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1
Daniel, Lakshmi Kiran. « Privilege and policy : the indigenous elite and the colonial education system in Ceylon 1912-1948 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:652d093a-bcd6-49ca-aa17-787cd251e4c3.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The development of educational policies in colonial Ceylon has hitherto been examined from the perspective of either the government or missionary agencies. The role of the indigenous elite in this process has not received the attention it deserves, but merely treated as a peripheral theme. This thesis attempts to redress the imbalance by focusing on the interaction between elite initiatives and the growth of cultural nationalism as key factors in the formulation of educational policy. The many dimensions of the elite's concern with educational policy are explored. The nature of their involvement and their contribution over time are the central themes of the present study. Newspapers, contemporary journals, various school magazines, the writings of the elite themselves and transcripts of debates in the Legislative and State Councils provide an insight into the public and private opinion of the English educated Ceylonese. Chapter one sketches the social background of colonial Ceylon. It describes the plural composition of the population and highlights the importance of language and religion as components of plurality. It also identifies the economic and educational opportunities through which elite status could be acquired. The form and content of education are similarly discussed. Chapter two describes the formulation of government policy and the early contributions of the indigenous leaders. Particular attention is paid to two issues - language and the administration of schools - which emerged as problems crucial to Ceylon's educational structure under colonial rule. Chapter three traces the organizational and individual responses of the upper strata in local society to education as shaped by growing cultural nationalism. The issues of language and religion now assumed a greater degree of political significance. New techniques of opposition, including the establishment of schools and cultural associations on Buddhist, Hindu and Muslim denominational lines, are analyzed in this chapter. In chapter four the repercussions of universal franchise in the educational field are assessed. The increasing political and social aspirations of the masses became the catalyst for action on the part of the leaders, as did the ethnic and caste antagonisms that had surfaced as potentially powerful factors. In chapter five, further political developments that induced the leadership to take a bold step forward - the construction of a free and egalitarian system of education - are examined. How elite competition emerged as a determinant of policy implementation is also discussed. This thesis concludes that while knowledge of English remained the sine qua non for the acquisition and preservation of status, the response of the privileged social group to educational problems in the face of increasing political challenges was to ensure that the availability to the masses of an education, albeit a vernacular education remained secure.
2
Holroyd, Sophia Jane. « Embroidered rhetoric : the social, religious and political functions of elite women's needlework, c.1560-1630 ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2002. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2356/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis focuses on the Elizabethan and Jacobean aristocracy and upper gentry to yield the first detailed study of the elite needleworking woman as fashioner of her social personage, and of the objects she produced as indices of social persona, religious conscience and political agency. The first chapter explores how needlework mediates between wtiwomeann d their social context. It surveys the way in which needlework, both as practice and as object, functioned as a vehicle for projecting persona and personage into a social context which interpreted needlework according to complex value systems of personal virtue and the husbandries of conspicuous wealth. The chapter explores needlework as a site for intellectual expression. The theories developed in the first chapter are tested in a case study of Bess of Hardwick, whose textiles show her construction of a virtuous aristocratic persona proclaiming its self-assured place in the social hierarchy. Chapter Two is the first study to consider the needlework of Elizabethan and Jacobean Catholics in the light of the Protestant proscription of iconic vestments. It recovers the history of lost needlework from English convents on the Continent, and of the English recusants' covert provision of vestments to Jesuit missioners. The first detailed case studs' of Helena Wintour's vestments reads Wintour's Jesuit-influenced Marian floral emblems and iconography alongside Hawkins's meditation handbook Partheneia Sacra to theorise Wintour's devotion to the Immaculate Conception, and explores the vestments' relationship to the liturgy and their iconographical importance to the Mass. Chapter Three considers needlework gifts as political currency within patronage structures at the Elizabethan and Jacobean courts. Narrated with a contemporary vocabulary of grace, needlework gifts contribute to the construction of court-crown relations, symbolised by needlework gifts in Jacobean court masques. Through needlework gifts a `feminine commonwealth' availed itself of power structures at the court of James's consort that parallel his departments, and the women's political agency in a female political hierarchy is seen encoded within gifts of needlework in the Queen's Courts final masque. The case study uses Mary's needlework gifts to Elizabeth as an index of changes in their relationship. Mary's needlework joins parallel texts such as poetry, portraiture and planned masques in developing an iconographical vocabulary centring on the Judgement of Paris, with which diplomatic negotiations sought to clarify the Queens' relative positions.
3
Weber, Thomas. « Our friend "the enemy" : elite education in Britain and Germany before World War I / ». Stanford, Calif. : Stanford University Press, 2007. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/ecip0715/2007013862.html.
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4
Stasaityte, Edita. « Identity and Security in Europe : A Constructivist Study of Germany, Great Britain, Sweden and Lithuania ». Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-1255.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines different national constructions of contemporary European identities. The assumption is made that the construction of states'identities and identification of threats is a mutual process. For this reason special attention is paid to the construction of threats, embedded in a specific structure of the securitisation process. The author tries to answer to the questions of how identities are reproduced through the discourse on security and what information the analysis of national identities'constructions of Germany, Great Britain, Sweden andLithuania can provide about the contemporary ideas of a collective European identity using combination of Alexander Wendt's theoretical framework for analysing states'identities and the Copenhagen school's securitisation approach.
5
Mustafa, Anisa. « Active citizenship, dissent and power : the cultural politics of young adult British Muslims ». Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2015. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/30533/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
We need to stop being afraid and realise that as individuals we have power and that power is the ability to use your own reason and just try and look beyond this. (Saif, 27, male, academic activist) This thesis presents findings from an ESRC-funded doctoral study on the cultural politics of young adult Muslims who participate in political and civic activism within British civil society. Based on ethnographic research in the Midlands area, it offers an empirically informed understanding of how these forms of activism relate to themes of political participation, citizenship, security and governance in Britain today. The thesis argues that the diverse mobilisations examined by the research collectively constitute a social movement to resist the marginalisation and stigmatisation of Muslim identities in a post 9/11 context. The war on terror, in response to the international crisis of militant Islam, has placed Muslim citizenship in many Western liberal democracies under fierce scrutiny, prompting uneasy and hard to resolve questions around issues of security, diversity, cohesion and national identity. In Britain, as in Europe, political and public responses to these questions have precipitated a climate of fear and suspicion around Muslims, rendering their citizenship contingent and precarious and undermining their ability to identify with the nation and participate in its political processes. This thesis reveals how young Muslim activists negotiate these challenges by engaging in a range of activities typical of social movements, not only in terms of distinctive modes of action but also with respect to their transformative social and political visions and imaginaries. Muslim activists engage in cultural politics to demand a more inclusive and post-national notion of citizenship, by seeking to turn negative Muslim differences into positive ones. Participants’ engagement in democratic processes through political repertoires commonly adopted by other progressive social movements challenges the moral panic engendered by the exceptionalism ascribed to Muslim identity politics. This thesis argues that these cultural politics constitute a British Muslim social movement to contest Islamophobia through resistance to two dominant forms of power in contemporary Western societies. Firstly, this movement is a response to the multiple technologies of power articulated by Foucault’s concept of ‘governmentality’, which are difficult to distinguish and confront due to their imperceptible and socially dispersed nature. Secondly, cultural politics is necessitated by direct threats of force that Foucault described as a ‘relationship of violence’ and which are discernible in the rise of the securitisation of citizenship in the wake of 9/11. The nature of resistance from Muslim activists suggests that their cultural politics are not only a strategic but also a less risky political response to both these prevailing forms of power. Foucault’s argument that the nature of power can be deciphered from the forms of resistance it provokes suggests responsive rather than reactive political strategies by young Muslims. The thesis concludes that these cultural politics represent forms of active citizenship premised on a more equal, participatory and radically democratic social contract than nationalist and neoliberal forms of governance presently concede.
