, 1995 & 1996 ;Magnette, 2000 ;Jacobs, 2001 ;Martens et Caestecker, 2001, Verlot, 2001 & 2004 ;Martiniello et Rea, 2004 ;Jacobs et Rea ;2005). Plusieurs constats nous ont amenés à questionner cette interprétation dominante.

Notre recherche a un premier objectif, d’ordre empirique, et un deuxième, d’ordre interprétatif. Premièrement, nous visons à décrire et à analyser l’élaboration des politiques d’intégration pour vérifier si ces politiques publiques sont effectivement guidées par des cadres de pensée différents. Nous avons cherché à observer où résident les principales différences entre les cadres de pensée, et si les politiques d’intégration sont caractérisées par de longues périodes de stabilité ou, au contraire, par des changements radicaux. Nous avons en effet démontré que les cadres de pensée guidant les politiques d’intégration des entités fédérées sont différents mais que les différences ne se situent pas au niveau de l’objectif d’homogénéité versus diversité culturelle mise en avant par l’assimilationnisme et le multiculturalisme, comme plus approprié pour arriver à une meilleure insertion sociale, économique et politique des immigrés et à la cohésion sociale, mais dans le degré d’interventionnisme d’Etat relatif à la dimension culturelle de l’intégration jugé nécessaire pour atteindre l’un ou l’autre de ces objectifs. Nous avons également mis en lumière que les politiques d’intégration en Belgique francophone sont caractérisées par une plus grande stabilité qu’en Flandre.

Deuxièmement, une fois que nous avions déterminé comment nous pouvons catégoriser les différentes politiques d’intégration au regard de leurs cadres de pensée dominants, et que nous avions déterminé si elles sont caractérisées par une longue période de stabilité ou, au contraire, par des changements radicaux, nous avons tenté de répondre au deuxième objectif de cette recherche, à savoir l’interprétation des différences essentielles. La différence quant aux cadres de pensée qui guident les politiques d’intégration a été interprété par des caractéristiques institutionnelles, à savoir les différents systèmes de partis menant à une politisation différente de la politique publique en question, de même que le différent engagement des entités fédérées belges dans un processus de (sub-)nation building.


Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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Malavaux, Claire. « Cultivating indifference : an anthropological analysis of Australia's policy of mandatory detention, its rhetoric, practices and bureaucratic enactment ». University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0120.

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This thesis is based on a particular domain of anthropological inquiry, the anthropology of policy, which proposes that policy be contemplated as an ethnographic object itself. The policy I consider is Australia's refugee policy, which advocates the mandatory detention of
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Zhang, Chenchen. « Territory, rights and mobility : theorising the citizenship/migration nexus in the context of europeanisation ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209346.

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The overarching objective of this dissertation is to conceptualise the spatiality of citizenship through an exposure to its various others – especially to mobile subjectivity. In particular, it examines the changing patterns of territorialising space, distributing rights and regulating mobility in the intertwined politics of citizenship and that of migration in the EU. Building on the approach of critical citizenship studies, it assumes that the practices and discourses of othering have been constituent of the very foundation of modern citizenship, and understands citizenship at the interface between the governing structure and the acts of the governed that rupture, resist or appropriate it. In this framework, the thesis first of all looks at the spatial configurations of national citizenship by analysing the trajectories in which the interrelated concepts of territory, rights and mobility participate, and are reshaped, in the project of making the citizen and her various others.

The main part of the thesis investigates the ways in which the interrelations between these spatial dimensions of citizenship are reconfigured in a multiplied citizenship-migration nexus under the process of Europeanisation. It first looks at two different notions of territory – a statist one and a networked one – that are visible in the official discourses, yet it highlights the fact that the technologies that are supposed to produce each type of territoriality often converge. Thus I read the politics of Eurostar and the Channel Tunnel project as one that involves competing patterns of territoriality and manifests the dynamics between facilitated and obstructed mobilities at a moving border. However, the permeability of this border is partly enabled by the uneven and ambiguous configurations of Schengenland itself, and draws attention to the excessive forms of mobility that challenge and break with the official formulation of free movement rights. Thus we turn to the intricate relationship between mobility and citizenship in Europe following our dialogical approach: focusing on the rationalities implied in the government of free movement on one hand, and the paths through which to redefine the right to mobility on the other. In the light of Rancière’s reconceptualisation of rights and democracy, I present two examples each employing different strategies to politicise and mobilise mobility: one is through appealing to the universal, the other legitimating the particular. The politics of mobility is also seen as an endeavour of producing alternative spaces against the territorialised state-centric space to which the imagination of citizenship is usually limited. In discussing a possible global ethics, however, I argue that the dynamics between rights and citizenship are not bound to an emancipatory end. While the juridical system of differentiated rights is constantly challenged by those who claim that they have the rights they are denied to, once the ‘achievements’ of rights-claims are re-appropriated in the juridico-political form of citizenship, this form continues to reproduce boundaries and differential inclusions which shall again be contested. A self-critical global ethics therefore should be conscious about the imperfectability of citizenship and the impossibility of community.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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Davies, Evan. « Mandatory detention for asylum seekers in Australia : an evaluation of liberal criticism ». University of Western Australia. Political Science and International Relations Discipline Group, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0202.

