Bibliographies thématiques / Elite (Social sciences)-Greece-Chania

Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Elite (Social sciences)-Greece-Chania »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 25 juillet 2024

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Elite (Social sciences)-Greece-Chania"

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Bournova, Eugenia, et Myrto Dimitropoulou. « Women Physicians and Their Careers : Athens—1900–1950 : A Contribution to Understanding Women’s History ». Genealogy 7, no 1 (12 janvier 2023) : 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy7010007.

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This article combines history of the family with women’s and gender history and the history of women’s education; it is based on an extensive range of archives and aims at highlighting the attitude of society and families towards women who wanted to attend University studies in the beginning of the 20th century. The matter of women’s university education is directly related to the emergence of the feminist movement in Greece. The strong preference of female university students for the exact sciences at that time was justified by contemporary scholars as a choice reflecting women’s nature. This article highlights the role played by family and social class background. To this effect, the life course of three ‘heroines’ is followed from their initial desire to undertake further studies to their participation in the social and cultural life of the capital of Greece, as a contribution to current literature on gender studies. Despite the limited number of cases discussed, we strongly believe that these women’s upbringing enhances our understanding of women’s scientific pursuits and their place in Athenian elite families.
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Kostyukevich, S. V. « Modern university education : Eclectic chaos and conflict of values ». Alma mater. Vestnik Vysshey Shkoly, no 5 (mai 2023) : 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20339/am.05-23.016.

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The article provides a theoretical analysis of the features of the liberal model of university education in the process of its formation, starting from the liberal education of ancient Greece and ending with the British model of Oxbridge. The close relationship between the liberal model of education and the social elite lifestyle is shown. Definitions of the concepts “an intellectual” and “intellectual culture” are given. It is shown what characteristics of the liberal model make it an institution of culture and science and a factor of cultural and scientific leadership. It is substantiated that the bridging of the gap between classical university education and vocational education in the middle of the 20th century led to an eclectic mix of university and professional education paradigms.
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Bartsch, Shadi. « Roman Literature : Translation, Metaphor & ; Empire ». Daedalus 145, no 2 (avril 2016) : 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00373.

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The Romans understood that translation entails transformation. The Roman term “translatio” stood not only literally for a carrying-across (as by boat) of material from one country to another, but also (metaphorically) for both linguistic translation and metaphorical transformation. These shared usages provide a lens on Roman anxieties about their relationship to Greece, from which they both transferred and translated a literature to call their own. Despite the problematic association of the Greeks with pleasure, rhetoric, and poetic language, the Roman elite argued for the possibility of translation and transformation of Greek texts into a distinctly Roman and authoritative mode of expression. Cicero's hope was that eventually translated Latin texts would replace the Greek originals altogether. In the end, however, the Romans seem to have felt that effeminacy had the last laugh.
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Stavrakakis, Yannis. « Paradoxes of Polarization : Democracy’s Inherent Division and the (Anti-) Populist Challenge ». American Behavioral Scientist 62, no 1 (janvier 2018) : 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218756924.

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This article carries out a theoretical analysis of the relationship between democracy and polarization. It utilizes examples from a variety of premodern and modern societies to argue that difference and division are inherent to a vibrant democratic life and to representation itself. At the same time, a stable and pluralist democratic culture presupposes the establishment of a common ground required for reflexive democratic decision making. To take into account both requirements, this must be a special type of common ground: an agonistic common ground. Agonism, as opposed to both the politics of raw antagonism and the postpolitics of consensus, values the existence of real alternatives and even ideological distance but aims at sublimating their pernicious effects. However, an agonistic outcome is always the result of a delicate balancing act between oligarchic and populist tendencies. In modernity, it predominantly took the form of a paradoxical blend of the democratic and the liberal tradition. The current crisis of liberal democracy and its postdemocratic mutation obliges one to ask whether democratic crisis may cause polarization, rather than the other way around, and puts in doubt the ability of the “moderate center” to deal with it in ways consolidating democracy. The article illustrates its theoretical rationale with examples from populism/antipopulism polarization in contemporary Greece, where elite-driven antipopulist discourse has consistently employed dehumanizing repertoires enhancing pernicious polarization.
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Sotiropoulos, Dimitri A. « International Aid to Southern Europe in the Early Postwar Period ». ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 656, no 1 (9 octobre 2014) : 22–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716214543897.

