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1
Selb, Peter. "Multi-Level Elections in Switzerland." Swiss Political Science Review 12, no. 4 (2006): 49–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1662-6370.2006.tb00060.x.
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Bühlmann, Marc, Sarah Nicolet, and Peter Selb. "National Elections in Switzerland: an Introduction." Swiss Political Science Review 12, no. 4 (2006): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1662-6370.2006.tb00058.x.
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Linder, Wolf, and Georg Lutz. "The parliamentary elections in Switzerland, October 1999." Electoral Studies 21, no. 1 (2002): 128–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(01)00008-7.
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Tarnavskaya, M. A. "The Election System of the Swiss Confederation: Counting of Votes and Establishment of Election Results." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(35) (April 28, 2014): 178–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-2-35-178-183.
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In the following article the author covers the process of counting the votes and the disclosure rules of establishment the election results in the Swiss Confederation. Switzerland along with other EU member states pays special attention to the determination of the election results. According to Art. 149 para. 2 Federal Constitution of the Swiss Confederation the elections to the National Council, which is one of two chambers of the Federal Assembly, are held according to proportional representation system. The Hagenbach-Bischoff system is used for allocating seats in National Council of the Swiss Con federation. However the above mentioned system for determining the quota of votes per each mandate creates ambiguous opinions among Swiss scientists and legal experts, which frequently comes up in discussions whether to modify it or not. In this article, the author also gives a brief description of the main political parties in Switzerland and statistics of seats allocation in 49 legislature of National Council following the elections of October 23, 2011. As a result, the author provides the full information on the process of votes counting and establishment of election results in the Swiss Confederation. The material presented in this article is particularly interesting and relevant in terms of improving the electoral legislation in the Russian Federation. The information presented by the author will be useful to all parties interested in electoral law.
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Dardanelli, Paolo. "The parliamentary and executive elections in Switzerland, 2003." Electoral Studies 24, no. 1 (2005): 123–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2004.07.001.
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Mueller, Sean, and Paolo Dardanelli. "The parliamentary and executive elections in Switzerland, 2011." Electoral Studies 32, no. 1 (2013): 197–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2012.10.004.
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Mueller, Sean, and Marlène Gerber. "The parliamentary and executive elections in Switzerland, 2015." Electoral Studies 43 (September 2016): 194–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2016.06.002.
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Blais, André, Fernando Feitosa, and Semra Sevi. "Was my decision to vote (or abstain) the right one?" Party Politics 25, no. 3 (2017): 382–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817722058.
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This article examines people’s assessments, ex post, of whether their decision to vote or to abstain in a given election was the right one. We use 22 surveys conducted in 5 different countries (Canada, France, Germany, Spain and Switzerland) in national, supra-national and sub-national elections between 2011 and 2015. We find that the great majority of those who voted were satisfied with their decision to vote while non-voters were more doubtful about the wisdom of their decision to abstain. We also find that those who are interested in politics, who feel that they have a moral duty to vote in elections, and who feel close to a party are more prone to be satisfied with their decision to vote and to be dissatisfied if they chose to abstain.
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Frandsen, Annie Gaardsted. "Size and Electoral Participation in Local Elections." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 20, no. 6 (2002): 853–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c0228.
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This paper reviews local election turnout for the period since the 1970s in five European countries: Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom. It explores especially the relationship between size of municipality and turnout in local elections. The author seeks to explore this issue in the light of Dahl and Tufte's 1973 classic study Size and Democracy (Stanford University Press) which claimed that citizens' motivation to participate is greater in small governmental units than in large ones. This study confirms the Dahl and Tufte hypothesis, in that turnout is consistently higher over time in small municipalities in all the countries reviewed, although the strength of the relationship varies between the different countries. The paper also shows that other factors, such as the type of electoral system used or whether voting is compulsory or not, also have an effect on turnout.
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Alekseev, Roman. "Blockchain technology in elections: past, present and future." Journal of Political Research 4, no. 4 (2020): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-25-38.
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The purpose of the research is to use blockchain technology in the electoral process. The study was conducted on the example of blockchain technologies used in elections in the United States, Canada, Australia, Sierra Leone, Switzerland, Spain, Russia and other countries. The methodological basis of the research is based on the methods of comparative analysis and component analysis of definitions. Empirical methods of expert assessment and interviewing were used. The pros and cons of blockchain technologies and the possibility of using this innovative technology in elections of different levels are revealed. The advantages of inclusive blockchain technology include the mobility and accessibility of voting; minimizing the costs of organizing and conducting elections; de-bureaucratization by reducing the staff of election commissions; the possibility of excluding the impact on voters from participants in the electoral process; reducing the time for processing ballots and determining the results of voting; increasing the level of trust in electoral procedures on the part of citizens who usually do not participate in voting. Among the disadvantages of blockchain technologies, we can highlight: technical failures and hacker cyber-attacks; the possibility of hackers using data about voters, in case of hacking electronic databases; violation of the secrecy of voting.
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Schryen, G., and E. Rich. "Security in Large-Scale Internet Elections: A Retrospective Analysis of Elections in Estonia, The Netherlands, and Switzerland." IEEE Transactions on Information Forensics and Security 4, no. 4 (2009): 729–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/tifs.2009.2033230.
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Eichenberger, Reiner, Patricia Schafer, and David Stadelmann. "Making Public Infrastructure Work: Multi-seat Majoritarian Elections as a new Institutional Approach." Journal of Infrastructure, Policy and Development 3, no. 2 (2019): 244. http://dx.doi.org/10.24294/jipd.v3i2.1155.
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The wealth of nations depends on the quality of their infrastructure. Often, however, infrastructure suffers from ineffective investments and poor maintenance. Proposed solutions, such as New Public Management or Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) tend to develop into Politicians-Private Partnerships as politicians collude with private firms to exploit present and future tax-payers. Therefore, it is necessary to give citizens better control over collective decision making. While there is a significant economic literature on empowering citizens via decentralization and direct democratic institutions, the role of electoral rules has thus far been rather neglected. An interesting case in point is Switzerland, which is well known for its high-quality infrastructure, extensive decentralization, and direct democracy. However, this paper argues that there is an additional and previously neglected institution that moves Swiss politicians away from client politics towards better serving public interest: Switzerland’s unique electoral institutions which effectively combine proportional elections with multi-seat majority elections. We explain how these institutions work, how they enhance the relationships between citizens and public and private entities, and we argue that they could be implemented in other countries.
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Udris, Linards, Jens Lucht, and Jörg Schneider. "Contested Elections in Increasingly Commercialized Media. A Diachronic Analysis of Executive and Parliamentary Election News Coverage in Switzerland." Swiss Political Science Review 21, no. 4 (2015): 578–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12171.
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Alvarez, R. Michael, Thad E. Hall, and Alexander H. Trechsel. "Internet Voting in Comparative Perspective: The Case of Estonia." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 03 (2009): 497–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090787.
