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1
Gregor, Jiří. « Political Budget Cycles in the European Union ». Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 64, no 2 (2016) : 595–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun201664020595.
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This paper provides research on the theme of the political budget cycles. The goal is to find out whether or not the government tries to manipulate the state budget and its components for the purpose of re-election across the countries of the European Union. In order to verify this theory a dynamic panel data model was used. The results were significant, but only if predetermined elections were not counted into the estimations. In that case, the theory of the political budget cycles could be accepted as valid for the EU countries. The main driving force of the political budget cycles across the countries of the European Union is fluctuation of the government expenditures. During the election year, the government expenditures are higher, and a year after the election, government expenditures are lower. This is reflected into the state budget balance.
2
Naxera, Vladimír, Viktor Glied, Ondřej Filipec et Małgorzata Kaczorowska. « “To protect national sovereignty from the EU?” The 2019 EP elections and populist parties in V4 countries ». UNISCI Journal 18, no 54 (octobre 2020) : 71–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31439/unisci-98.
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This article analyses the 2019 European Parliament (EP) election manifestos of populist parties in V4 countries as a contribution to the contemporary discussion on political populism. The aim of the study is to analyze the election campaign programs which populist parties operating in individual V4 countries presented for EP elections in 2019, using a qualitative content analysis of the official election programs of relevant populist parties and other sources of their communication. It tries to identify topics that have been framed as a problem or risk by Central European populists and how these topics have been interpreted in their programs. The so-called “immigration crisis” and the contemporary state of the European Union are seen as the most problematic topics by a majority of the populists. On the other hand, the majority of these parties do not want some Central European version of Brexit. Their rhetorical goal is rather the reform the Union.
3
Marchuk, M., et L. Gudz. « Local elections in the European Union and Ukraine : comparative characteristics ». Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series : Law, no 70 (18 juin 2022) : 119–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.70.16.
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The article provides a comparative analysis of the electoral legislation of the EU countries and Ukraine at the local level and on the basis of this analysis, the proposals to improve the electoral legislation of Ukraine take into account the experience of the European Union.
The main forms of direct democracy in most EU member countries and Ukraine are fixed at the constitutional level, and the procedure of preparing and holding elections is regulated by special election laws. Domestic electoral legislation is overloaded with detailed norms of procedural aspects, unlike the legislation of EU countries, in which much more attention is paid to the issues of transparency of party financial funds and transparency of election campaign financing, as well as protection of national minorities’ interests.
The main ways of exercising the right to vote not at the place of inclusion in the voter lists in the EU member states were characterized: voting by absentee ballots at specially designated polling stations, voting on the territory of diplomatic and consular missions, voting by mail, proxy voting, mobile voting, voting via the Internet, distance voting. It is noted that the norms in which the institution of a cash deposit is enshrined are discriminatory since they violate the principle of equality of suffrage and create a situation in which candidates are excluded from the political arena on the basis of the property criterion.
Relevant for EU countries is the adoption of measures to create appropriate conditions for the full implementation of the principle of equality of citizens before the law, in particular, to overcome the actual inequality of opportunities between women and men.
In order to bring Ukrainian legislation in line with international standards set by the European Union, we propose: to grant the right to vote in local elections to citizens of other states or stateless persons who permanently reside on the territory of the respective territorial community and permanently pay local taxes and fees have common local interests related to everyday life, infrastructure, communication, recreation; to introduce electronic voting; not to apply the institution of cash deposit at the local level; to introduce individual (party) gender quotas, following the French example.
4
Schmitt, Hermann, et Ilke Toygür. « European Parliament Elections of May 2014 : Driven by National Politics or EU Policy Making ? » Politics and Governance 4, no 1 (29 février 2016) : 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i1.464.
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The 2014 European Parliament (EP) elections took place in a very particular environment. Economic crisis, bailout packages, and austerity measures were central on the agenda in many Southern countries while open borders and intra-EU migration gained high salience elsewhere in the Union. A strong decline of political trust in European and national institutions was alarming. At the same time, the nomination and campaigning of “<em>Spitzenkandidaten</em>”, lead candidates of EP political groups for European Commission (EC) presidency, was meant to establish a new linkage between European Parliament elections and the (s)election of the president of the Commission. All of this might have changed the very nature of EP elections as second-order national elections. In this paper, we try to shed light on this by analysing aggregate election results, both at the country-level and at the party-level and compare them with the results of the preceding first-order national election in each EU member country. Our results suggest that the ongoing politicisation of EU politics had little impact on the second-order nature of European Parliament elections.