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After World War II, Greece and Italy experienced a Left-Right political polarization and a repetition of earlier patterns of political patronage. Both countries received international aid, including emergency relief, interim loans, and Marshall Plan funds. By the beginning of the 1950s, Italy had progressed from stabilization to reconstruction and then to development, while Greece progressed belatedly with reconstruction and did not achieve stabilization until after the end of the Marshall Plan. The different outcomes are explained by institutional legacies and historical conjunctures, such as the disastrous Greek Civil War; the tradition of developmental Italian state agencies, such as prewar Italy’s Instituto per la Ricostruzione Industriale (IRI), a state-controlled conglomerate, which Greece lacked; government instability, which prior to 1950 had tormented Greece more than Italy; distrust from the Greek middle and upper classes of the political and administrative elites; and the prevalence of an economic culture fostering industrialization in Italy, which emerged only belatedly in Greece.
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Tsakiridou, Cornelia (Corinna) A. « Nationalist Dilemmas : Halide Edib on Greeks, Greece, and the West ». New Perspectives on Turkey 27 (2002) : 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003782.

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O College dear, we praise theeFor pointing to the starsWith faith and hope unswervingWhich no weak vision marsThy service unrestrictedBy race or class or creed;Thy love so freely offered,Its only claim-our need.-Anthem of the American College for Girls, IstanbulHalide Edib (1883-1964) was one of modern Turkey's most celebrated women. Author, feminist, nationalist, modernist, educator, and member of the National Assembly, she identified her person and career with the transformation of Turkey into a modern secular republic. Educated in the internationalist spirit of the American College for Girls in Istanbul, she was, throughout her life, a cosmopolitan intellectual with an international audience. Edib's personal transition from Ottoman society to the new nationalist elite, and her homeland's transition from empire to republic, posed no insurmountable historical, social, and cultural discontinuities; hers was a nationalism that, although grounded in Western notions of emancipation and self-determination, asserted with confidence its distinct identity and autonomy from the West.
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Moreh, Jacob. « The pursuit of excellence ». Social Science Information 37, no 2 (juin 1998) : 351–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/053901898037002006.

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The western intellectual tradition contains a rationalistic strand which can be traced back to ancient Greece, and which differs from other traditions (e.g. Jewish, Buddhist) in being largely independent of religion and in seeking no aim beyond the theorizing itself. This is what is meant by “the pursuit of excellence”. Some of the theoretical findings have been transformed by innovators and businessmen and women into discoveries which have led to a vast improvement in material welfare. However, the high regard accorded to the intellectual elites is the source of inequalities which conflict with an important social ideal.
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Chorianopoulos, Ioannis, et Naya Tselepi. « Austerity urbanism : Rescaling and collaborative governance policies in Athens ». European Urban and Regional Studies 26, no 1 (30 septembre 2017) : 80–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776417733309.

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This paper explores the urban politics of austerity in Greece, paying particular attention to ‘local collaboration’. It revisits the key austerity periods noted in the country since accession to the European Union (1981), and marks their impact in redefining central–local relations, amidst a broader rescaling endeavour. A direct link is identified between austerity-oriented pre-occupations and the introduction of territorial regulatory experimentations that rest heavily on local-level collaboration and competitiveness. The overall record of partnerships, however, has been appraised, up until recently, as underdeveloped. From this spectrum, we look at the latest re-organization of state spatial contour (2010). The influence of this rescaling attempt on local relational attributes is explored in Athens, in light of the emergent re-shuffling in the scalar balance of power rendering austerity pre-occupations a firm trait of the emerging regulatory arrangement. Examination focuses on key social policy programmes launched recently by the City in an attempt to ameliorate extreme poverty and social despair. In Athens, it is argued, a financially and regulatorily deprivileged local authority is opening up to the influence of corporate and third sector organizations. It adopts a partnership approach that is best understood as a form of ‘elite pluralism’, undermining local political agency and falling short in addressing social deprivation.
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Alexopoulou, Sofia. « “The Power of Language” : Young People in Greece as “Scapegoats” in Covid-19 Crisis ». HAPSc Policy Briefs Series 2, no 2 (29 décembre 2021) : 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hapscpbs.29486.