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ABSTRACTSeveral countries have conducted Internet voting trials in binding public elections over the past decade, including Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States. However, Estonia—a former Soviet republic and now a full member of the European Union—has advanced the farthest in deploying Internet voting. In this article, we focus on how the Estonians have systematically addressed the legal and technical considerations required to make Internet voting a functioning voting platform, as well as the political and cultural framework that promoted this innovation. Using data from our own qualitative and quantitative studies of the Estonian experience, we consider who voted over the Internet in these elections, and the political implications of the voting platform.
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Bochsler, Daniel, Marlène Gerber, and David Zumbach. "The 2015 National Elections in Switzerland: Renewed Polarization and Shift to the Right." Regional & Federal Studies 26, no. 1 (2016): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2016.1147029.
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Zumofen, Guillaume, and Marlène Gerber. "Effects of Issue‐Specific Political Advertisements in the 2015 Parliamentary Elections of Switzerland." Swiss Political Science Review 24, no. 4 (2018): 442–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12333.
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Jackman, Robert W. "Political Institutions and Voter Turnout in the Industrial Democracies." American Political Science Review 81, no. 2 (1987): 405–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1961959.
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Differences in voter turnout among industrial democracies are a function of political institutions and electoral law. Specifically, the presence of nationally competitive electoral districts provides incentives for parties and candidates to mobilize voters everywhere, thereby increasing turnout. Disproportionality in the translation of votes into legislative seats provides a disincentive to voting, which lowers turnout. Multipartyism assigns elections a less decisive role in government formation, depressing turnout. By generating more decisive governments, unicameralism provides a clearer link between elections and legislation, increasing turnout. Finally, mandatory voting laws produce a disincentive to not vote. Empirical analyses of average voter-turnout levels in the 1970s and 1960s across 19 democracies are consistent with these expectations, although Switzerland and the United States appear to be outliers. The results have major implications for the way we interpret national differences in voter-turnout rates.
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Fedorov, Vladislav. "Public opinion about electronic voting in Europe as illustrated by YouTube." Przegląd Europejski, no. 4-2021 (December 9, 2021): 131–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.4.21.8.
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The article presents the results of the analysis of the political news about electronic voting published on YouTube. The purpose of the research is to reveal an attitude towards electronic voting that is formed in YouTube videos, because it is a powerful channel for forming public opinion. In the focus of attention there are four countries that have made the electronic voting a widely used practice (Belgium, Estonia, Switzerland and Russia). The author bases his research on the hypothesis that the decision of a voter to take part or not to take part in elections will be influenced by the information he or she has learnt about electronic voting from the news – especially attitudes towards the voting, expressed by other users of YouTube. The research results demonstrate that in Belgium the electronic voting is treated neutrally, while in Estonia and Switzerland it is positively regarded. As for Russia, the attitude is negative
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Siaroff, Alan, and John W. A. Merer. "Parliamentary Election Turnout in Europe since 1990." Political Studies 50, no. 5 (2002): 916–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00400.
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This article examines the cross-national variations in turnout for parliamentary elections in Europe since 1990 – a continent with a vast range in turnout levels and some clear subregional patterns, especially that of low turnout in East-Central Europe. A full range of socio-economic, mobilizational, party system, institutional, and contextual factors are examined for bivariate relationships with turnout. A multivariate model then indicates that cross-national turnout is higher where there is strictly enforced compulsory voting, in polarized two-party systems and countries with a high level of party membership, and where there are no relevant elected presidents or strong regional governments. Variances on these and other key factors are what accounts for the subregional pattern of East-Central Europe and the highest turnout case of Malta; however, Switzerland is confirmed to be a significant national dummy variable.
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ALEKSANDROWICZ, Maciej. "Parlament Szwajcarii. Uwarunkowania historyczne i współczesność." Przegląd Sejmowy 6(161) (2020): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2020.78.
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The purpose of the article is to define the specific features of the Swiss system. Some of these features could lead to the conclusion that one of the foundations of democracy, the principle of separation of powers, has been normatively rejected in that country. The formula of parliamentary supreme supervision over other authorities, which has been present in Swiss constitutional law since 1848, when literally reading a provision of the Constitution and in isolation from other regulations, may indicate not only an advantage, but even the subordination of the State apparatus to Members of Parliament. It would, therefore, be possible to speak of the dictatorship of the group that won the elections. The reference to historical experience and political practice shows that in Switzerland — although the position of the legislature is normatively dominant — we are dealing not only with a relationship of mutual inhibition of the authorities, but also with their traditionally determined cooperation. If we add to this a factor of control by citizens in the form of numerous and actually implemented solutions of direct democracy, we get an image of Switzerland as a democratic state in which the authorities respect the will of sovereignty.
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Eschet-Schwarz, André. "La démocratic semi-directe en Suisse: entre la théorie et la réalité: 1879–1987." Canadian Journal of Political Science 22, no. 4 (1989): 739–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900020230.
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AbstractThe semi-direct democracy in Switzerland during the period 1879-1987 is a favourable ground for checking some assumptions related to the theory of participatory democracy such as those involving the inherent characteristics of the popular majority. This article presents a comparative description of the specific features of the referenda votes and general elections in representative democracies. Some aspects of the political behaviour in the Swiss cantons and at the federal level are analyzed as are the fluctuations in referenda participation in relation to institutional factors, competition intensity and the number of signatures collected. Different aspects of amicable agreement democracy, the functioning of interest groups and their relationship to the level of participation are subjects of comprehensive discussion.
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Gavrik, R. "On the prospects of introduction of electronic voting in Ukraine in the context of implementation of the concept of development of electronic democracy and digitalization." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 70 (June 18, 2022): 293–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.70.45.
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In a scientific article, the author conducted a scientific study of the prospects for the introduction of electronic voting in Ukraine in the context of the concept of e-democracy and digitalization. Based on the study, the author concluded that the legal basis for the introduction of electronic voting in Ukraine is the order of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine of November 8, 2017 № 797-r, which approved the Concept of e-democracy in Ukraine and action plan for its implementation. also the order of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine of June 12, 2019 № 405-r, which approved the action plan for the implementation of this Concept for 2019- 2020. Despite the fact that these documents provided for the development and submission to the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine of the draft Law of Ukraine “On Electronic Voting” in the third quarter of 2020, but so far this bill has not been developed. On the other hand, the Law of Ukraine “On the All-Ukrainian Referendum” was adopted, which establishes the possibility of using electronic voting, which should be carried out by means of an automated information and telecommunication system. Based on the content of the adopted law, the technology of e-voting in Ukraine remains unclear, but it is possible to use the experience of Estonia, Switzerland or France, which successfully use e-voting during elections and referendums. There are currently no documents concerning the introduction of electronic voting in the elections of the President of Ukraine, People’s Deputies of Ukraine and local elections. The application of the e-voting system in Ukraine through the use of the Estonian experience will increase the opportunities for more voters to vote, for whom a direct visit to the polling station was problematic; eliminate the human factor in the processing and counting of votes, as this counting will be automated; speed up the counting process. At the same time, given the current threats to cybersecurity and the possibility of unauthorized interference in the work of automated information and telecommunications systems, there may be threats of interference in the process of processing the election results
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Schmidl, Erwin A. "Lukewarm Neutrality in a Cold War? The Case of Austria." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 4 (2016): 36–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00679.