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This thesis evaluates the policy of mandatory detention for asylum seekers maintained by successive Australian governments against several core liberal principles. These principles are derived from various accounts of liberal political thought and the major themes and criticisms inherent in the public debate over the policy. The justifications of the policy given by the Australian government and the criticisms enunciated by scholars, refugee advocates and non-government organisations with respect to the policy strongly correspond with the core liberal principles of fairness, protecting the rights of the individual, accountability and proportionality. The claims of the critics converge on a central point of contention: that the mandatory detention of asylum seekers violates core liberal principles. To ascertain the extent to which the claims of the critics can be supported, the thesis selectively draws on liberal political theory to provide a framework for the analysis of the policy against these liberal principles, a basis for inquiry largely neglected by contributors to the literature. This thesis argues that, on balance, the mandatory detention policy employed by successive Australian governments violates core liberal principles. The claims of the critics are weakened, but by no means discredited, by the importance of the government's maintenance of strong border control. In the main, however, criticisms made by opponents of the policy can be supported. This thesis contributes to the substantial body of literature on the mandatory detention policy by shedding light on how liberal principles may be applicable to the mandatory detention policy. Further, it aims to contribute to an enriched understanding of the Australian government's competence to detain asylum seekers.
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鄺君慧. « 投資者、管理人員及具特別資格技術人員臨時居留制度研究 =A study on investors, managerial persnnel, technical and professional qualification holders residency scheme ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3952087.

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Matshakaile, Thabani Nkosiyapha. « Access to justice for non-citizens : a constitutional analysis ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86576.