5
Gattermann, Katjana, et Claes H. de Vreese. « Understanding leader evaluations in European Parliament elections ». European Union Politics 23, no 1 (16 octobre 2021) : 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14651165211046108.
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Leader evaluations are a crucial aspect in representative democracy. We analyse the patterns, antecedents and consequences of European Union leader evaluations against the backdrop of the 2019 European Parliament elections in ten countries. The article shows, firstly, that leader evaluations are unidimensional, both among voters with low and high knowledge as well as partisans and non-partisans. Secondly, among the antecedents of leader evaluations, European Union trust and performance evaluations are positively associated with leader evaluations, while European identity hardly plays a role compared to other factors. Lastly, the positive effect of leader evaluations on vote choice is conditional upon the individual leader and their party affiliation. Our results have important implications for expectations towards and evaluations of European Union leadership in the long term.
6
Teasdale, Anthony L. « The Politics of the 1999 European Elections ». Government and Opposition 34, no 4 (octobre 1999) : 435–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1999.tb00164.x.
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‘Je pense donc je vote’: the confident assertion of the european Parliament's promotional campaign in France to encourage voters to participate in the 1999 European elections struck a spectacularly false note. The citizens not only of France, but of Europe as a whole, reacted with striking indifference to the prospect of the fifth direct elections to the world's only transnational parliament. In the elections held on 10-13 June, turnout fell in all but three of the fifteen member states, averaging less than half of the eligible electorate for the first time since 1979. Except in the two countries holding general elections on the same day – Belgium and Luxembourg – media coverage of the contest was distinctly muted. Even in those countries, the European component was secondary. Across the European Union, there was little sense of key choices being defined, let alone settled, by the election, whether on a national or continental scale. If political elites were engaged in trials of strength which they were unable to avoid, there was scant evidence of campaigning on the ground. In David Butler's memorable phrase, the European elections of 1999, as before, resembled ‘tactical exercises without troops’: army generals were active at the centre, conducting a theoretical, phoney war of interest largely to themselves.
7
Semenko, Vitalіy. « The Success of Sebastian Kurz in 2017 Austrian Parliamentary Elections ». Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no 43 (15 juin 2021) : 194–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.43.194-202.
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The article deals with the peculiarities of the extraordinary elections in the Republic of Austria in 2017, as well as the main reasons for the success of the renewed Austrian People's Party (ANP) and its leader, Sebastian Kurz, the former youngest foreign minister and chairman of the OSCE. The main results of the elections to the lower house of parliament, the National Council are in details analyzed, whrere the political parties have overcome the 4 percent barrier. The main conclusions of well-known domestic and foreign political scientists and experts are in details characterized, who evaluated the reasons for supporting of right and far- right political parties in the European countries, in particular in Austria, which have received considerable support in the elections, which was caused by public dissatisfaction with the ineffective policy of the European Union, which after the international financial crisis, terrorist threats, problems with migrants, refugees, and in recent years a rather aggressive foreign policy of Russia, is forced to face new challenges, giving an adequate response, which plays an important role for Ukraine, because our country sees its future in close multi-vector cooperation with the EU. It is important for Ukraine support of the European Union and European countries, in particular with Austria, because our country is interested in further fruitful development of bilateral relations between Ukraine and Austria and cooperation in various sectors of the economy, as well as support for European and Euro-Atlantic course. Ukraine is able to give an adequate response only in close cooperation with European countries. Ukraine is affected by domestic political changes both within the European Union and domestic political changes within European countries, namely which political parties win and which political coalitions are formed, as well as the influence of pro-Russian political forces in the party landscape.
8
Kakitelashvili, M. M. « The Phenomenon of the Parliaments of the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union ». Russian Journal of Legal Studies 5, no 3 (15 septembre 2018) : 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18382.