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Geographically, Austria's position during the Cold War differed significantly from that of Switzerland or Sweden, let alone Ireland. Austria, like Finland, was situated along the Iron Curtain. In 1945, Austria was divided between East and West, and the Soviet Union hoped that the Austrian Communists could quickly gain power by largely democratic means. This effort failed, however, when the Communists lost decisively in the November 1945 elections. Over the next decade, Austria remained under Soviet and Western military occupation. The formal adoption of a neutral status for Austria in May 1955, when the Austrian State Treaty was signed, was a compromise needed to ensure the departure of Soviet forces from Austria. Although some other orientation might have been preferred, neutrality over time became firmly engrained in Austria's collective identity.
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Strezhneva, M. "Structuring of Political Space in European Union (the end)." World Economy and International Relations, no. 1 (2010): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-1-61-72.
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Emergence of the EU political system led to the denationalization of its economic space. This political system can be characterized as a democratic one. Yet through European elections, the European citizens do not elect the government acting at the supranational level. It is not them, but the European political class, who determines the integration agenda. The article exposes а linkage between changing parameters of political democracy in the EU member states and transition from centralized national governance to a multilevel one (MLG), accompanied by development of new governance modes. Participatory democracy serves in the EU as an important supplement for representative democracy. Privileged partners (such as Switzerland or Norway) are allowed to participate in the MLG. Yet representatives of the transnational European civil society or governments of those states, which are not full EU members, are not admitted to the decision-making stage.
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Rudych, S. "The Role and Place of the Opposition in the Political System of Switzerland." Problems of World History, no. 19 (October 27, 2022): 82–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-5.
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The article considers the role and the way of functioning of the opposition in the political system of the Swiss Confederation.It is shown that the absence of an opposition in the political life of the country in the traditional sense is explained by the agreement or concordance between the main political forces, drawn up officially in the form of the so-called “magic formula”. A federal government functioning according to this principle in combination with a well-developed mechanism of direct, or more precisely, semi-direct referendum democracy: on the one hand, it allows the effective implementation of the constitutional right of citizens to participate in the political life of the country, and on the other hand, it allows to avoid permanent parliamentary and governmental crises. Particular attention is paid to the Swiss People’s Party, a powerful political force that has consistently achieved high results in parliamentary elections over the past ten years and has every right to consider itself as opposition party. In this connection, the author raises the question of the possibility of using the political system existing today in Switzerland, and, even more so, the way the opposition functions, as a model for other countries? The publication reveals in detail how the institution of direct democracy works in practice. It is emphasized that the people’s initiative and the referendum give the citizen the opportunity to constantly influence the constitutional process in the state and bring projects developed by the government to the people’s court. Frequent appeals to voters in this way forces society to constantly worry about topical political issues. At the same time, large authoritative parties use this right less often than small social organizations or extra-parliamentary opposition groups. In addition, the Swiss manage in this way to constantly keep the political course of the government under control, and the Federal Council, according to the country’s constitution, must constantly consult with the people, who express their opinion on political proposals by dropping ballots into the voting baskets. At the same time, it is emphasized that the main challenge to Swiss federalism lies not in the multiculturalism of the nation, which did not develop as a result of the immigration of citizens, as, for example, in the USA, Canada or Australia, but on the contrary, has its roots in the age-old history of the communities that originally lived in Switzerland. Switzerland’s relations with the European Union during the last twenty years are briefly described. Characterizing Ukrainian-Swiss relations, the author emphasizes the importance that Switzerland has for our country, particularly in the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine. The advantages and disadvantages of direct referendum democracy are analyzed. Certain conclusions are drawn regarding the possibility of using Swiss experience in the political life of other countries.
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Carmack, Meagan, Nives Dolšak, and Aseem Prakash. "Electoral appeal of climate policies: The Green New Deal and the 2020 U.S. House of Representatives elections." PLOS Climate 1, no. 6 (2022): e0000043. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pclm.0000043.
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Climate issues widely feature in policy discussions, but it is not clear if voters reward politicians who champion climate policies. In some countries, candidates and parties with an explicit climate agenda have done well in elections (Switzerland and Germany being recent examples) while in other cases, voters have either ignored climate issues or punished candidates/parties for their climate positions (Australia, the U.K., and Canada). Focusing on the U.S. as a case study, we examine the electoral appeal of the Green New Deal (GND) legislative proposal which outlined a vision for a sustainable and equitable economy. Different versions of the GND policy idea have been adopted across the world. The GND was introduced in the US Congress in 2019 and was endorsed by 102 of the 232 House Democrats, but not by a single Republican. Our analysis finds an association between Democrats’ endorsement of the GND and a 2.01 percentage point increase in their vote share, even after controlling for the 2018 vote share. Unlike most western democracies, the U.S. is a laggard on climate issues. Yet, we find that U.S. voters reward legislators who advocate an ambitious climate policy agenda.
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Leuthold, Heinrich, Michael Hermann, and Sara Irina Fabrikant. "Making the Political Landscape Visible: Mapping and Analyzing Voting Patterns in an Ideological Space." Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design 34, no. 5 (2007): 785–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/b3304t.
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This paper investigates the applicability of knowledge domain mapping for analyzing political science data. Utilizing metaphorical-space models grounded on political science theory, and applying sound cartographic visualization techniques, we demonstrate the construction and analysis of knowledge domain maps for exploring voting behaviour in Switzerland. We digitally transformed the results of Swiss popular referenda of the last twenty years to generate a 3-dimensional semantic space representing the current political landscape of Switzerland. The whole country is depicted in this semantic political space at various spatial scales. Locations in this spatialization represent aggregated voting outcomes from cities, regions, and provinces. Special attention was given to the interpretation of the resulting spatial configuration. This includes the assignment of meaning to the axes of the 3D space, depicted in two dimensions. Armed with political science theory locations in the voting behaviour space can be analyzed and the resulting political pattern can be interpreted meaningfully. The spatialized views were disseminated to the public after recent Swiss elections. The initial feedback from domain specialists and decision-makers alike has been very encouraging. Measured by high number of substantive reactions and wide-spread feedback on these spatializations of voting behaviour one could deduce that these abstract views were readily accepted and understood by public administrators, political party leaders, and the politically interested public. Based on these experiences we conclude the paper with a first attempt at identifying design recommendation for spatializing multidimensional political datasets.
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BLAIS, ANDRÉ, AGNIESKA DOBRZYNSKA, and INDRIDI H. INDRIDASON. "To Adopt or Not to Adopt Proportional Representation: The Politics of Institutional Choice." British Journal of Political Science 35, no. 1 (2004): 182–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123405000098.