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Thesis (LLM)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The rights entrenched in the Bill of Rights in South Africa’s final Constitution are, with a few exceptions, guaranteed to citizens and non-citizens alike. South Africa has seen an influx of migrants, asylum seekers and refugees since 1994, and this migratory movement has posed significant challenges to the post-apartheid legal order. This thesis is concerned with the State’s implementation of its constitutional obligations to protect and guarantee the constitutional rights of everyone within the borders of South Africa. It is important that these constitutional obligations do not remain mere aspirations but should translate into reality. Most non-citizens living in South Africa face numerous barriers to accessing justice and the processes that could enable them to realise their rights. The thesis examines the concept of “access to justice” and investigates a number of obstacles encountered by different categories of non-citizens – such as refugees, asylum seekers and documented and undocumented migrants – in trying to access justice and to realise their rights. Against this background, arrest, detention and deportation under the Immigration Act and Refugees Act are examined because these processes have often been abused by State officials to prevent non-citizens from accessing the rights and protections guaranteed in these Acts and the Constitution, and to frustrate the implementation of court orders vindicating the rights of non-citizens. The application of the Immigration and Refugees Acts is discussed through the lens of sections 12(1), 33, 34 and 35(2) of the Constitution which ensure that arrest, detention and deportation are done in a lawful and procedurally fair manner, as opposed to the arbitrariness that most non-citizens experience on a daily basis. Secondly, the thesis also examines access to justice for non-citizens in the context of xenophobia and bias based crimes. The State has in the past failed to respond in a coordinated and timely fashion in the face of violent manifestations of xenophobia. Against this background, the State’s obligation to protect non-citizens from violence from either public or private sources in terms of section 12(1)(c) of the Constitution is discussed and analysed. The role, accessibility and effectiveness of Equality Courts are also examined in light of the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act and the cases that were brought before them emanating from xenophobic incidents. The thesis concludes with proposals on areas which require better implementation of existing laws; and areas in which legislative reform is needed.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die regte wat in die Handves van Regte in Suid-Afrika se finale Grondwet veranker is, word op enkele uitsonderings na vir burgers en nie-burgers gewaarborg. Sedert 1994 het Suid- Afrika instroming van migrante, asielsoekers en vlugtelinge beleef, en hierdie verskuiwing het wesenlike uitdagings aan die post-apartheid regsorde gestel. Hierdie tesis is gemoeid met die Staat se implementering van sy grondwetlike verpligting om die grondwetlike regte van almal wat hul binne Suid-Afrika se landsgrense bevind, te beskerm en te waarborg. Dit is belangrik dat hierdie grondwetlike verpligtinge nie blote aspirasies bly nie, maar ’n werklikheid word. Die meeste nie-burgers wat in Suid-Afrika woon staar talle hindernisse in die gesig wat dit vir hulle moeilik maak om toegang tot geregtigheid te verkry en om hul regte te verwesenlik. Die tesis ondersoek die begrip “toegang tot geregtigheid” en bekyk aantal struikelblokke in die weg van verskillende kategorieë nie-burgers – soos vlugtelinge, asielsoekers en gedokumenteerde en nie-gedokumenteerde migrante – wat toegang tot geregtigheid probeer verkry en hul regte probeer verwesenlik. Teen hierdie agtergrond word arrestasie, aanhouding en deportering ingevolge die Wet op Immigrasie en die Wet op Vlugtelinge ondersoek, aangesien hierdie prosesse dikwels deur staatsamptenare misbruik word om nie-burgers te verhinder om toegang te verkry tot die regte en beskermings wat in hierdie wetgewing en in die Grondwet gewaarborg word, en om geregtelike bevele wat die regte van nie-burgers afdwing, te verydel. Die toepassing van die Wet op Immigrasie en die Wet op Vlugtelinge word deur die lens van artikels 12(1), 33, 34 en 35(2) van die Grondwet bespreek, wat probeer verseker dat arrestasie, aanhouding en deportering op regmatige en prosedureel billike manier geskied, in teenstelling met die willekeur wat nie-burgers op daaglikse basis ervaar. Tweedens ondersoek die tesis toegang tot geregtigheid vir nie-burgers in die konteks van vreemdelingehaat en misdade wat op vooroordeel gebaseer is. Die Staat het in die verlede in gebreke gebly om in die aangesig van gewelddadige manifesterings van vreemdelingehaat op gekoördineerde en tydige manier te reageer. Die Staat se verpligting om ingevolge artikel 12(1)(c) van die Grondwet nie-burgers teen geweld van hetsy openbare hetsy private oorsprong te beskerm, word bespreek en ontleed. Die rol, toeganklikheid en doeltreffendheid van gelykheidshowe word ook bespreek in die lig van die Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act en die sake wat deur hierdie howe beslis is wat uit xenofobiese voorvalle voortspruit. Die tesis sluit af met voorstelle oor terreine waar beter implementering van bestaande wetgewing benodig word, asook terreine waar wetgewende hervorming verlang word.
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ARRIGHI, Jean-Thomas. « Those who came and those who left : the territorial politics of migration in Scotland and Catalonia ». Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/21354.

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Defence date: 9 February 2012
Examining Board: Prof. Rainer Bauböck, EUI (Supervisor) ; Prof. Michael Keating, EUI (Co-supervisor) ; Dr Nicola McEwen, University of Edinburgh ; Prof. Andreas Wimmer, UCLA
First made available online 15 March 2019
Whilst minority nationalism and migration have been intensely studied in relative isolation from one another, research examining their mutual relationship is still scarce. This dissertation aims to fill this gap in the literature by exploring how migration politics are being fought over not only across society but also across territory in two well-researched cases of protracted nationalist mobilisation, Catalonia and Scotland. It meets three objectives: First, it introduces a theoretical framework accounting for sub-state elites’ and administrations’ boundary-making strategies in relation to immigrants and emigrants. Second, it systematically compares the evolution of boundary-making strategies in Catalonia and Scotland, prior to and after the establishment of self-governing institutions. Third, it identifies the circumstances under which nationalists came to adopt a predominantly territorial conception of national membership, privileging the inclusion of immigrants over that of emigrant populations. The main hypothesis states that minority nationalists have a vested interest in emphasizing residency as a significant criterion of national membership irrespectively of one’s place of birth and degree of attachment to the land in order to enhance their internal and external legitimacy. In addition, the location of the membership boundary depends upon the relative openness of the Territorial Opportunity Structure, which comprises three dimensions: the formal distribution of migration-related competencies, the initial boundary and its implications for later developments, and the dynamics of party competition at sub-state level. The empirical analysis shows that the attitudes of political elites in Scotland and Catalonia towards immigrants and emigrants have been shifting through time. This illustrates how nations are constantly constructed and reconstructed through processes of boundary-building, in a context also shaped by state-wide nationalism. The findings corroborate to a considerable extent the main hypothesis and show that dynamics of party competition have played a greater role in affecting boundary-making strategies in relation to immigrants and emigrants than historical path dependencies or the formal distribution of competencies.
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BARBULESCU, Roxana. « The politics of immigrant integration in post-enlargement Europe migrants : co-ethnics and European citizens in Italy and Spain ». Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/28027.