6
Weber, Thomas. « Our friend "the enemy" elite education in Britain and Germany before World War I / ». Stanford, Calif. : Stanford University Press, 2008. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/122973796.html.
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7
Lampard, Richard James. « An empirical study of marriage and social stratification ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fb961361-18b3-4801-bd83-8d2bc5b234d5.
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The dual objectives of this thesis are to assess the merits of certain statistical methods as applied to sociological data and to use statistical methods to produce interesting and worthwhile substantive results. The main statistical focus of the thesis is the analysis of two-way tables, for which purpose association models and correspondence analysis are used. Some of the tables analysed require the application of quasi-association models and association models with more than one dimension. Elsewhere in the thesis a proportional hazards model and various log-linear models are fitted. The substantive focus of the thesis is the relationship between marital formation/dissolution and social stratification in modern Britain. Particular attention is paid to assortative marriage for social status, with the relationships between spouses' occupations, educational levels and social origins being considered in detail. Assortative marriage for religion and for party political identification/voting intention are also examined. The data analysed come from a variety of social surveys, including both government surveys (e.g. various General Household Surveys, and the Family Formation Survey) and academic surveys (e.g. the Oxford Mobility Survey and the Social Change and Economic Life Initiative survey). The thesis conclusively demonstrates the utility of association models, log-linear models and proportional hazards models as applied to data relating to marital formation/dissolution. Among the numerous substantive findings are that there was a significant post-war decline in the strength of the relationship between spouses' social origins, and that unemployment appears to cause an increase in the risk of marital dissolution.
8
Duxbury, Catherine Louise. « Animals, science and gender : animal experimentation in Britain, 1947-1965 ». Thesis, University of Essex, 2017. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/19887/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is an historical analysis of the culture of science and its use of animals in experiments by the British military and in medical scientific research, and its regulation by law, during the period 1947 to 1965. The overall aim of this thesis is to demonstrate the gendered nature of scientific experimentation on animals in mid-twentieth century Britain. To do this, it addresses two aspects of animal experimentation; firstly, exploring how scientific research forms power-knowledge relations through the use of nonhuman animals. Secondly, this thesis analyses the intersection of animal use in science with that of the broader socio-cultural context, asking was science in mid-twentieth century Britain gendered? As a consequence, it explores the effects of this knowledge production upon animals and women. My findings are twofold: that the construction of scientific knowledge through the use of nonhuman animals was one that created subject-object binaries, and this had powerful and detrimental consequences for nonhuman animals. Secondly, this objectification of the nonhuman had resultant power-knowledge effects that reinforced the continuation of specific kinds of scientific knowledge and its associated masculinist ontology of positivism. Consequently, the effects of these power-knowledge relations were gendered and had implications for (and intersections with) normative representations of women at the time.
9
Gabay, Nadav. « The political origins of social science the cultural transformation of the British parliament and the emergence of scientific policymaking, 1803-1857 / ». Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3274830.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed October 9, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 449-472).
10
Finkle, Clea T. « State, power, and police in colonial North India / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10697.
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11
Howells, Rachel. « Journey to the centre of a news black hole : examining the democratic deficit in a town with no newspaper ». Thesis, Cardiff University, 2015. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/87313/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Circulation and revenue declines affecting the newspaper industry are causing changes in the way local newspapers are run. Journalism has been withdrawing from communities and some local newspapers have closed. The resulting gap in local news and information has been called a news black hole. This research takes one such news black hole – Port Talbot – and examines it longitudinally from the point of view of: 1) the quantity and quality of news in the 39 years before and the four years after the 2009 newspaper closure; 2) changes in newsgathering and journalism practices; 3) the community’s ability to access the information, representation and scrutiny normally associated with fourth estate journalism; and 4) the community’s civic and democratic behaviour before and after the closure. It builds on Habermas’s theory of the public sphere, theorising the existence of local public geo-spheres, and that damage to these at the local level may entail damage to the whole public sphere. This multi-method study finds that the quantity of local news halved after the closure of the newspaper, and that its quality declined from the 1990s onwards. Although the loss of the newspaper was important, so was the gradual withdrawal of journalism from the town, marked by steep declines in journalist numbers and the closure of district newspaper offices. It also finds newsgathering has become more distant from communities and is more likely to use press releases and high status or official sources, and less local and less likely to be witnessed by a journalist. It finds the community under-informed, under-represented, and unable to access timely local information or gain adequate access to scrutiny. The democratic measure of election turnout in particular declined from around the time the district offices closed. Together, these findings suggest damage to the local public sphere in the town.
12
Langlois, Thomas. « European Security and Foreign Policy in a post-Cold War era. A study of France, Germany and Great Britain ». Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-4314.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the Cold War era, the edifice of the world configuration was built on a bipolar structure. The security of west European countries was not only important in the eyes of the Europeans but also in the American ones. But the end of this era in 1989-91 also put an end to this world structure and brought it into a unipolar one. The US became the world hegemon and Europe started to fear that US security priority would not remain Europe in the awakening of this structure. Therefore, some improvements occurred in terms of EU cooperation security in the framework of the conflict in Kuwait, but the main change happened because of the conflict in Ex-Yugoslavia. Especially Great Britain and France became aware of the need to develop an EU military capability in order to handle autonomous peace-keeping operations, outside of the NATO framework. The EU understood that any action developed by NATO was reliant on the US and without the support of the US the possibility to operate was restrained.
The move towards a more autonomous European security from the cooperation within NATO created a fear of loss of American influence over European politics. However, when the EU stated that NATO would remain the primary organisation to handle European security matters and that the CFSP would only reinforce the European pillar of NATO, the US appeared to support the cementation of this pillar.
France, Germany and Great Britain are contributing actively to the development of this pillar and they have all their reasons to support it. Germany is self-committed to the European integration process and cooperation in order, on one hand, to inhibit the raise of nationalism into Germany and on the other hand, to use it as a mean to play a major role in the international arena. France is a medium size power trying to keep its voice in the world arena. Its presence in the EU is marked by its strong link with Germany to enhance its role internationally. France uses the EU in order to promote its national interests. Great Britain maintains special relations vis-à-vis of the US and has not the desire to commit to any European cooperation that could hurt or threaten this link. But Great Britain changed its attitude towards its foreign and security policy due to its new interpretation of the structure during the Ex-Yugoslavian conflict. Therefore, its policy shifted in the need to develop a closer EU cooperation within the security, even if they stated that NATO still remains the primary organisation to handle European Security. This change is also strategic because Great Britain is motivated to become a EU leader instead of a spoiler.
The EU has to face a number of issues in different areas before it will be able to implement an efficient CFSP. First of all, the military capability gap that has widened the dependence on NATO military assets. Secondly, the difficult decision making process that has to deal with the domestic demands of all MS generated by a reluctance in ceding sovereignty of security matters to a qualified majority vote.