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Governments around the globe take measures to protect citizens against the coronavirus threat. At the end of the day, security becomes a top priority issue and therefore is included in almost every policy agenda. In light of this, some governments seem to victimize certain social groups when they are incapable of addressing successfully the health crisis of Covid-19. An indicative example is the Greek government’s tactic (New Democracy Party) to blame young people for the spread of the virus, while the real ‘culprit’, according to some (Tziantzi & Papadopoulou, 2020), was the restart of tourist industry that resulted in a sharp rise of the Corona incidents. In doing so, language was the key ‘vehicle’ for this purpose along with statistical numbers, but the latter is a whole different discussion that this paper is not going to open. On the contrary, this paper constitutes a problematization on the usage of language for political reasons. Language is not a neutral tool but plays the games of political elites, while it has the power to create new scapegoats. Is this a wise political choice when Greek society encounters so many problems related to the Covid-19 pandemic? Logical reasoning says no. Will young people be the only exception to this rule? Certainty not, today new scapegoats come into light: citizens who refuse to be vaccinated and/or the sprayed’ ones.
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Kuljic, Todor. « The new (changed) past as value factor of development ». Sociologija 48, no 3 (2006) : 219–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0603219k.

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Image of the past is an active framework of reference values that indirectly gives a meaning to and influences social development. The past provides a symbolic framework to the individuals and groups by which they conceptualize their existence. Changing the image of the past is an important part of the transition of values. The past is an active framework of social action not just passively reframed ideas adapted to the needs of the present. Since 1990s the past has been radically changed, reinvented and revisioned in newly formed Balkan states in order to initiate new development towards the national capitalism. The changing of the past was rather patchy in Serbia. While the Serbian opposition in 1990s (similarly to ruling elites in other newly founded states) has reconciled quickly its vision of the past to the new image of national capitalism, the radical changes in official statements about the past happened only after the 2000. Broadly speaking, in the Serbian memory culture there are two main value orientations marked by the past: (1) antifascism and (2) Hilandar (a famous Serbian cloister in Greece). Antifascism is a mark of rationalism, multiculturalism, brotherhood and unity, left position and anticonservatism, Hilandar is a mark of religion and national exclusivity and conservatism and the right values. The first one withdraws, the second is presently hegemonic.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Elite (Social sciences)-Greece-Chania"

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Duplouy, Alain. « Le prestige des élites : recherches sur les modes de reconnaissance sociale en Grèce entre les Xe et Ve siècles avant J.-C ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211382.

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Hawke, Jason Gary. « "Spiders' webs" : aristocratic power and written law in early Greece / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10469.

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Livres sur le sujet "Elite (Social sciences)-Greece-Chania"

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Karapidakis, Nicolas. Civis fidelis : L'avènement et l'affirmation de la citoyenneté corfiote (XVIème-XVIIème siècles). Frankfurt am Main : P. Lang, 1992.

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Spawforth, Antony. Greece and the Augustan cultural revolution. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2012.

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Lokale Eliten und hellenistische Könige : Zwischen Kooperation und Konfrontation. Berlin : Verlag Antike, 2011.

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Lampsas, Giannēs. Hē Hellēnikē nomenklatoura. 2e éd. Athēna : Ekdoseis Roes, 1985.

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Lampsas, Giannēs. Hoi pronomiouchoi tēs exousias. 3e éd. [Athēna] : Roes, 1988.

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The politics of munificence in the Roman Empire : Citizens, elites, and benefactors in Asia Minor. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2009.

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Cerri, Stefano A. Intelligent Tutoring Systems : 11th International Conference, ITS 2012, Chania, Crete, Greece, June 14-18, 2012. Proceedings. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2012.

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World Summit on the Knowledge Society (2nd 2009 Chania, Crete, Greece). Visioning and engineering the knowledge society : A web science perspective : second World Summit on the Knowledge Society, WSKS 2009, Chania, Crete, Greece, September 16-18, 2009 : proceedings. Berlin : Springer, 2009.

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The naval aristocracy of Hellenistic Rhodes. Aarhus : Aarhus University Press, 1997.

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Christopoulos, Dimitrios C. Regional Behaviour : Political Values and Economic Growth in European Regions. Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.

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