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Defence date: 11 June 2013
Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (EUI Supervisor) Professor Kitty C. Calavita, University of California, Irvine Professor Andrew Geddes, University of Sheffield Professor Claire Kilpatrick, European University Institute.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
In migration studies, it is taken for granted that states do not only attempt to control overall numbers of immigrants, but also establish different regulatory regimes for refugees, labour migrants, family reunification, co-ethnics and many other categories of migrants. In studies of immigrant integration, however, most analyses have assumed that each state pursues a single and coherent national approach. The aim of this dissertation is to challenge this assumption by examining how states pursue integration differently for different categories of migrants in post-enlargement Europe. In addition to third country nationals I consider also migrants who have a special cultural and historical bond with their host countries, such as emigrants and descendants of emigrants or migrants from the former colonies (co-ethnics), as well as European Union citizens from old and new member states. The dissertation builds on empirical evidence collected from 1985 to 2012 at national, regional and city levels in two new countries of immigration in Western Europe: Italy and Spain. The first main finding is that both Italy and Spain chose to distance themselves from the integration policies of the more traditional countries of immigration in Europe, which they classify as failures. Instead, the new immigration countries searched for their "own" integration strategy, which they consider a token of sovereignty just as much as immigration control. Secondly, both states have introduced different integration policies and integration requirements for different categories of migrants. Rather than pursuing only one integration strategy, the states examined use their resources and abilities to simultaneously pursue different integration strategies for European citizens, co-ethnics and third country nationals. These strategies range from less to more restrictive (from laissez-faire to mandatory, sanction-based policies, such as the Italian integration agreement and language test). European Union citizens enjoy many rights in when residing in other member states without being included in their integration programmes, while third country nationals enjoy far fewer rights which they risk to lose if they do not comply with demanding integration programmes. Co-ethnics in turn are included in integration programmes but have more rights than other third country nationals and, in some areas such as access to citizenship and enrolment in the army, they have even more rights than European citizens. Finally, this dissertation finds a negative correlation between immigrants' social class in the host society and their rights and integration requirements: the lower the socio-economic position of the immigrant group, the fewer its rights and the more demanding the integration requirements it faces.
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Oda, Yuki. « Family Unity in U.S. Immigration Policy, 1921-1978 ». Thesis, 2014. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8FB5118.