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In September 1864, the Association Internationale pour le Progrès des Sciences Sociales met in Amsterdam to examine the system of proportional representation (PR) which had just been proposed by Thomas Hare. The meeting signalled a growing interest in systems of PR across the more democratic nations of the world – some of which had already begun experimenting with it. Sixty years later, the majority of existing democracies, including Austria, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Luxemburg, Malta, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden and Switzerland, had adopted PR for the election of their national legislatures.Why did so many countries decide to shift to PR? Why did the shift occur at a given point in time, not earlier or later? Why did some countries never move to PR? These are the questions that we address in this Note.We are interested in exploring the factors that influenced the decision to adopt PR at the turn of the twentieth century. We argue that two factors of considerable theoretical relevance were particularly important in facilitating the shift to PR: the spread of democratic ideas and the presence of a majority (usually two-round) system and, as a consequence, a multi-party system.Carstairs's classic history of electoral systems shows that at the turn of the twentieth century there was a strong demand for PR, which was linked to a more general demand for democratization. As Carstairs notes,there was a general movement in the direction of more democratic political institutions which took several different forms … There was a movement for the establishment or strengthening of parliamentary institutions … Extensions of the franchise for parliamentary elections enabled an increasingly large proportion of the population to gain representation in parliament … With these developments it became a matter of increasing concern that the elected members of parliament and the parties they supported should fairly represent the various interests and opinions of the electorate.
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Allio, Lorenzo. "Regulatory Impact Assessment." European Journal of Risk Regulation 2, no. 4 (2011): 582–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1867299x00001653.
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The Swiss Federal Council (FC, the Swiss government) published a report on reducing administrative burdens on business in August 2011, in which it addressed also the performance of Regulatory Impact Analysis (RIA) at the federal level. The report reviews the measures undertaken by the FC since 2007 and sketches initiatives to be launched throughout the next four years. Administrative simplification and the reduction of regulatory costs have gained on relevance in the Swiss policy and political debate in the past few months – not least as a part of the campaign for the national political elections held in October 2011, with the economic crisis as a background. A national political party has launched a popular initiative against over-bureaucratisation, and the issue is brought forward by a number of stakeholders too.The August 2011 report also fits into a wider debate about the legitimacy of RIA systems and the right balance between their effectiveness and efficiency. This brief note draws from a comprehensive evaluation of the system of in-depth RIAs in Switzerland, which supported the government's report and developed some avenues for further investigating those dimensions.
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Lijphart, Arend. "The Pattern of Electoral Rules in the United States: a Deviant Case among the Industralized Democracies." Government and Opposition 20, no. 1 (1985): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1985.tb01065.x.
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THE UNITED STATES IS THE WORLD'S SECOND LARGEST DEMOcracy (after India) and the largest of the older well-established democracies, with a very long and uninterrupted history of free elections. For this reason, it can be argued that the American democratic example has been and, should be an important model for other countries to follow. This article will focus on one important aspect of the American democratic system - the pattern of electoral rules - and it will emphasize the striking differences between the American electoral process and that of most other democracies. This contrast obviously affects the applicability of the American model to other countries that may be in the process of revising their electoral rules: because the United States is a deviant case in almost all respects, it presents clear alternatives to the more common attern but also dternatives that are so radical that they may ge difficult to transplant. The democracies with which the American pattern of electoral systems will be compared and contrasted are the 20 countries which, Me the United States, have been democratic without interruption for a relatively long time, that is, since approximately the end of the Second world War: the four large West European countries (Great Britain, France, West Germany, and Italy), the five Nordic countries (Sweden, Denmark, Norway, Finland, and Iceland), the Benelux countries (the Netherlands, Belgium and Luxembourg), Ireland, Switzerland, Austria, and five countries outside Europe (Canada, Israel, Japan, Australia, and New Zealand).
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Rovinskaya, T. "Political Ambitions of European “Pirates”." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2015): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-7-72-84.
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The paper thoroughly examines the ideological essence, political goals, structure, electoral achievements and international protest activities of the Pirate Movement, consisting of national Pirate Parties worldwide and the Pirate Parties International. The Pirate ideology arose in mid-2000s in response to information society biases, and is paying special attention to the freedom of non-commercial information exchange in the Internet, individual privacy, transparency of state politics and direct citizens' involvement with flexible Internet-tools (Liquid Democracy concept). This relatively new political force has made a vivid progress in electoral field within a short time (since 2006 till present). The representatives of the most successful Pirate Parties (in Germany, Austria, Czech Republic, the Netherlands, Switzerland, France, Spain, Croatia and Iceland) hold deputy's seats in municipal, regional, national and supranational state agencies, including the European Parliament. In many other countries of the world the "Pirates" are also registered officially and participate in elections; in some countries the Pirate Parties are active, though not yet registered. Except for electoral activity, the Pirate Parties organize joint protest campaigns against national laws/state programs and international agreements that violate the information freedom and civil rights (i.e. PRISM, ACTA). These campaigns also serve for unification and growth of the international Pirate Movement. The Pirate Parties have quickly transformed from populist groups into a political force aspiring to equitable participation in political process along with traditional political parties, challenging them in a certain way. The Pirate ideology will be in demand as long as it will give a resultative solution for specific problems of a post-industrial society in the context of democracy.
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Rachwał, Marcin. "Władza ludu czy elit politycznych? Próba zdefiniowania współczesnej demokracji." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 1 (June 19, 2018): 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2013.18.1.5.
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Taking into consideration the etymology of the concept, it seems obvious that democracy stands for the power of the people. It needs to be borne in mind, however, that the concept of democracy was coined in Antiquity and served to describe the political reality at the time. The premises and practice of modern democratic states have considerably diverted from the ancient model. It therefore seems justifiable to ask whether democracy continues to stand for the power of the people. From the point of view of Ch. W. Mills, for instance, the power of the people is an idealistic intention and a noble postulate rather than a realistically achievable political phenomenon. He is not alone in this opinion. Therefore, the question arises of how to define modern democracy. Bearing in mind the considerable variety of current democratic states, it can be assumed that modern democracy is a system where the authorities are publicly accountable to the citizens, who act by means of elected representatives that compete and cooperate with one another. In other words, democracy is the power of a political elite controlled by the people via cyclical, competitive elections. Direct democracy needs to be highlighted here, as it is considerably closer to the etymology of the word ‘democracy’ and its Greek roots. Apart from Switzerland, however, the instruments of direct democracy are tools construed not for the citizens but rather for an opposition that can use them in order to build their position. In this manner the institutions that, by definition, should belong to the citizens have become instruments used by the political elite.
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Karmanis, Karmanis. "ELECTRONIC-VOTING (E-VOTING) DAN PEMILIHAN UMUM (Studi Komparasi di Indonesia, Brazil, India, Swiss dan Australia)." MIMBAR ADMINISTRASI FISIP UNTAG Semarang 18, no. 2 (2021): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.56444/mia.v18i2.2526.