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The purpose of article is to define an opportunity application of experience of the European Parliament during creation of Parliament of the Eurasian Economic Union (The Euroasian parliament) and also to reveal positive experience of functioning of the European Parliament which can be used during creation of the Euroasian parliament. The object of the research is social relations in the process of formation and functioning of the Parliament of the EEU. The methodology of the research is General scientific methods of cognition (dialectic, analysis, synthesis, modeling, etc.), as well as sociological, historical, comparative-legal, formal-legal, etc.The specificity of integration associations in the modern world poker on a process to integrate posters, featuring noisy, versatility, variety of levels internal and proven. Also the essence of European integration is marked by the formation of the European Communities to transforming them into the European Union and the transition to a new higher type of integration, estimated the use of certain elements of the international legal model of the European Union. Analyzing historical, political, social prerequisites of formation of supranational parliaments in the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union, the author marks out both similar, and their various lines.Stand out general and particular features of legal regulation of activities of political parties in the legislation of the countries of the EEC and European Union. Analyzed the socio-cultural peculiarities of the formation of party systems in the countries of the EEC, the participation of political parties in elections to national parliaments.On the basis of the analysis of functions of the European Parliament offers on investment of the Euroasian parliament with representative and control functions express.The author comes to a conclusion that an optimum way of election of the Euroasian parliament is the proportional electoral system.
9
McEvoy, Caroline. « Does the Descriptive Representation of Women Matter ? A Comparison of Gendered Differences in Political Attitudes between Voters and Representatives in the European Parliament ». Politics & ; Gender 12, no 04 (3 mai 2016) : 754–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000118.
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Studies expressing concern over the continued underparticipation of women in politics rest on the assumption that increasing the number of female representatives in democracies leads to greater substantive representation of women's policy interests. This article advances the discussion by conducting a comparative analysis of men's and women's attitudes across 27 countries in the European Union. Using the European Election and Candidate Studies 2009, I find that differences between the policy preferences of men and women in the EU do exist and that these differences are replicated between male and female candidates in European elections. The findings provide empirical support for the argument in favor of a greater gender balance in European policy-making institutions.
10
Bednář, Milan. « Political Budget Cycles in the European Union : New Evidence of Fragmentation ». Acta Oeconomica 69, no 4 (décembre 2019) : 523–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2019.69.4.3.
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This paper deals with the possible existence of political budget cycles (PBCs) within the European Union (EU). I use panel data for 28 EU countries from 1995 to 2016 and provide estimates based on dynamic panel regressions. I employ a system-GMM estimator complemented by the Principal Component Analysis (PCA) to limit the number of instruments. The specifications include structural budget balances related to the potential GDP, thereby limiting the initial endogeneity. These measures capture the true motivation behind fiscal policies. The results suggest that the EU member states exhibit PBCs: (i) the intervention occurs in the year before elections and (ii) the structural budget balance to the potential GDP ratio is lower by −0.41 percentage points a year before elections. In addition, I have investigated the EU fragmentation in terms of the PBCs and selected 8 countries’ characteristics correlating to the existence of these cycles. These include lower GDP per capita, post-communist background, low tax burden, high perceived corruption, low levels of media freedom and internet usage, lower number of directly voted-in legislative officials, and a low parliamentary voter turnout.
11
Winzen, Thomas, Rik de Ruiter et Jofre Rocabert. « Is parliamentary attention to the EU strongest when it is needed the most ? National parliaments and the selective debate of EU policies ». European Union Politics 19, no 3 (12 mars 2018) : 481–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518763281.
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When do parliaments debate European Union policies? Normative arguments suggest that debates enhance government accountability. Others warn of government bias, declining debate near elections, and parties avoiding Eurosceptic publics. Our conclusions are more differentiated. We argue that rank-and-file parliamentarians rather than leaders initiate debates. Political incentives guide their debate selection towards salient policies in the countries in which voters care most. However, where the motivation Eurosceptic publics provide and institutions facilitating rank-and-file agenda-setting are lacking, EU law-making and European Council priorities will raise little parliamentary attention. Analysis of original data, using a Bayesian and multilevel framework, lends credibility to our views. Claims of a government bias, election effects, or trends towards more debate are unlikely to hold in all countries.
12
Doležalová, Jitka. « The Political-Budget Cycle in Countries of the European Union ». Review of Economic Perspectives 11, no 1 (1 janvier 2011) : 12–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10135-011-0005-z.