The development of the CFSP has electrified the transatlantic relations creating tensions but nothing that will damage the transatlantic link between the EU and the US. The CFSP will become complementary of NATO and not a competitor at all. The military capabilities and the domestic demands of all EU MS will guarantee this statement. The US will remain an unenthusiastic global actor in a unipolar world, pushing the international agenda in favour of a unilateral approach.
13
Allen, Katherine June. « Manuscript recipe collections and elite domestic medicine in eighteenth century England ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7c96c4db-2d18-4cff-bedc-f80558d57322.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Collecting recipes was an established tradition that continued in elite English households throughout the eighteenth century. This thesis is on medical recipes and advice, and it addresses the evolution of recipe collecting from the seventeenth century and throughout the eighteenth century. It investigates elite domestic medicine within a cultural history of medicine framework and uses social and material history approaches to reveal why elites continued to collect medical recipes, given the commercialisation of medicine. This thesis contends that the meaning of domestic medicine must be understood within a wider context of elite healthcare in order to appreciate how the recipe collecting tradition evolved alongside cultural shifts, and shifts within the medical economy. My re-appraisal of the meaning of domestic medicine gives elite healthcare a clearer role within the narrative of the social history of medicine. Elite healthcare was about choice. Wealthy individuals had economic agency in consumerism, and recipe compilers interacted with new sources of information and products; recipe books are evidence of this consumer engagement. In addition to being household objects, recipe books had cultural significance as heirlooms, and as objects of literacy, authority, and creativity. A crucial reason for the continuation of the recipe collecting tradition was due to its continued engagement with cultural attitudes towards social obligation, knowledge exchange, taste, and sociability as an intellectual pursuit. Positioning the household as an important space of creativity, experiment, and innovation, this thesis reinforces domestic medicine as an important part of the interconnected histories of science and medicine. This thesis moreover contributes to the social history of eighteenth-century England by demonstrating the central role domestic medicine had in elite healthcare, and reveals the elite reception of the commercialisation of medicine from a consumer perspective through an investigation of personal records of intellectual pastimes and patient experiences.
14
McEachern, Charmaine. « Down on the farm : soap opera, rural politics and Thatcherism ». Title page, table of contents and synopsis only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm141.pdf.
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15
Skillen, Fiona I. « 'When women look their worst' : women and sports participation in interwar Scotland ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/515/.
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The works of historians such as Hargreaves, Tranter, Walvin, McCrone and Bailey suggest that women were, for a variety of reasons, gradually entering into the ‘world of sport’ from the middle of the nineteenth century onwards. Despite a lack of research it has been argued that this trend, of increased participation amongst women, continued into the twentieth century. Recent studies have tended to converged on the broad leisure choices of women, ignoring the place of sport within these experiences. This study therefore addresses an under researched topic: the development of women’s participation in sport in Scotland between 1920 and 1937. Many argue that during the interwar years there was a general distortion of the traditional boundaries between ‘public’ and ‘private’ areas of life for women. However, it has also been acknowledged that notions of gender differences persisted in this period. This study contributes to a wider understanding of gender relations during the period. It probes how women’s involvement in physically demanding sports were influenced by existing discourses and enabled the emergence of new ones. This thesis does not aim to chart the chronological growth and development of specific sports but rather seeks to understand the ways in which sport was incorporated into women’s lives and the meanings which they attached to their experiences. Each section of the thesis deals with a different area of participation. It examines the development of physical education in schools, the establishment and growth of a selection of sports organizations, the growth and use of local council run sports facilities and the development of work-based sport for women. This research focuses on contemporary depictions and discussions of sportswomen during these years as well as drawing on the views of sportswomen themselves. It employs both qualitative and quantitative methodologies in order to achieve a holistic and balanced interpretation of interwar sports participation and the attitudes that influenced it.
16
Posner, Jane. « The establishment and development of the new police in Halifax, 1848-1914 ». Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2014. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/25022/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis analyses the establishment and development of a new police force in Halifax, considering the question through the tenures of the chief constables from its inception in 1848 to the start of the Great War. It considers what existed before the police, how effective that was and how much actually changed after the incorporation of the borough. The early chapters explore the extent of the hostility to the new regime and at what point and how far it came to be accepted. The structure of the force is examined and through it the recruitment and turnover of men and the development of a career pattern for promising candidates. The later chapters assess how the force changed and consolidated towards the end of the nineteenth century, developing a shared sense of pride and camaraderie as policing became a recognised career for a working-class man. The question of how far the role of chief constable was influential in the formation and determination of policing in Halifax is considered, along with the careers of individuals, illustrating that the situation was both complex and fluid. The overall argument of this thesis is supportive of Swift’s contention that local, not national considerations underlay the reform of the new police and continued to dominate the aims and focus of policing in the boroughs throughout the nineteenth century. Borough chief constables were accountable to locally elected councillors and their actions reflected the concerns of the ratepayers. The history of borough police forces is embedded in the social, economic and geographical priorities of local government.
17
Alam, M. Y. « Ethnographic encounters and literary fictions : crossover and synergy between the social sciences and humanities ». Thesis, University of Bradford, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6295.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Over the past 14 years, working independently and with other original thinkers, I have produced works that have on two fronts contributed to the evolving understanding of ethnic relations in contemporary Britain. The first is around social/community cohesion, media and representation as well as counter-terrorism policy as explored through the social sciences. The second domain covering the same themes is couched within the humanities, in particular, the production of literary fiction.
18
Gardiner, Susan. « Answering Ackerknecht : infection control practice in Scottish hospitals in the early 'antibiotic era', 1928-1970 ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2017. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/8382/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines infection control practice in Scottish hospitals in the early years of the ‘antibiotic era’, from approximately 1928 to 1970. Hospital infection and its control has, in recent years, received increasing attention from historians. But there is a notable absence of work uncovering the details of infection control practice, particularly in Scottish institutions in the 20th century. Thus, this thesis provides a comprehensive study of practice, influenced by Erwin Ackerknecht’s behaviourist predication. Using case studies, it explores how concerns about infection and its control were manifest in the daily work of clinicians, nurses and bacteriologists, over an especially important 42-year period, at the Glasgow Royal Infirmary and the Royal Infirmary of Edinburgh. This study utilises an extensive range of sources. These include, but are not limited to: hospital administrative records, ward journals, case notes, films, architectural plans, lecture notes, medical textbooks, correspondence and the medical literature. It also draws on oral history interviews, using both existing collections and carrying out new interviews. Infection control practices between 1928 and 1970 were constantly evolving, adapting and refined. Concerns about infection and its control were generally of paramount importance to clinicians, nurses and bacteriologists, although, for a brief period after about 1948, some clinicians developed relatively lax attitudes towards infection in light of the increasing popularity of antibiotics. In the years before antibiotics, a multitude of methods were adopted to control or prevent hospital-acquired infections. These infections were manifest in numerous forms, from burns infections to post-operative tetanus. Sulphonamides represented a modest advance over other, more traditional treatments. When penicillin appeared during WWII, it prompted numerous investigations into its cultivation and possible uses, and it found an important application in treating a vast range of conditions, from wound infections to burns and osteomyelitis. Penicillin was deployed in various ways and, in Glasgow, new aseptic techniques were introduced to complement it. Preparing and administering penicillin became an important part of routine nursing work, work which was, in many ways, imperative to infection control. But the drug’s shortcomings – of which bacterial resistance was one – were evident from the beginning. After 1948, antibiotics became the mainstay of hospital infection control and the methods by which they were used became increasingly diverse. For a short while, for some clinicians, infection and its control represented less of a problem than before. But growing infection rates in the 1950s, particularly late in that decade, prompted renewed enthusiasm ii for new methods for its control. Antibiotics were gradually used with greater restraint. Laboratory work expanded into new areas and the work of new infection control committees and new sterilisation procedures led to heightened standards of asepsis in the clinic. Changes in the education and daily work of nurses also had important implications for infection control. This thesis also adds new perspectives to debates within the historiography of hospital infection and its control and within the wider medico-historical literature. In the years from 1928 to 1970, methods of control became increasingly uniform not only between hospitals, but also within hospitals. This was especially the case from the late 1950s, owing largely to the work of new infection control committees and new systems for sterile supply. Hospital bacteriologists gradually became authorities on infection control, but they had been important at the beginning of the period and had influenced methods for infection management, in both the laboratory and the clinic, throughout the period. Largely in connection with infection control, the daily work of nurses and perceptions of their work changed considerably and generally for the better. Changes in nurse education and a reconfiguration of their daily duties allowed nurses to carry out increasingly stringent aseptic techniques. This contributed to changing perceptions of their work and expertise. Senior nurses played key roles on infection control committees and in central sterile supply facilities, influencing how infection control was practised on the ground level. There is a strong relationship between strategies for infection control and hospital economics. Supply issues and, in later years, concerns about hospital expenditure both exerted a great influence on methods for infection control and vice versa, and they often influenced the success of those methods. 20th-century military conflict led to positive progress in infection control. Both World Wars and, to a lesser degree, military cooperation following the Suez Crisis, provided the impetus for new anti-infection treatments and techniques which still found application in peacetime. WWII also provided opportunities, not least for bacteriologists, for important clinical research. The founding of the NHS in 1948 greatly influenced the landscape of hospital infection and its control. The increasing demand for hospital care and pressures on infrastructure largely explain the growing rates of infection in the early years of the new service, while these pressures also influenced the shape that new strategies for infection control took.