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<p><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Indonesia sebagai negara demokrasi sudah menggunakan metode <em>E-Voting</em> sebagai sarana demokrasi, walaupun baru diterapkan di tingkat pemilihan kepala dusun dan kepala desa. Sistem pemungutan suara elektronik (<em>e-voting</em>) harus diseriusi dan menjamin transparansi, kepastian, keamanan akuntabilitas, dan akurasi. Selain kesiapan teknologi, tentunya harus didukung dengan kesiapan masyarakat dalam melaksanakan sistem <em>e-voting</em> ini ke depannya. Ketidaksiapan dan kurangnya sosialisasi pemerintah terhadap <em>e-voting</em> juga dapat menjadi faktor pemicu kegagalan dalam penerapan sistem ini. Sejak pandemi Covid-19 yang menyebar diseluruh dunia, melumpuhkan kegiatan manusia khusus di Indonesia. Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Indonesia yang diselenggarakan pada 9 Desember 2020 mengalami polemik <em>physical distancing</em> ditengah pandemi Covid-19. Penerapan sistem <em>E-Voting</em> telah dilakukan oleh beberapa negara misalkan di Brajil, India, Swiss dan Australia mendapatkan respon positif dalam masyarakat, namun juga terdapat kekurangan dalam pelaksanaannya. Metode penelitian diskriptif kwalitatif dengan pendekatan perbandingan data sekunder. Hasil penelitian ini, sistem <em>E-Voting</em> dalam Pemilihan Umum dapat meningkatkan nilai demokrasi khusus peningkatan partisipasi masyarakat dan memberikan keefektivan serta keefesienan dalam proses pemilihan berlangsung. Namun, penerapan sistem <em>E-Voting</em> masih terkendala dengan adanya <em>hacker</em> yang bisa membobol sistem serta kesiapan pemerintah dalam penggunaan <em>E-Voting.</em></p><p><strong><em> </em></strong></p><p><strong>Kata kunci: E-Voting, Pemilu, Dan Demokrasi</strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong><em> Abstract</em></strong></p><p><em>Indonesia as a democratic country has used the E-Voting method as a means of democracy, even though it has only been implemented at the level of election of hamlet heads and village heads. Electronic voting systems must be taken seriously and ensure transparency, certainty, security, accountability and accuracy. In addition to technological readiness, of course, it must be supported by the readiness of the community to implement this e-voting system in the future. The government's unpreparedness and lack of socialization of e-voting can also be a trigger factor for failure in implementing this system. Since the Covid-19 pandemic, which has spread throughout the world, has paralyzed human activities, especially in Indonesia. The Regional Head Election in Indonesia which was held on December 9, 2020 experienced a polemic of Physical Distancing amid the Covid-19 Pandemic. The implementation of the E-Voting system has been carried out by several countries, for example in Brazil, India, Switzerland and Australia, getting a positive response in the community, but there are also shortcomings in its implementation. Qualitative descriptive research method using a comparative approach using secondary data.The results of this study, the E-Voting system in General Elections can increase the value of democracy, especially increasing public participation and providing effectiveness and efficiency in the electoral process. However, the implementation of the E-Voting system is still constrained by the presence of hackers who can break into the system and the government's readiness to use E-Voting.</em></p><p><em> </em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords: E-Voting, Election, and Democracy</em></strong><strong><em></em></strong></p><div id="gtx-trans" style="position: absolute; left: 267px; top: 315px;"> </div>
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Mueller, Sean, Adrian Vatter, and Markus Freitag. "Symposium: Switzerland's New Challenge - Governing After the 2015 Elections." Swiss Political Science Review 22, no. 1 (2016): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12204.
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Suter, Benjamin. "Appointment, Discipline and Removal of Judges: A Comparison of the Swiss and New Zealand Judiciaries." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 46, no. 2 (2015): 267. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v46i2.4924.
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This article gives an overview of the legal system of Switzerland and then compares the judiciaries of Switzerland and New Zealand. As far as Switzerland is concerned, it covers both the system of the Swiss Federation and the systems in the cantons. After analysing the powers enjoyed by the judiciary via the legislature, the article examines the appointment of judges in detail. The author explains how, in Switzerland, openly political and other considerations are weighed in the course of electing judges and how the appointment of lay judges is balanced with an active role of law clerks. In contrast, New Zealand has a proud tradition of apolitical judicial appointments that are made solely based on merit. The author criticises that Swiss judges are elected for a term of office, whereas New Zealand judges enjoy the security of tenure and thus, a greater judicial independence. Lastly, the article covers the removal and discipline of judges, where the author, while he commends the recent reform in New Zealand, he advocates for a system where the ultimate decision is given to an independent judicial body rather than a parliament.
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Dupuis, Monique, and Christian Schirlo. "The clinical electives year in undergraduate medical training in Switzerland: an overview." Zeitschrift für Evidenz, Fortbildung und Qualität im Gesundheitswesen 106, no. 2 (2012): 85–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.zefq.2011.12.006.
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Imbeau, Louis M. "Public Deficits and Surpluses in Federated States: A Review of the Public Choice Empirical Literature." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 23, no. 3 (2004): 123–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569204x15664514694005.
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Abstract The purpose of this paper is to review the empirical public choice literature explaining deficits levels in federated states. First, I describe theoretical constructs, showing how new theories have developed by releasing one of the basic Ricardo-Barro assumptions. Empirical results bearing on die federated states of Australia, Canada, Germany, Switzerland, and the United States are then reviewed to assess which hypothesis, in which setting, is confirmed by systematic observation. On the whole, this literature shows that economic cycles have an impact on budget balances. It also shows that deficits are higher in election years in German Länder, Canadian provinces, and American states, but not in Australian states nor in Swiss cantons. In addition, the literature tends to support the hypothesis that the stringency of budgetary rules is related to higher budget balances in Canada, Switzerland, and in the United States. Finally, government fragmentation has no impact on the budget balances of federated states and parties of the left do not have higher deficits than parties of the right, except in Switzerland where empirical evidence is mixed. Rather, parties of the center or of the right do have higher deficits in German Länder and in Canadian provinces. In the concluding section, I discuss two issues: the impact of rules, and the partisan cycle hypothesis.
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Imbeau, Louis M. "Public Deficits and Surpluses in Federated States: A Review of the Public Choice Empirical Literature." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 22, no. 3 (2004): 123–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569204x15668904587205.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The purpose of this paper is to review the empirical public choice literature explaining deficits levels in federated states. First, I describe theoretical constructs, showing how new theories have developed by releasing one of the basic Ricardo-Barro assumptions. Empirical results bearing on the federated states of Australia, Canada, Germany, Switzerland, and the United States are then reviewed to assess which hypothesis, in which setting, is confirmed by systematic observation. On the whole, this literature shows that economic cycles have an impact on budget balances. It also shows that deficits are higher in election years in German Lander, Canadian provinces, and American states, but not in Australian states nor in Swiss cantons. In addition, the literature tends to support the hypothesis that the stringency of budgetary rules is related to higher budget balances in Canada, Switzerland, and in the United States. Finally, government fragmentation has no impact on the budget balances of federated states and parties of the left do not have higher deficits than parties of the right, except in Switzerland where empirical evidence is mixed. Rather, parties of the center or of the right do have higher deficits in German Lander and in Canadian provinces. In the concluding section, I discuss two issues: the impact of rules, and the partisan cycle hypothesis.
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Ladner, Andreas. "Size and Direct Democracy at the Local Level: The Case of Switzerland." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 20, no. 6 (2002): 813–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c0226.