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The Political-Budget Cycle in Countries of the European Union We empirically estimate the political-budget cycle in the member countries of the European Union in period of 1988-2008. We indirectly analyze the potential of these countries to deal with increasing public debts which were augmented by the global economic crisis. The selection of the EU countries depends on three characteristics of democracy - shared power, openness and adaptability. The openness of democracy is the most important characteristics in relation to effective behavior of governments. We suppose that governments are motivated to make electoral manipulation in countries which have lower level of openness. We choose Finland, the Netherlands, Austria, Estonia, Poland, the Czech Republic, Romania and Greece to include into our sample of countries. The research of political-budget cycle confirmed our assumption. We did not find the political-budget cycle in Finland, the Netherlands and Estonia. On the other hand, we identified that Austrian, Czech and Greece governments had a tendency to manipulate fiscal policy before elections. The regression coefficients of Poland electoral dummies were very statistically significant but they had a wrong sign. We could not estimate political-budget cycle in Romania due to the short time series.
13
Strohmeier, Dagmar, Martyn Barrett, Carmen Bora, Simona C. S. Caravita, Elisa Donghi, Edmond Dragoti, Chris Fife-Schaw et al. « Young People’s Engagement With the European Union ». Zeitschrift für Psychologie 225, no 4 (décembre 2017) : 313–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/2151-2604/a000314.
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Abstract. This study investigated whether demographic variables, efficacy beliefs, visions, and worries are associated with four different forms of (dis)engagement with the European Union (EU): intended voting in the 2019 EU elections, nonconventional political engagement, psychological engagement, and the wish that one’s own country should leave the EU. The sample comprised 3,764 young people aged 16–25 years living in seven European countries: Albania, Austria, Germany, Italy, Romania, Spain, and the UK. Economic challenges, human rights, and the environment were the most important future visions; unemployment and poverty, climate change, civil unrests, and collapse of the EU were the most important future worries. The four forms of (dis)engagement with the EU were differentially associated with predictors, although internal efficacy and future vision of economic challenges predicted all forms. Implications for future EU policy are discussed.
14
van der Brug, Wouter, Katjana Gattermann et Claes H. de Vreese. « Electoral responses to the increased contestation over European integration. The European Elections of 2019 and beyond ». European Union Politics 23, no 1 (30 septembre 2021) : 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14651165211036263.
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This special issue focuses on the consequences of the heightened conflict between member states and increased politicization of European affairs for electoral politics in the European Union. In this introduction we begin by outlining three important developments that fuelled the politicization: (a) the common currency; (b) the increased pushback on the EU’s open border policies; and (c) the inability of the EU to prevent democratic backsliding in some countries. We then discuss their consequences for EU elections, particularly campaigns, public opinion on Europe and voter behaviour, which are investigated against the backdrop of the 2019 European Parliament elections in the individual articles in this special issue. This introduction provides a contextual framework for these contributions and reflects upon some of its main findings.
15
Tomilenko, Serhii, et Lina Kushch. « The Safety and Freedom of the Press Guarantees in Ukraine : International Standards ». Diplomatic Ukraine, no XX (2019) : 772–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-52.
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The article deals with the main activities of the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine. The authors note that the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine is engaged in vigorous cooperation with international organizations, the primary objective being to protect the rights of journalists and ensure the physical safety of journalists in the country. The European Federation of Journalists and the International Federation of Journalists have been the essential partners for many years. The authors state that for the first time, the governing bodies of the European Federation of Journalists included Ukrainians, namely Serhii Tomilenko, who has joined the European Federation of Journalists Executive Committee. The latter is the largest journalistic organization in Europe consisting of 70 journalistic associations and unions from 44 countries. The article emphasizes the international support of the persecuted Ukrainian journalists. The authors mention that the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine called for the presidential candidates and Ukrainian political forces (prior to the presidential and parliamentary elections) to sign a ‘Declaration in Defence of Freedom of Expression’. The International Federation of Journalists supported the call. If elected President and to the Parliament, they will have to comply with 7 basic principles. The authors note that there is also expertise-sharing and cooperation with journalists from other countries. Keywords: National Union of Journalists of Ukraine, international cooperation, defence of freedom of expression and assistance to journalists, International Federation of Journalists, European Federation of Journalists, cooperation with All-China Journalists Association, contacts with journalists from Egypt, Bulgaria and other countries, Declaration in Defence of Freedom of Expression.
16
Semenko, Vitalii. « The Rise of the Far-Right Austrian Freedom Party (AFP) in 2015 Local Elections ». Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no 35-36 (20 décembre 2017) : 295–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2017.35-36.295-304.