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"Family unity" is often upheld as the principle of U.S. immigration policy, central to the making and self-understanding of the U.S. as a "nation of immigrants." However, family-based immigration system was only born of struggles of immigrant families against the regime of restriction. As the era of open immigration ended in the U.S. in 1921, there emerged a fundamental tension between claims of immigrant families and the regime of immigration restriction. Much of what current immigration law recognizes as family, or how it matters, originated in the post-1921 era, born out of struggles by immigrant families. This dissertation examines the period between 1921 and 1978 from two perspectives. One is as an era of the three-tiered regulatory system created in the 1920s that lasted until the 1960s to the 1970s: 1) quotas restriction applied to European immigrants 2) exclusion of Asian immigrants, and 3) administrative regulation of immigration from Mexico without a firm ceiling. Another is as the formative years of contemporary immigration control that lasts today. The three-tiered system marked by explicit ethno-racial hierarchization closed first in 1965 by abolition of the quotas system in the Eastern Hemisphere, and finally in 1978 when Congress placed all countries including the Western Hemisphere under a worldwide ceiling. But the end of the quotas era was not a return to an era of open immigration, but an onset of alternative form of immigration restriction and regulation. With particular attention to linkage between ideas about family and ethno-racial composition of the U.S., the dissertation will discuss how claims of family, selective admission and restriction of family immigration, created, reinforced, and unmade the three-tiered immigration restriction regime. To date there has been no comprehensive historical study of the concept of the "family" in immigration law -- how it is defined, who is eligible as a family member and who is not, under what conditions families may be united or separated, and how family-based policies varied according to ethno-racial origin. This lack has resulted in a static and naturalized view of the family rather than a dynamic and contested concept in immigration law and policy. This dissertation explains the changes in definitions of family in immigration, deportation, and nationality law during the quotas era, shows how they are the product of challenges raised by immigrant families, and how they were inherited to the era of formally neutral and at the same time global immigration restriction.
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MAVRODI, Georgia. « The Europeanisation of national immigration policies ? : liberalising effects of EU membership in a new immigration country ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14503.

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Defence date: 28 May 2010
Examining Board: Andrew Geddes (University of Sheffield);Donatella Della Porta (EUI) (Supervisor); Virginie Guiraudon (CNRS) (Co-supervisor); Anna Triandafyllidou (Democritus University of Thrace)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This study examines the impact of European integration in immigration issues on Greek immigration policy. Contrary to widely held claims that immigration policies in Europe become more and more restrictive - the well-known debate on 'Fortress Europe' - Greek legislation on entry, residence and rights of third-country nationals has undergone gradual liberalising developments. This paradox drove my inquiry into the factors, institutions and processes that may explain liberalising immigration policy change for a period of fifteen years (1990 - 2005). Greece, similarly to the rest of southern European 'new' immigration countries, is often charged with the implicit or explicit assumption that its recent turn into a host country for immigrants makes her receptive to the restrictive influence of EU policies on immigration. Is that so? What impact, if any, has cooperation on immigration issues at the EU level had on Greek immigration policy developments and why? What form has it taken, under what conditions, and what mechanisms have been at work? In search for answers, my research combines a qualitative single-country case-study with the comparative method. The lens of analysis is put on Greek immigration policy making and change across domestic institutions and policy areas. Rules and regulations on entry and residence of third-country nationals for employment purposes and family reunification are process-traced and compared across the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary. At a second stage the same policy area is compared to other fellow areas, namely student immigration, ethnic immigration, and citizenship. The study draws on a variety of primary sources, including parliamentary debates, administrative documents, Court rulings and EU documentation. Policy developments taking place in other EU member-states are also kept in sight on the basis of the available secondary literature. Greek immigration policy has relied on institutional and policy continuities to a greater extent than one might imagine when thinking of 'new' immigration countries. The latter are far from a 'tabula rasa' in migration issues and their previous rules, regulations, and domestic institutional legacies should be taken into consideration in order to understand their immigration policies at present. A series of Greek restrictive regulations and practices concerning immigration controls had been rooted before 'Fortress Europe' was developed. At the same time, however, Greece lacked a regulatory framework for immigrant settlement - including attention at immigrant integration. This provided for incompatibilities with the developing set of common EU norms on the rights of legally resident third-country nationals, which caused significant EU pressures for national policy change. The on-going process of integration in immigration issues at the EU level affected the timing and the direction of domestic policy-making but the extent and degree of this effect across policy areas and domestic institutions have been differential. Greek participation in the common EU immigration policy alone cannot account for all European effects on national immigration policy. Nevertheless, it has been the most powerful institutional framework to induce or facilitate liberalising changes in the Greek immigration legislation in the last two decades. These findings support a reconsideration of the nature, policy dynamics and limitations of 'Fortress Europe', and they invite for further research in the rest of the EU member states.
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ZARAGOZA, CRISTIANI Jonathan. « Empowerment through migration control cooperation : the Spanish-Moroccan case ». Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/41686.