19
Briant, Emma Louise. « ‘Special relationships’ : the negotiation of an Anglo-American propaganda ‘War on Terror’ ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2840/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This doctoral thesis will examine how relations between the United States and Britain, and internal dynamics within each country, affected the nature and development of the two countries’ information strategies in a shared theatre of war. It examines the two governments’ distinct organisational cultures and bureaucratic structures in explaining the shape this took. Going beyond the policy level it considers how cultures and power relationships contributed to propaganda war planning. The research emphasises important changes in policy development and circumstance which, it is argued, despite the obvious power imbalance, situated Britain in a key position in the Anglo-American propaganda effort. The analysis draws on empirical research conducted in both countries. This fieldwork involved elite interviews focussing on the period of the ‘War on Terror’, including policymakers, key bureaucrats, intelligence personnel, contractors and military planners in both Britain and America.
20
Dove, Iris. « Sisterhood or surveillance ? : the development of working girls' clubs in London 1880-1939 ». Thesis, University of Greenwich, 1996. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/6441/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis investigates the Girls' Club Movement in multi-cultural London from the l880s to 1939 and situates it within the context of gender, class and race. Part One places the clubs in their historicalcontext and critically examines issues of poverty, sexual purity, morality, femininity and ethnicity. The ways in which ideas about race superiority interacted with class superiority in the formation of middle class values are also discussed as is the contemporary perception of working class and ethnic minority cultures. The cultural gap between the social classes is highlighted as are the forms of surveillance including disguise, which were undertaken in order to gain knowledge of working class life. Part Two looks at clubs in relation to the concerns discussed in Part One. Chapter Six (and the Appendix) survey the provision of clubs in London. Chapters Seven, Eight and Nine examine the clubs under the overlapping themes of protection, discipline and empowerment. The nature of this empowerment is examined in the context of the dominant ideology of married motherhood. Drawing on little-used club records and oral evidence, the thesis suggests that the clubs were part of a middle class initiative which aimed to re-make working class culture. The interaction between the club organizers and members is examined and it is suggested that a straightforward imposition of middle class values was not possible as a variety of factors were operating. Questions are raised about the possibility of 'sisterhood' within unequal class relations and 'social mothering' is considered as a form of humanized policing.
21
Alam, M. Yunis. « Ethnographic encounters and literary fictions : crossover and synergy between the social sciences and humanities. Statement in support of application for Doctor of Philosophy by published works (1998-2012) ». Thesis, University of Bradford, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6295.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Over the past 14 years, working independently and with other original thinkers, I have produced works that have on two fronts contributed to the evolving understanding of ethnic relations in contemporary Britain. The first is around social/community cohesion, media and representation as well as counter-terrorism policy as explored through the social sciences. The second domain covering the same themes is couched within the humanities, in particular, the production of literary fiction.
22
Scharff, Christina. « Young women's dis-identification with feminism : negotiating heteronormativity, neoliberalism and difference ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/111/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores young women's relationship with feminism, contributing to an enhanced understanding of feminist dis-identification. Feminist research offers various explanations for young women's repudiation of feminism; this study adds a further dimension to current debates by adopting a performative approach which explores how difference, and particularly sexuality, mediates young women's responses to feminism. Employing and developing the broader theoretical frameworks of postfeminism, individualisation, neoliberalism, and difference, this thesis intervenes in current debates by highlighting the role of heteronormativity in negotiations of feminism. The study is based on forty, semi-structured qualitative in-depth interviews with a diverse group of German and British women, aged 18-35. A discursive analysis of the interviews provides an insight into young women's talk, thoughts, and feelings about feminism. Exemplifying a postfeminist logic, two broad patterns were discernable in the research participants' talk: feminism was either considered as valuable, but anachronistic and therefore irrelevant to the present, or fiercely repudiated as extreme and dogmatic. While most research participants reported they would not call themselves a feminist, their stance towards feminism shifted depending on the cultural resources they drew on to discuss feminist politics. Reflecting the broader cultural currents of neoliberalism and individualisation, the respondents frequently rejected the need for a collective movement by positioning themselves as individuals who were capable of negotiating structural constraints autonomously. The research participants were aware of persistent gender inequalities, but located them predominantly in the public sphere and/or 'other' parts of the world, claiming they had not personally experienced gender discrimination. Feminists were overwhelmingly portrayed and constructed as unfeminine, man-hating, and lesbian. Although the respondents could not name any concrete examples of feminists who corresponded to this stereotype, the construction of 'the feminist' haunted their accounts. As the performative approach illustrates, discussions of feminism gave rise to complex negotiations and performative citations of normative femininity. Performances of femininity were racialized and classed, intersecting with feminist dis-identification in multiple ways. The perception of feminism as inclusive or exclusive figured as an important theme in the interviews. This thesis adds to our understanding of feminist dis-identification by employing various theoretical tools, drawing on empirical accounts, and by revealing the structuring role of heteronormativity in negotiations of feminism.
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Månsson, Mikael. « Boyd, Warden och slaget om Storbritannien : håller förhärskande luftmaktsteori vad den lovar ? » Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-1807.