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After a brief look the most important characteristics of Swiss municipalities, this paper describes the municipalities' organization according to the principles of direct democracy and means of decisionmaking. Drawing on empirical findings, it then examines size effects more closely. Whether legislative decisions are taken in a direct democratic assembly or in a representative parliament largely depends on the size of a municipality: smaller municipalities have an assembly, larger ones a parliament. By contrast, direct democratic instruments such as initiatives and referendums are not necessarily more widespread in larger municipalities. The use of initiatives and referendums is higher in larger municipalities, but assembly attendance and election turnout clearly decreases with increasing municipal size. The strength of the size effect varies considerably depending on the different variables of direct democracy under scrutiny.
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Ladner, Andreas. "Switzerland’s successful green parties in the federal election of 20 October 2019: close to entering government?" Environmental Politics 29, no. 3 (2020): 552–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644016.2020.1747137.
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Nai, Alessandro, and Ferran Martínez i Coma. "Losing in the Polls, Time Pressure, and the Decision to Go Negative in Referendum Campaigns." Politics and Governance 7, no. 2 (2019): 278–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i2.1940.
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Why do parties and candidates decide to go negative? Research usually starts from the assumption that this decision is strategic, and within this framework two elements stand out: the prospect of electoral failure increases the use of negative campaigning, and so does time pressure (little reaming time to convince voters before election day). In this article, we contribute to this framework by testing two new expectations: (i) political actors are more likely to go negative when they face unfavourable competitive standings <em>and</em> voting day is near; and (ii) they are <em>less</em> likely to go negative when they faced a substantive degradation in their competitive standing over the course of the campaign. We test these expectations on a rich database of newspaper ads about national referenda in Switzerland and provide preliminary empirical evidence consistent with those expectations. The results have important implications for existing research on the strategic underpinnings of campaigning and political communication.
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Wilczek, Bartosz. "Misinformation and herd behavior in media markets: A cross-national investigation of how tabloids’ attention to misinformation drives broadsheets’ attention to misinformation in political and business journalism." PLOS ONE 15, no. 11 (2020): e0241389. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0241389.
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This study develops and tests a theoretical framework, which draws on herd behavior literature and explains how and under what conditions tabloids’ attention to misinformation drives broadsheets’ attention to misinformation. More specifically, the study analyzes all cases of political and business misinformation in Switzerland and the U.K. between 2002 and 2018, which are selected based on corresponding Swiss and U.K. press councils’ rulings (N = 114). The findings show that during amplifying events (i.e., election campaigns and economic downturns) tabloids allocate more attention to political and business misinformation, which, in turn, drives broadsheets to allocate more attention to the misinformation as well–and especially if the misinformation serves broadsheets’ ideological goals. Moreover, the findings show differences between Swiss and U.K. media markets only in the case of business misinformation and suggest that the attention allocation process depends in particular on the strength of the amplifying event in a media market. Thereby, this study contributes to the understanding of how and under what conditions misinformation spreads in media markets.
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Lipps, Oliver, and Nicolas Pekari. "Sample Representation and Substantive Outcomes Using Web With and Without Incentives Compared to Telephone in an Election Survey." Journal of Official Statistics 32, no. 1 (2016): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jos-2016-0008.
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Abstract The objective of this article is to understand how the change of mode from telephone to web affects data quality in terms of sample representation and substantive variable bias. To this end, an experiment, consisting of a web survey with and without a prepaid incentive, was conducted alongside the telephone Swiss election survey. All three designs used identical questionnaires and probability samples drawn from a national register of individuals. First, our findings show that differences in completion rates mostly reflect different levels of coverage in the two modes. Second, incentives in the web survey strongly increase completion rates of all person groups, with the exception of people without Internet access or limited computer literacy. Third, we find voting behavior to be much closer to official figures in the web with the incentive version compared to the two other designs. However, this is partly due to the different sociodemographic compositions of the samples. Other substantive results suggest that the incentive version includes harder-to-reach respondents. Unit costs are much lower in the two web designs compared to the telephone, including when a relatively high incentive is used. We conclude that in countries with high Internet penetration rates such as Switzerland, web surveys are already likely to be highly competitive.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 69, no. 1-2 (1995): 143–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002650.
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-Sidney W. Mintz, Paget Henry ,C.L.R. James' Caribbean. Durham: Duke University Press, 1992. xvi + 287 pp., Paul Buhle (eds)-Allison Blakely, Jan M. van der Linde, Over Noach met zijn zonen: De Cham-ideologie en de leugens tegen Cham tot vandaag. Utrecht: Interuniversitair Instituut voor Missiologie en Oecumenica, 1993. 160 pp.-Helen I. Safa, Edna Acosta-Belén ,Researching women in Latin America and the Caribbean. Boulder CO: Westview, 1993. x + 201 pp., Christine E. Bose (eds)-Helen I. Safa, Janet H. Momsen, Women & change in the Caribbean: A Pan-Caribbean Perspective. Bloomington: Indiana University Press; Kingston: Ian Randle, 1993. x + 308 pp.-Paget Henry, Janet Higbie, Eugenia: The Caribbean's Iron Lady. London: Macmillan, 1993. 298 pp.-Kathleen E. McLuskie, Moira Ferguson, Subject to others: British women writers and Colonial Slavery 1670-1834. New York: Routledge, 1992. xii + 465 pp.-Samuel Martínez, Senaida Jansen ,Género, trabajo y etnia en los bateyes dominicanos. Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, Programa de Estudios se la Mujer, 1991. 195 pp., Cecilia Millán (eds)-Michiel Baud, Roberto Cassá, Movimiento obrero y lucha socialista en la República Dominicana (desde los orígenes hasta 1960). Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1990. 620 pp.-Paul Farmer, Robert Lawless, Haiti's Bad Press. Rochester VT: Schenkman Press, 1992. xxvii + 261 pp.-Bill Maurer, Karen Fog Olwig, Global culture, Island identity: Continuity and change in the Afro-Caribbean Community of Nevis. Chur, Switzerland: Harwood Academic Publishers, 1993. xi + 239 pp.-Viranjini Munasinghe, Kevin A. Yelvington, Trinidad Ethnicity. Knoxville: University of Tennesee Press, 1993. vii + 296 pp.-Kevin K. Birth, Christine Ho, Salt-water Trinnies: Afro-Trinidadian Immigrant Networks and Non-Assimilation in Los Angeles. New York: AMS Press, 1991. xvi + 237 pp.-Steven Gregory, Andrés Isidoro Pérez y Mena, Speaking with the dead: Development of Afro-Latin Religion among Puerto Ricans in the United States. A study into the Interpenetration of civilizations in the New World. New York: AMS Press, 1991. xvi + 273 pp.-Frank Jan van Dijk, Mihlawhdh Faristzaddi, Itations of Jamaica and I Rastafari (The Second Itation, the Revelation). Miami: Judah Anbesa Ihntahnah-shinahl, 1991.