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Defence date: 8 June 2016
Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute; Professor Anna Triandafyllidou, European University Institute, RSCAS; Professor Sandra Lavenex, Université de Genève; Professor Hein de Haas, University of Amsterdam.
In EU migration studies, sending and transit states' compliance with destination states' migration control policies is often explained as the result of the EU and the member states successfully wielding pressure and persuasive bargaining power. This thesis argues that sending and transit states do not cooperate because they are persuaded to do so by the superior power and are subject to pressure exercised by the EU member state, but because of a long bargaining process between the two countries in which bilateral, multilateral, geopolitical factors and bargaining strategies all play an important role. Migration control cooperation cannot be understood by just analyzing the relations between the EU and its neighbourhood countries, but instead needs to be analyzed in the terms of bilateral relations and the influence of linkages, interdependence relations and embedded processes between EU members and neighbour states. Moreover, by examining the terms and factors of migration control cooperation between such pairs of states, I demonstrate how the latter can enhance their bargaining position by cooperating strategically and conditionally. Through an in-depth analysis of over twenty-five years of the Spanish-Moroccan migration control cooperation I explain the reasons of Moroccan (non-) cooperation over certain periods of times, geographical areas and measures, as well as the structure of the terms of their collaboration. The findings prove that Morocco has instrumentalized migration in order to obtain bargaining power. In other words, through migration control cooperation Morocco has gained power in economic, political, diplomatic, and regional terms. By applying a strategic conditional cooperation on migration control, refusing to implement certain migration control tasks, using the interdependence framework in its favour, taking advantage of the international context and implementing a successful bargaining strategy, Morocco has over the years become a key partner for Spain and the EU with a strong and privileged bargaining position in the North-African, Mediterranean and international arenas.
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Aboud, Brian. « States, immigration and entry regulation : Canada, Australia and immigrant admissions from the Arab world, 1946-1996 ». Phd thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147713.

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Sokhansanj, Banafsheh. « Chinese migrant children and Canadian migration law ». Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/16691.

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This thesis reviews the underlying theoretical and normative paradigm in Canadian migration and asylum law and its effect on the refugee determination process with respect to the approximately 100 unaccompanied children who were among 599 migrants from Fujian Province, People's Republic of China who arrived in four boats off the coast of British Columbia, Canada in the Summer of 1999. Upon deconstructing Canadian migration legislation and jurisprudence, especially with respect to asylum, it is apparent that the dominant paradigm is one of liberal communitarianism/realism, rather than one based on individual, universal human rights. This communitarian/realist paradigm is reflected in and reinforced by normative distinctions between immigrants and illegal migrants, and between politically motivated, forced migrants (refugees) and economically motivated, voluntary migrants (illegal migrants). Illegal migrants, such as the Fujianese children, are de-legitimized and criminalized under Canadian migration law. Moreover, this paradigm had the effect of subsuming the children's human rights claims into an assessment of their motivations for, and the voluntariness of, their emigration, that is, into a refugee determination process based on an understanding of the children's migration that was both inherently incoherent and inconsistent with a nuanced comprehension of migration as a structural phenomenon. The author concludes with a proposal for the development of a more strongly human-rights based paradigm in Canadian migration and asylum law.
Law, Peter A. Allard School of
Graduate
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SILGA, Janine. « The legal dimension of the migration-development nexus in the European Union policy framework ». Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/28054.

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Defence date: 5 September 2013
Examining Board: Professor Bruno de Witte, European University Institute/Maastricht University (Supervisor); Professor Marise Cremona, European University Institute ; Professor Vincent Chétail, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva; Doctor Georgia Papagianni, European External Action Service, Brussels.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis enquires into the legal dimension of the Migration-Development Nexus (MDN) within the policy framework of the European Union (EU). Departing from the observation of the paradoxical absence of more legal analyses of this notion in the current context, this research aims at defining the contours of the MDN as both a policy and legal notion. In particular, this thesis looks at the evolution of the notion and its various meanings in the EU policy context. This analysis reveals the existence of different policy practices to implement the MDN, whether at the supranational or national level. By examining such practices, I intend to show that the way in which the MDN is conceptually framed and concretely implemented is influenced by competing 'policy logics’ underlying the understanding of the nexus by different policy actors. The aim of such an analysis is to identify ways for genuine policy integration of both migration and development in the EU context. To achieve this purpose, I argue that, as the MDN is gradually becoming a legal concept (being incorporated into legal instruments), it also needs to be defined in a more substantial way, for its legal dimension to be complete. In this respect, I first argue that, as a policy concept, the MDN should be 'enriched’ with interdisciplinary analyses and, second, I explore the possibility for grounding the MDN in human rights in order to 'flesh it out’ as a legal concept.
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