Texte intégralRésumé :
− Mitt syfte med denna uppsats är att pröva förhärskande luftmaktsteori på ett verkligtskeende. I uppsatsen prövas därför giltigheten av John Boyds och John A. Warden III teorier påSlaget om Storbritannien. Min avsikt med detta är inte att ställa Warden mot Boyd för attdärigenom pröva vilken av teorierna som framstår som bättre än den andra, utan metoden attpröva dessa på ett verkligt skeende syftar endast till att pröva dem var för sig. Min frågeställningblir därför;Fråga: Håller dessa teorier för en prövning på en verklig händelse?− För att svara på min frågeställning har jag gått till väga på följande sätt. Uppsatsens förstadel handlar om vad luftmakt är, dess grundläggande egenskaper, fördelar samt begränsningar.Detta för att skapa förståelse för uttrycket som sådant. Därefter följer en genomgång och analysav vad förhärskande luftmakts teori är och tankarna bakom denna. De teorier som behandlasunder detta epitet är de av John Boyd och John A. Warden III. Därefter knyts denna och förstadelen ihop för att därigenom skapa förståelse och en helhetssyn av begreppet luftmakt ochförhärskande luftmaktsteori. Som tredje del i uppsatsen kommer själva prövningen av teoriernamot Slaget om Storbritannien. Denna del är uppdelad i fyra olika faser som avgränsas viadatum. Detta för att skapa en lättöverskådlig struktur. Faserna är i sig indelade i beskrivning avfasen, genomförande och slutresultat. Teorin prövas genom att jag jämför teori med verkligtskeende i varje fas, slutsatser rörande teorins giltighet dras därav och sammanfattas i varje del.Slutligen avslutas uppsatsen med en sammanfattning där svar ges på frågeställningen.− Avgränsningar och motiv till dessa görs under uppsatsens gång varför jag endast redovisardessa i punktform här.Jag behandlar enbart Slaget om Storbritannien, tidsperiod 10 juli 1940-31 oktober samma år.Jag behandlar enbart luftkrigetJag behandlar Warden på det tyska agerandet och Boyd på det brittiska.My purpose with this Essay is to examine if the theories of John Boyd andJohn A. Warden III will stand a test of reality. I therefore look at theplanning, execution and result of The Battle of Britain in order to do this.The essay is divided into four different parts. The first part deals with theexpression Air Power, its basic characteristics, advantages and limitations.This part is meant to lead a non air force officer into the essay and make itunderstandable. The next part is an analysis of the theories and the thoughtsbehind them. After this the two parts is amalgamated in order to createknowledge and a comprehensive view of Air Power and its theories. Thethird part is the test of the theories. In this part The Battle of Britain isdivided into four different phases in order to create a good structure and apossibility for the reader to follow me in my discussions. The theories aretested by looking at preparation, carrying through and results in bothGerman and British behaviour. By saying this I want to stress that thepurpose with the essay is not to examine why the German campaign endedas it did or why RAF took the victory, nor is it a test of which one of thetheories is the better one. It is a test where I look at Boyd by examineRAF/FC planning, carrying through and results and Warden by doing thesame on Luftwaffe. The fourth part is a summing up, where the question ofthe essay is answered.In my answer I level criticism against the “five ring model” of JohnWarden. The remark I do concerns the idea of separating the political willfrom the people. I find this separation valid only when looking on adictatorship not a democracy. In this discussion I find that the targetingmodel affects the theory in the way that it only suits physical destructionbased on parallel attacks and not psychic breakdown.The theory of John Boyd passes without remarks.Having said this I discuss what these results tells us. I find that the essayproves the possibility to falsify a theory but that the result is valid in thiscase only. The main issue I want to point out with my result though is thatit can work as a springboard for further examinations of these theories. Ifother authors come to the same result as I, with their examinations made onother real events, the conclusion must be that the answers all togetherproofs that the theory limps. How many answers that must point in thesame direction I don’t know, the important thing is that the theories aretested, otherwise the risk is that they can be looked at as truths, which theyare not.
Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 01-03
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Östbring, Peter. « Doktrin - Prövad kunskap ? » Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-1462.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Doktrin utgör en del av grunden till en nations krigföringsförmåga och skall i detta avseende ses somen normativ styrning med riktlinjer för nuet och den omedelbara framtiden. Doktrin skall såledesutgöra ett verktyg för militära chefer att hantera situationer som annars hade upplevts som mycketpressade och omöjliga att genomföra. För att så skall vara fallet måste en doktrin bygga på relevantunderlag baserad på omvärldsanalys samt de erfarenheter de väpnade styrkorna vunnit genomdeltagande i skarpa insatser, men även erfarenheter kopplade till övningsverksamhet och nationenshistoria och förutsättningar. En doktrin borde således ses som riktlinjer för handling baserat påkunskap. Är detta verkligen fallet? I doktriner hävdas att de baseras på prövad kunskap. En vackertanke eller är verkligheten en annan med helt andra styrande påverkansfaktorer på en nationsdoktrinutveckling. Analys och utvärdering resulterar i lärdomar. Denna dyrköpta kunskap är värd attminnas och nyttjas. Syftet med denna uppsats blir därför att undersöka om de lärdomar som denbrittiska försvarsmakten identifierade efter Falklandskriget 1982 påverkade den brittiskadoktrinutvecklingen efter kriget. För att uppnå detta syfte kategoriseras två brittiska maritimadoktriner - The Naval War Manual (1969) samt The Fundamentals of British Maritime Doctrine(1995). Doktrinerna tillsammans med de brittiska lärdomarna från kriget kategoriseras utifrån de sexgrundläggande förmågorna. Resultatet visar på att brittiska Marinen drog en stor mängd lärdomarunder och efter kriget. Med anledning av att 26 år förflutit mellan de båda doktrinerna kankonstateras att doktrinen utvecklats. Lärdomarna från Falklandskriget har tagits tillvara men inte iden omfattning man skulle kunna tro och önska. Den omvärldsutveckling som skett efterFalklandskriget är i många stycken omfattande och av sådan art att lärdomarna från Falklandskrigetär mer aktuella idag än de var under utvecklingen av 1995 års doktrin.Doctrine is one of the foundations of a nation’s war fighting capability and, in this respect,should be seen as normative guidelines for the present and immediate future. As such,doctrine provides military commanders with a tool to manage situations, which wouldotherwise be seen as extremely stressful and impossible to deal with. For this to be the case,doctrine must be built on relevant information based on an analysis of the world around usand the experiences of armed forces on live operations, but also on experiences linked toexercise activities and a nation’s history and circumstances.Thus doctrine should be seen as knowledge-based guidelines for action. Is this actually thecase? Doctrine claims to be based on tried and tested knowledge. Is this wishful thinking, or isreality something else, with completely different controlling factors influencing thedevelopment of a nation’s doctrine? Analysis and evaluation results in lessons learned and itis worth remembering and taking advantage of this hard-earned knowledge. The aim of thisessay is, therefore, to investigate whether or not the lessons learned by the British ArmedForces during the 1982 Falklands War have influenced the development of British doctrinesince the War. To achieve this aim two publications of British maritime doctrine, The NavalWar Manual (1969) and The Fundamentals of British Maritime Doctrine (1995), have beenexamined, along with the lessons learned from the War, using the six fundamental capabilitiesas a basis. The results show that the British Royal Navy learned a considerable number oflessons both during and after the War. Because there are 26 years between the publications ofthe two documents, it can be stated that there has been a development in doctrine. Accounthas been taken of the lessons learned during the Falklands War, but not to the extent that onemight expect or wish. Developments in the world around us since the Falklands War are, inmany cases, so comprehensive and of a kind that the lessons learned from the Falklands Warare more current today than they were during the development of the 1995 doctrine.
Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 06-08
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Trampusch, Christine. « Arbeitsmarktpolitik, Gewerkschaften und Arbeitgeber ». Doctoral thesis, [S.l. : s.n.], 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-0006-B23A-7.
Texte intégral
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Moraru, Mirona. « Bourdieu, multilingualism, and immigration : understanding how second-generation multilingual immigrants reproduce linguistic practices with non-autochthonous minority languages in Cardiff, Wales ». Thesis, Cardiff University, 2016. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/98458/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis investigates the phenomenon of multilingualism from a Bourdieusian-derived perspective with a focus on the conditions enabling second-generation immigrant agents to produce, reproduce, and negotiate linguistic practices with non-autochthonous minority languages in the officially bilingual context of Cardiff, Wales. The thesis follows in the footsteps of Pierre Bourdieu, using his model of linguistic production and circulation as a conceptual lens for the analysis of the linguistic biographies of thirteen second-generation multilingual participants. In doing so, the project also tests the suitability of this model to account for the production of alternative linguistic practices other than the dominant ones, for transformation, and ultimately, for the phenomenon of multilingualism associated with the process of immigration. The analysis of the linguistic biographies focuses on the development of the linguistic habitus of the second-generation agents taking into consideration the socio-historically constructed power relations which have influenced their trajectory. This involves understanding the relationship between such a linguistic habitus and the linguistic market(s) with which the interviewees have interacted. First, the thesis suggests that in Cardiff English is recognized as the legitimate language, Welsh is partially legitimate, while non-autochthonous minority languages are illegitimate. Second, in light of the linguistic biographies the project examines how the interplay between the home, the school, religious practices, and digital practices influenced the construction of alternative linguistic markets according to which the linguistic habitus of the participants developed, enabling them to reproduce linguistic practices with Arabic, Bengali, Somali, Urdu, or Punjabi. The study thus suggests that the phenomenon of multilingualism can be redefined from the perspective of an individual’s linguistic habitus understood as an integral and generative set of dispositions which develops and functions according to the socio-historically constructed conditions and power relations within and, crucially, among multiple linguistic markets.
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Nykvist, Jens. « Littoral warfare ? : talar USA, Storbritannien och Sverige om samma sak ? » Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-1211.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Idag är det kustnära eller det s.k. litorala området i fokus för många av världens mariner. Det finnsolika syften med att genomföra operationer i det litorala området men det huvudsakliga syftet äratt tillse att sjötransportförbindelserna som till största del sker i det litorala området fungerar.Andra syften är t.ex. att med expeditionära styrkor kunna påverka en situation på land eller somSverige operera i det litorala området i syfte att försvara sig. De uppgifter som ska lösas i detlitorala området inkluderas av begreppet Littoral Warfare, men vad betyder det för de olikanationerna?Denna uppsats jämför hur USA, Storbritannien och Sverige ser på det litorala området ochbegreppet Littoral Warfare. Undersökningen kopplas till vilka målsättningar nationerna har inomdet litorala området, vilka metoder de avser nyttja samt vilka medel som finns att tillgå för att lösauppgifter i det litorala området. Undersökningen genomförs genom att jämföra de olikanationernas doktriner för att ge ökad förståelse av begrepp som används i gemensammaoperationer och med avsikt att minska risken för missförstånd.Undersökningens resultat visar att nationerna har samma uppfattning avseende vad begreppetLittoral Warfare innebär men att uppfattningen om vilket det litorala området är skiljer sig.Målsättningarna mellan nationerna är till viss del också särskiljande då t.ex. Sverige har en merdefensiv hållning än de andra nationerna. Skillnader som framkommer avseende val av metod ärmer en resursfråga än vilka mål nationen vill uppnå i det litorala området.Nowadays, the coastal and littoral areas are in focus for most of the navies and marines in theworld. There are a number of different purposes for a navy to conduct littoral operations. Onepurpose could be to ensure functioning sea lines of communication, which most times areestablished in this part of the sea. Another purpose could be to influence the situation ashore withan expeditionary force. Furthermore, the littoral area could be used to defend a nation, which is thecase in Sweden. Missions and tasks supposed to be conducted in the littoral areas are gatheredunder the heading of Littoral Warfare, but what does this term imply for different nations?This research compares how the US, Great Britain and Sweden views the littoral area and the termLittoral Warfare. The research is connected to what objectives these nations have in the littoralarea, what methods they intend to use and what means they have available to accomplish theirobjectives. In order to increase the knowledge for the different terms used in combined jointoperations and to minimize the risk of misunderstanding, this research is comparing the doctrinesof the nations mentioned above.The result of this comparison shows that these nations have the same general understanding of theterm, Littoral Warfare, but their notions on the actual area considered as littoral are divergent.Furthermore, there is some diversity between the nations regarding their objectives where Swedenfor instance, has a more defensive approach compared to the others. Finally, the differences thatcomes to light regarding what methods to use in the littoral area, depends on what means areavailable, more so than the objective itself.
Avdelning: ALB – Slutet Mag. 3 C-upps. Hylla: Upps. ChP 07-09
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Sarg, Cristin M. « Scottish-Jewish 'madness' ? : an examination of Jewish admissions to the royal asylums of Edinburgh and Glasgow, c.1870-1939 ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2017. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/8496/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis sits at the junction of asylum history and Anglo-Jewish history, specifically Scottish Jewish history, and contributes new perspectives to scholarship on histories of both psychiatry and Anglo-Jewry. It explores the lived experiences of Jewish patients admitted to the royal asylums of Edinburgh and Glasgow between 1870 and 1939 using a range of both quantitative and qualitative archival sources. A discussion of the relevant literature that has focused on ‘Anglo’ asylums and Anglo-Jewry, particularly on Scottish asylums and Scottish Jewry, provides the historical context for the research questions being asked about how Jewish patients admitted to the royal asylums were understood, diagnosed and treated. The quantitative Jewish patient population is presented, discussing: demographic variables such as gender distribution, age at admission and the patient’s marital status at admission; social variables such as ‘class’ as regards a patient’s accommodation within the asylum and their occupation; diagnostic variables such as the mental disorders identified; and finally institutional variables such as a patient’s discharge status and the length of a patient’s stay within the asylum. This Jewish patient profile is compared to control samples of non-Jewish patients to detect similarities and differences between the two groups, providing scope for the qualitative accounts that follow. Qualitative sources are then used, pulling out a number of individual case histories as detailed exemplars of broader claims, spread across three substantial chapters. The first qualitative chapter draws on several of the themes presented in the discussion of relevant literature, such as matters of Jewish demography, migration, family dynamics, social standing, cultural experiences and the like, as these intersect with the ‘asylum lifecycle’, meaning periods spent in and outside of the asylum by these patients. This material opens a door to the Jewish patient experience through the discussion and analysis of several themes, such as: family, community, immigration status, social class, migration histories, big and small and the asylum lifecycle with respect to patients who experienced multiple admissions to asylums. The next chapter’s overarching theme is the Jewish body – all aspects of Jewish embodiment; of embodying Jewishness – in the asylum. This theme is further broken down into specific areas for discussion, such as: the male Jewish body; poisoning, because historically Jews have been associated with the act of poisoning; the diagnostic criteria as it was applied to Jews during the period under investigation; the role of language within the clinical encounter; and troublesome patients. The goal here is to illustrate how the Jewish body was often seen as inherently different from other (British) asylum patients and therefore pathologised because of those differences, such that in certain situations merely being Jewish suggested a likelihood of being mentally unstable and possessing a mental illness due to the Jewishness association. The final qualitative chapter concentrates on Jewish women and their experiences within Scottish asylums, highlighting some of the gendered differences within that experience when compared to the male Jewish experience of madness that was primarily tackled in the previous chapter. This chapter discuses Jewish women and their place within the Jewish community and wider Anglo-Scottish society, and further it addresses the perceived close relationship between Jewish women and mental illness, itself complicated by the extent to which the woman concerned sought to live up to a vision of the perfect Jewish mother while also being judged through an idealized version of domestically content British (middle-class) womanly reserve. Final conclusions are added which summarise the contributions made by the thesis, and speculate about further inquires that might be conducted in this field.