-Derwin S. Munroe, Nelson W. Keith ,The Social Origins of Democratic Socialism in Jamaica. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992. xxiv + 320 pp., Novella Z. Keith (eds)-Virginia Heyer Young, Errol Miller, Education for all: Caribbean Perspectives and Imperatives. Washington DC: Inter-American Development Bank, 1992. 267 pp.-Virginia R. Dominguez, Günter Böhm, Los sefardíes en los dominios holandeses de América del Sur y del Caribe, 1630-1750. Frankfurt: Vervuert, 1992. 243 pp.-Virginia R. Dominguez, Robert M. Levine, Tropical diaspora: The Jewish Experience in Cuba. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1993. xvii + 398 pp.-Aline Helg, John L. Offner, An unwanted war: The diplomacy of the United States and Spain over Cuba, 1895-1898. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992. xii + 306 pp.-David J. Carroll, Eliana Cardoso ,Cuba after Communism. Cambridge MA: MIT Press, 1992. xiii + 148 pp., Ann Helwege (eds)-Antoni Kapcia, Ian Isadore Smart, Nicolás Guillén: Popular Poet of the Caribbean. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1990. 187 pp.-Sue N. Greene, Moira Ferguson, The Hart Sisters: Early African Caribbean Writers, Evangelicals, and Radicals. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993. xi + 214 pp.-Michael Craton, James A. Lewis, The final campaign of the American revolution: Rise and fall of the Spanish Bahamas. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1991. xi + 149 pp.-David Geggus, Clarence J. Munford, The black ordeal of slavery and slave trading in the French West Indies, 1625-1715. Lewiston NY: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1991. 3 vols. xxii + 1054 pp.-Paul E. Sigmund, Timothy P. Wickham-Crowley, Guerillas and Revolution in Latin America: A comparative Study of Insurgents and Regimes since 1956. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992. xx + 424 pp.-Robert E. Millette, Patrick A.M. Emmanuel, Elections and Party Systems in the Commonwealth Caribbean, 1944-1991. St. Michael, Barbados: Caribbean Development Research Services, 1992. viii + 111 pp.-Robert E. Millette, Donald C. Peters, The Democratic System in the Eastern Caribbean. Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 1992. xiv + 242 pp.-Pedro A. Cabán, Arnold H. Liebowitz, Defining status: A comprehensive analysis of United States Territorial Relations. Boston & Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1989. xxii + 757 pp.-John O. Stewart, Stuart H. Surlin ,Mass media and the Caribbean. New York: Gordon & Breach, 1990. xviii + 471 pp., Walter C. Soderlund (eds)-William J. Meltzer, Antonio V. Menéndez Alarcón, Power and television in Latin America: The Dominican Case. Westport CT: Praeger, 1992. 199 pp.
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Koetter, Matthias. "Freedom, Security and (the) Public(ity): Notes on the 2008 Heidelberg Conference of German-speaking Public Law Assistants." German Law Journal 9, no. 5 (2008): 737–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200000080.
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In the last week of February 2008, the University Assistants of Public Law from Germany, Austria, and Switzerland came together in Heidelberg for their annual conference to discuss “Security, Freedom and (the) Public(ity).” A better date for the meeting could not have been chosen; on the day the conference started, the German Constitutional Court declared online searches by German intelligence agencies to be unconstitutional and came up with a new dimension of human rights protection for the privacy of computer network systems. This pathbreaking jurisprudence was omnipresent at the conference; it had already been in the opening-speech by Justice Brun-Otto Bryde (Gießen), a member of the First Senate of the Constitutional Court, which was to render its decision the very next day. It was brought up in numerous discussions during the conference and it was the main topic on the panel discussion with Paul Kirchhof (Heidelberg), a former Justice in the same Senate who was known as the “Professor from Heidelberg” during Angela Merkel's 2006 election campaign, and Fredrik Roggan, a Berlin lawyer and chairman of the civil rights association “Humanistische Union,” who argued the case before the Court. Perhaps it was all a coincidence, but questions of freedom and security have remained on the everyday agenda, in a political context as well as constitutional debates, ever since September 11, 2001.
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Naveed, Ayesha, and Damber Kumar Nirola. "Mental health in Bhutan." International Psychiatry 9, no. 1 (2012): 11–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600002915.
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The Kingdom of Bhutan lies in the folds of the eastern Himalayas, sandwiched between India to the south and China to the north. It has a total area of 38394 km2, which is roughly the size of Switzerland, and a population of a little over 70 0000 (Royal Government of Bhutan, 2002). It is a mountainous country, except for a small flat strip in the southern foothills. The official language is Dzongha, but English is widely spoken. English is the medium of instruction from pre-primary level onwards. In 1999 Bhutan allowed viewing of television and use of the internet, as a step towards modernisation. In the early 20th century, Bhutan came into contact with the British Empire; Bhutan maintains strong bilateral relations with India. Business Week magazine in 2006 rated Bhutan the happiest country in Asia and the eighth happiest in the world, based on a global survey. Bhutan is in fact the only country where happiness is measured in the form of an index, ‘Gross National Happiness’. The main religion practised in the country is Buddhism, with Hinduism as the second most prevalent. The capital and largest city is Thimphu. In 2007, Bhutan made the transition from absolute monarchy to constitutional monarchy, and held its first general election in 2008. Bhutan is a member of the United Nations and of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC); it hosted the 16th SAARC summit in April 2010.
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Peker, Efe. "Finding Religion: Immigration and the Populist (Re)Discovery of Christian Heritage in Western and Northern Europe." Religions 13, no. 2 (2022): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13020158.
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Why and in what ways do far-right discourses engage with religion in geographies where religious belief, practice, and public influence are particularly low? This article examines religion’s salience in the rhetoric of leading right-wing populist parties in eight European countries: the Netherlands, Belgium, France, Switzerland, Austria, Sweden, Denmark, and Norway. Based on a qualitative content analysis of various documents such as party programmes, websites, election manifestos, reports, and speeches of their leadership, the article offers insight into the functions that Christianist discourses serve for anti-immigration stances. The findings are threefold: first, they confirm previous research suggesting that while these parties embrace Christianity as a national/civilizational heritage and identity, they are also careful to avoid references to actual belief or practice. Second, the data suggests, their secularized take on Christianity rests not simply on the omission of theological content, but also on the active framing Christianity itself as an inherently secular and progressive religion conducive to democracy. Third, and finally, they starkly contrast this notion of Christianity with Islam, believed to be incompatible due to its alleged backward and violent qualities. Emphasizing religio-cultural hierarchies—rather than ethno-racial ones—plays an indispensable role in presenting a more palatable form of boundary-making against immigrants, and helps these parties mainstream by giving their nativist cause a liberal and enlightened aura. Preliminary comparisons with traditional conservative parties, moreover, reveal that while some of the latter partially embraced a similar nativism, variations remain across countries.
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Seiler, Daniel-Louis. "De la classification des partis politiques." Res Publica 27, no. 1 (1985): 59–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v27i1.20379.
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This article is concerned with the epistemological and methodological problems related to the taxonomy of political parties whett based on noorganizational criteria.The study of parties represents a starting point for modern Political Science : i.e. the seminal researches of Bryce, Ostrogorski and Michels. However this important field of knowledge hasn't known that much progress since the classical Duverger's Political Parties. Why?Two kind of approaches are used in order to classify parties: individualistic versus holistic. «Individualistic classifications» often suffer from a lack of theoretical background. Same of them use a spurious criterium like party names : i.e. Radical means extreme-left in the USA and conservatism in Switzerland, secularist activism in Italy and evangelical left in the Netherlands etc.Some classifications are based on political platforms which is a meaningless criterium: «A general election campaign is about a choice between organizations, not ideas.» (Richard Rose) The third criterium is far better: policies really implemented by political parties. However when properly used it gives a typology of countries, not parties.«Holistic classifications» either functionnalist or marxist opposed each other : the first stressed on equilibrium, the latter on class warfare. One suggests Rokkan's four cleavages paradigm to classify parties : each side of a cleavage should correspond to a definite «Political Family».Which items to use in order to assess a party to a permanent cleavage line ? ( 1) The historical function performed by the party at its creation. (2a) The sociological structure of the party's : electorate, membership and inner group; (2b) The linkage structure between the party and a given network of pressure groups, movements and associations.
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Cas, Raymond A. F. "IAVCEI: from small beginnings to a vibrant international association." History of Geo- and Space Sciences 10, no. 1 (2019): 181–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/hgss-10-181-2019.
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Abstract. The International Association for Volcanology and Chemistry of the Earth's Interior (IAVCEI) was formed following the end of World War I at the inaugural general assembly (GA) of the International Research Council in Brussels in 1919, where the International Union of Geodesy and Geophysics (IUGG) was constituted. IAVCEI was then known as the Section for Volcanology (SV) and was one of six scientific disciplines that made up IUGG. The first president of IAVCEI (or SV) was Annibale Riccò (Italy), its first two vice presidents were Alfred Lacroix (France) and Henry Washington (USA), and the first secretary-general (SG) was Alessandro Malladra (Italy). A secretariat office for SV was established in Naples, Italy, following the first IUGG and SV General Assembly in 1922, in Rome, Italy. At that meeting SV established its own scientific journal called Bulletin volcanologique, the first edition of which was published in 1924 with Alessandro Malladra as the editor. SV officially became the International Association for Volcanology (IAV) in 1933 at the 5th IUGG General Assembly in Lisbon, Portugal. At the 14th IUGG General Assembly in Zurich, Switzerland, in 1967, IAV was renamed IAVCEI in recognition of the importance of geochemistry and geochronology in understanding volcanic processes. Bulletin volcanologique was renamed the Bulletin of Volcanology in 1986, at the time that its editorial board was restructured to be more representative of the international community. IAVCEI became a fully democratic association in 1995 with the introduction of individual membership, which entitled members to nominate, be nominated and vote in the election of the IAVCEI Executive Committee. Although the IUGG By-Laws allowed scientists only from the union's member countries to hold various positions within IUGG, in 2015, the IUGG Council removed this restriction, and now a scientist who is a member of IAVCEI from any country can hold any position in IAVCEI, except the position of the president.
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Bankauskaitė, Gabija. "Respectus Philologicus, 2009 Nr. 16 (21)." Respectus Philologicus, no. 20-25 (October 25, 2009): 1–240. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/respectus.2009.21.
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CONTENTS
 I. PROBLEMS AND SOLUTIONSDanguolė Melnikienė (Lithuania). The Issue of the Addressee in Receptive and Productive Dictionaries...11Eleonora Lassan (Lithuania). The Time of Losers...21Yelena G. Zadvornaya (Belarus). Russian Litanies: Types and Characteristics of the Genre...35Evgeny E. Anikin (France). The 2008 US Presidential Election in the Mirror of Sports Metaphor (in the French Press)...46
 II. FACTS AND REFLECTIONSZinaida D. Popova (Russia). The Ways of Representation of Concepts as a Problem of Cognitive Linguistics... 56Marzena Marczewska (Poland). The Willow Tree in the Medical Folk Rituals...62Natalia Solovyova (Belarus). The Concepts of “War” and “Peace” in the Old Russian Language Picture of the World: The Genesis of Antonymous Relations...73Olga N. Charykova (Russia). National Specificity of Metaphorical Conceptualization of the World...82Dalia Eigirdienė (Lithuania). On the Peculiarities of the Worldview Reflected In Lithuanian and Russian Zoonymic Phraseology...90Aleksandras Krasnovas (Lithuania). Reception Theory and Practice of Reading...96Asija Kovtun (Lithuania). Parallels Between Deconstructionist and Creator – Paul de Man and Czeslaw Milosz...104Lidia Mazur-Mierzwa (Poland). Wislawa Szymborska in Russian Translation...116Jolanta Chwastyk-Kowalczyk (Poland). Memoirs of Lwów Citizens in Exile Published after the World War II...126Gabija Bankauskaitė-Sereikienė, Žydrė Dargužytė (Lithuania). Rainer Maria Rilke’s Ideas in Father Stanislovas’ Sermons...137Tatsiana V. Eromeitchik (Belarus). The Evaluative Focus of Social Advertising in Belarus...150Laima Kalėdienė (Lithuania). The Statistical Approach to Vernacularisms in The Dictionary Of Modern Lithuanian Language...159Asta Kazlauskienė, Gailius Raškinis (Lithuania). Phone Frequency in Standard Lithuanian...169
 III. OPINIONAlgis Braun (Lithuania). Lithuanian Grammar, English Words: Cross-Linguistic Influence and Students’ Written Errors...183
 IV. OUR TRANSLATIONSPatrick Seriot (Switzerland). Oxymoran or Misundersanding. Anna Wierzbicka’s Universal Relativism of Natural Semantic Metalanguage. Translated by Vilhelmina Vitkauskienė...193
 V. SCIENTIFIC LIFE CHRONICLEConferences , eventsEleonora Lassan (Lithuania). Once Upon a Time in Ekaterinburg…203Books reviewsPavel Lavrinec (Lithuania). БРИО, Валентина, 2008. Поэзия и поэтика города: Wilno – הנליו – Vilnius...205Kazimierz Luciński (Poland). Bulat Okudzhava’s memory will live on for ever in Poland. MAZUR-MERZWA, Lidia, 2008. Булат Окуджава в польских переводах. Когнитивные стратегии польского переводоведения...209Ina Kažuro (Lithuania). ЛАССАН, Элеонора, 2008. Лингвокультурология. Очерк русской концептологии...213Wiesław Caban (Lenkija / Polska). ILGIEWICZ, Henryka, 2008. Societates Academicae Vilnenses. Towarzystwo Przyjaciół Nauk w Wilnie (1907-1939) i jego poprzednicy...216Vilnius University Kaunas Faculty of Humanities: journal of scientific lifeDaiva Aliūkaitė (Lithuania). Emotions suppressed by language: Joviality without a smile...220Skirmantė Biržietienė, Saulutė Juzelėnienė (Lithuania). Linguistics, Literature Studies and advertising or tracing back to the ideas of young linguists of VU KHF...222
 Announce...224
 VI. REQUIREMENTS FOR PUBLICATION...226VII. OUR AUTHORS... 234