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Lane, Jacqueline Ann. « A watershed decade in British industrial relations, 1965 to 1974 ? : the Donovan Commission Report, 'In Place of Strife', and the Industrial Relations Act of 1971 ». Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2017. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/34157/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Donovan Report (1965-1968) is often seen as one of the great failures in the overall attempt to deal with the thorny problem of the contentious nature of industrial relations in post-war Britain. This thesis re-examines that report and subsequent governmental responses, using numerous sources, many of which have barely been used by previous authors, in order to establish where it all went wrong. Such an examination is important to inform future governments on some of the problems of trying to legislate on industrial relations matters. This thesis addresses the central question addressed by the Report – the validity of employing legislation to deal with the problems within industrial relations, asking what contribution had legislation made to the ordering of industrial relations in the past, and what lessons future governments could take from that? Why did both the Labour Governments under Harold Wilson and the Conservative Government under Edward Heath choose to go beyond Donovan in their attempts to alter the role of the state in industrial relations Finally, could the Industrial Relations Act 1971, had it survived, have been to the benefit of trade unions in time? This thesis suggests that legislation had an important role to play in the ordering of industrial relations, and that collective bargaining alone, although effective in many areas, was unable to address issues which had wider implications, such as those relating to health and safety or the reconciliation of differences due to the laws’ interference with trade unions’ rights to defend their members and their own collective rights. Both the Labour and Conservative Governments chose to go beyond the measures proposed by Donovan because economic and political necessity demanded a greater measure of control over strike action. However, the inquiry had undoubtedly focused the debate on whether or not legislation could ever be the most appropriate tool for controlling industrial relations, and therefore acted as a catalyst for the reforms that followed. The Industrial Relations Act 1971 failed to bring about the hoped-for industrial peace. Its repeal in 1974, however, did nothing to prevent further rises in strikes after 1974. Piecemeal legislation in the 1980s and 1990s did bring about a greater level of industrial peace, but this suggests that it was not legislation per se that was the wrong strategy for controlling industrial relations, but rather the method and pace of implementation. Other means of maintaining industrial peace were experimented with and could have been successful if the political will had been there and the unions and employers had engaged more fully,but the seeds had been sown for legislative control and it was impossible to hold back the tide of restrictive legislation which followed these early forays into the concept of law as a means of controlling industrial relations. The Donovan Report did indeed represent the thin end of the legal wedge and opened the floodgates to the many enactments designed to control and emasculate the trade union movement which the Conservative governments of the 1980s and early 1990s were able to introduce. The collective failures of the Donovan Report, In Place of Strife and the Industrial Relations Act to bring about industrial peace were, however, only indicative that legislation was not the most appropriate means of achieving this goal at this particular point in time. Alternative attempts to reduce strikes and engage trade unions in closer working relationships with employers and their associations, and with the government, did meet with some success in the 1970s and may be usefully attempted again in the future. This will, however, depend on whether government is able to keep an open mind on the utility, or perhaps futility, of legislative controls such as those attempted in the years between 1965 and 1975.
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Gilmour, Alison Julia. « Examining the 'hard-boiled bunch' : work culture and industrial relations at the Linwood car plant, c.1963-1981 ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2010. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1830/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis investigates the nature of work culture and industrial relations at the Linwood car plant during the period 1963-1981. In Part One, Chapter One provides an overview of the historical debate over the use of oral testimony as well as introducing the methodology employed within the oral history project encompassed within the thesis. Chapter Two provides an analysis of the nature of work at the Linwood car plant and the ways in which this impacted on behaviour and attitudes in the workplace. This is further developed in Chapter Three where the focus is on organisational mischief, and consideration is given to the nature, consequences and explanations for this behaviour. The analysis developed in Part One, focuses on the dominant explanations for problematic industrial relations based on the notion of a ‘clash of work cultures’ due to an absence of intrinsic rewards in automated assembly-line work. Within the thesis such dominant narratives are not entirely supported by the Linwood sample, as a wide variety of attitudes towards work are exhibited, leading the thesis to question the validity of the categories of intrinsic and extrinsic reward. In Part Two of the thesis there is a shift in focus as the analysis concentrates on structures of authority at Linwood and the impact on industrial relations. Chapter Four gives consideration to the influence of historical contingency on management decision-making. Part of the 1976 government rescue package was a Planning Agreement incorporating employee participation in management decision-making that articulated with the Labour government’s manifesto commitment to industrial democracy. Yet throughout the different phases of ownership, interactions between management and workers at the Linwood plant explored in this thesis reveal a dichotomy between the rhetoric and reality of industrial democracy and worker participation. The final chapter of the thesis offers an exploration of shop floor industrial politics, and causes of strikes, to highlight the narratives of tension underpinning interactions at Linwood. The thesis provides a nuanced approach, highlighting variety of experience and importantly a complex interplay of interests shaping work culture and the nature of industrial relations in the car plant.
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Morrison, Hazel Margaret Catherine. « Unearthing the 'clinical encounter' : Gartnavel Mental Hospital, 1921-1932 : exploring the intersection of scientific and social discourses which negotiated the boundaries of psychiatric diagnoses ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2014. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5766/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Charting the trans-Atlantic movement of ‘dynamic’ psychiatry from The Henry Phipps Psychiatric Clinic, Baltimore, to Gartnavel Mental Hospital, Glasgow, this thesis throws light upon the resultant ‘dynamic’ case note records, produced in Gartnavel during the 1920s. By undertaking an in-depth, qualitative analysis of Gartnavel’s case note records and corresponding archival materials, I explore the polemical question, posed, amongst others, by Foucault, of how psychiatry achieves its distinct status as a science of the individual. Foucault, most notably in Discipline and Power, ascribes to the psychiatric profession the power to fashion individual patient histories into cases, cases which simultaneously emphasise the individuality of a patient, while condensing, i.e. ‘fixing’ their identities that they may be constituted ‘an object for a branch of knowledge and a hold for a branch of power’. This thesis, while recognising the validity of this argument, explores how the clinical practices and philosophical outlook of dynamic psychiatry in the early twentieth century enabled both patient and psychiatrist to negotiate the construction of the psychiatric case note record, and consequently of patients’ individual identities. D. K. Henderson, physician superintendent of Gartnavel between 1921 and 1932, was one of the first, if not the first psychiatrist fully to incorporate dynamic principles into the working practices of a British mental hospital. Initiating methods of case note taking and staff meeting consultation (now integral components of modern day psychiatric practice) he transported the teachings of his mentor, the Swiss émigré psychiatrist Adolf Meyer, to the everyday clinical practices of Gartnavel. The dissemination of dynamic psychiatry through Henderson’s published works and medical teachings is recognised as having integrally shaped the practices of Scottish psychiatry in the twentieth century. However, the significance of the unpublished case note records, produced under his superintendence of Gartnavel during the 1920s, as sources of historical enquiry has gone largely unrecognised. A near-unique archive of ‘dynamic’ case note records is used in this thesis to reveal, what Roy Porter termed, a ‘history from below’ of clinical practices and examinatory processes. For as Henderson employed stenographers and clinical clerks to record verbatim and semi verbatim the dialogues that passed between patients and psychiatrists within staff meetings and mental examinations, I, as Porter himself aspired to, take as the focus of my research a history of the ‘two-way encounters between doctors and patients’. By employing an interdisciplinary research method, one that incorporates Foucauldian, literary, critical medical humanities, as well as more traditional forms of medical history scholarship, I establish a history of dynamic psychiatry set within clinical encounters. Engaging with current debate, evolving primarily within the interdisciplinary sphere of the medical humanities, I argue these records reveal a history of medical humanism, one in which both patients and psychiatrists actively shaped the history of twentieth century Scottish psychiatry.
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Naylor, Tristen A. « Closure games : the politics of clubs in international society ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e1e4c6f8-f163-43bf-9b87-5640db21f090.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis develops a theory of international social closure to examine (i) the politics of membership in status groups – or, clubs – in international society and (ii) the persistence of clubs in international society. This thesis offers new concepts to improve the English School’s understanding of international society, its expansion, and its reproduction. In so doing it also addresses limitations and gaps in the IR status literature and the global governance and diplomacy literatures concerned with clubs and networks. This thesis analyses strategies of exclusion, entry, and incorporation used by actors to deny, attempt, or grant inclusion into clubs as well as the institutional contexts underpinning those clubs. Specifically, this research undertakes a study of instances of exclusion, entry, and incorporation in the context of three clubs: the Family of Civilised Nations, the Great Powers club, and G-summitry. In the first two cases, this research relies primarily on secondary sources while in the case of G-summitry it presents original empirical research gathered through archival research, interviews, and ethnographic participant observation. This thesis presents four main conclusions about the operation of closure: (i) the logics of different closure games are defined by overarching normative institutions of international society; (ii) despite a collectivist closure rule, closure in international society is predominantly individualistic; (iii) actors seeking entry tend to employ deferential entry strategies that reproduce a stratified status quo order; and (iv) incorporation promotes stratification along both functional and cultural lines. This thesis also draws three specific conclusions that run counter to much current scholarship: (i) contemporary international society is neither more open nor less hierarchical than nineteenth century international society; (ii) hierarchy is reproduced to a large degree by entry and incorporation strategies rather than exclusion strategies; and (iii) closure does not run along a ‘west versus the rest’ fault line.
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Eastlick, Anne C. « Genre criticism : an application of BP's image restoration campaign to the crisis communication genre ». Scholarly Commons, 2011. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/767.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Within two months of its emergence, the BP Gulf Oil spill had become the worst environmental disaster in United States history. However, for those studying public relations the oil spill brought more than ecological disaster, by providing a case study of crisis communication. Although there were a number of crisis responses from BP throughout the course of the oil spill, the primary crisis response crafted by BP was an image restoration campaign which premiered in early June 2010. This campaign, though it exhibits qualities of a standard crisis response, was wildly unpopular with the United States Government and citizenry. This rhetorical analysis attempts to uncover the reasons behind the campaign's failure through an application of the genre model of criticism. By defining the crisis communication genre and applying it to the artifact, the current study uncovers the reasons behind the failure of the campaign. Through this discussion, this analysis identifies that BP did not address all necessary exigencies, nor did it consider the influence a rhetor can have on a message. An explanation for the failure of BP' s campaign provided a plethora of implications to the fields of public . relations and rhetorical criticism, while beginning a discussion to help define the crisis communication genre.
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Seri-Hersch, Iris. « Histoire scolaire, impérialisme(s) et décolonisation(s) : le cas du Soudan anglo-égyptien (1945-1958) ». Phd thesis, Aix-Marseille Université, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00700410.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Réinscrivant le Soudan anglo-égyptien dans l'histoire impériale britannique, cette thèse explore l'histoire scolaire soudanaise à l'ère de l'"ébranlement colonial" qui succéda à la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Les matériaux didactiques, les contenus prescrits et les pratiques pédagogiques sont analysés à la lumière de cinq développements majeurs des années 1945-1953 : le virage "paterno-progressiste" des politiques coloniales britanniques en Afrique, dont l'objectif était désormais de préparer les peuples colonisés à l'autogouvernance ; la polarisation des positions britannique et égyptienne sur la question du Soudan ; la concurrence accrue entre les deux courants du nationalisme soudanais (indépendantiste et unioniste) ; l'unification hâtive du Nord et du Sud-Soudan après plus d'un demi-siècle de gestion séparée ; et la tentative des élites nord-soudanaises de construire un État-nation arabo-musulman. Le second volet de la thèse est consacré à une mise en perspective diachronique et synchronique de l'histoire scolaire soudanaise de fin d'Empire : celle-ci marqua-t-elle une véritable rupture par rapport à l'histoire scolaire pratiquée au Soudan jusqu'en 1945 ? Quelles étaient les convergences et les divergences entre l'histoire scolaire du Soudan et celle d'autres territoires de l'(ex-)Empire britannique (Ouganda, Rhodésie du Nord, Nigeria, Égypte, Inde, Grande-Bretagne) ? Ma réflexion s'achève sur deux problèmes cruciaux de l'ère postcoloniale : la décolonisation - ou non - des récits historiques scolaires après l'indépendance (1956) et le rôle catalyseur de l'histoire scolaire dans la guerre civile entre le Nord et le Sud-Soudan.
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WESTLAKE, Martin. « The formation of a 'European political elite' ? : the British in the directly-elected European Parliament,1979-1992 ». Doctoral thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5432.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 19 October 1992Examining Board: Prof. Maurizio Cotta (Università di Siena) ; Prof. David Marquand (University of Sheffield) ; Prof. Roger Morgan (European University Institute) ; Prof. Philip Norton (University of Hull) ; Prof. Rudolf Wildenmann (Universität Mannheim, supervisor)
First made available online: 16 October 2015
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Stanley, Heather Michelle. « Vested interests : the 1902 Midwives Act as a case study in professional identity ». Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/2093.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Some scholars, in examining the debate which led up to the Midwives Act of 1902, have portrayed the conflict as a struggle between the monolithic medical profession and midwives. However, this thesis demonstrates that the late nineteenth-century medical profession was still very much divided on the issue of midwifery. There were tensions between various branches and between elite members and general practitioners. Further, the British Medical Association, the General Medical Council, the Lancet and the British Medical Journal all competed for the right to speak for the profession as a whole. In the course of the debate the medical profession caricatured the "mythical" untrained midwife while seeking to impress upon the public their own identity as skilled and caring practitioners. The 1902 Midwives Act, which reveals that Parliament, accepted some, but not all, of the medical profession's claims, signifies both the extent and the limits of the medical profession's influence.
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McEachern, Charmaine. « Down on the farm : soap opera, rural politics and Thatcherism / by Charmaine McEachern ». Thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/19566.
Texte intégral
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Lin, Chen-Yu. « Öffentliche Videoüberwachung in den USA, Großbritannien und Deutschland ». Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-0006-B3C4-7.
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Marten, Carina. « Zwischen Sorgerecht und Unterhaltspflicht ». Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-0006-B527-4.
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