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The article deals with the peculiarities of the local elections in the Republic of Austria in 2015 to Landtag of federal states Styria, Burgenland, Upper Austria and Vienna, as well as the main reasons for the success of far-right political party AFP, headed Heinz Christian Strache. The results of the local elections, where political parties have overcome the 4 percent barrier are in details analyzed. The main conclusions of well-known domestic and foreign political scientists and experts are thoroughly characterized,evaluating the reasons for supporting far-right political parties in the European countries, in particular in Austria, which have received considerable support in the elections to the Landtag. Furthermore, being induced by the public in terms of the migration policy of the European Union, this is not capable to solve the problem of refugees who are unwilling to integrate into the European society.
Keywords: Far-rightpolitical party, local elections, electoral system, political leader, refugees, migration policy
17
Navarro, Vicente. « The Politics of Health Care Reforms in U.S. Presidential Elections ». International Journal of Health Services 38, no 4 (octobre 2008) : 597–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/hs.38.4.a.
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This article analyzes why people in the United States have major problems in accessing medical care that are due to financial constraints. The author suggests that the cause of these problems is the way in which medical care and elections are funded in the United States, with private sources being the largest component in the funding of both activities. The article includes a comparison of funding of the electoral process in the United States with similar electoral processes in the countries of the European Union, and postulates that privatization of the funding of U.S. elections (primary and general) is responsible for privatization of the funding of medical care—the root of people's problem in paying for their medical care. Privatization of election funding gives undue power to the economic, financial, and professional groups that dominate medicine in the United States.
18
Balinska, Yana. « UPDATING THE IDEAS OF EUROSKEPTICISM IN THE COUNTRIES OF WESTERN EUROPE : FROM BREXIT TO COVID19 ». Politology bulletin, no 86 (2021) : 148–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2021.86.148-160.
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The problem of Euroscepticism is especially relevant in connection with the growing electoral support of Eurosceptics, which was demonstrated by the May 2014 elections to the European Parliament. The purpose of this article was to identify the key features of modern understanding of this phenomenon and to determine the reasons for its significant relevance in Western Europe. Among the main research methods: political science — analysis of specialized scientific sources revealed features of political science interpretation of the concept; comparative — allowed to compare the attitude to the key ideas of Euroscepticism in different countries and at different times; historical — allowed to study the transformation of understanding of the concept of «Euroscepticism». The reasons for the active spread of Euroscepticism were: Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union; difficulties in the process of enlargement of the European Union in 2004; protracted financial and economic crisis; the refugee problem and the COVID19 epidemic with its socio-economic and political consequences.
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Jackson, Daniel, et Seth Jolly. « A new divide ? Assessing the transnational-nationalist dimension among political parties and the public across the EU ». European Union Politics 22, no 2 (31 janvier 2021) : 316–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116520988915.
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European politics is increasingly being contested along two dimensions: the economic left-right dimension and a relatively new dimension focused on European integration and immigration. We test this framework at the party and individual-levels in the European Union. First, we use the Chapel Hill Expert Survey to demonstrate that there is no simple relationship between these dimensions at the party level in many European Union countries, and in fact the two dimensions are increasingly orthogonal. We then use the 2019 European Elections Study to show that the transnational-nationalist dimension significantly improves vote choice models relative to models that ignore this dimension. Even more striking, the transnational-nationalist dimension is not just significant, but actually improves vote choice models as much or more than the economic left-right dimension.
20
Braun, Daniela, et Hermann Schmitt. « Different emphases, same positions ? The election manifestos of political parties in the EU multilevel electoral system compared ». Party Politics 26, no 5 (12 octobre 2018) : 640–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818805248.
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Political parties increasingly operate at multiple political levels. Nevertheless, we do not yet know much about the consequences of these multilevel electoral systems (MLESs) on party behaviour. To fill this gap, we examine party manifestos for European Parliament (EP) elections and compare them with party manifestos for national elections. Using manifesto data and covering 15 European Union (EU) countries between 1979 and 2014, we focus on European issues and ask whether parties’ issue emphasis and the positions they take are the same in both kinds of documents and respectively at both levels of the MLES. We show that although parties put more emphasis on EU issues in EP than in national elections, they behave sincerely regarding their position towards the EU – these are very similar irrespective of the electoral context. As many elections take place in MLES environments, in Europe, in particular, but far beyond, this noteworthy finding is highly relevant for scholars of party competition in general and even more instructive for the so far fragmented literature exploring the implications of MLESs.
21
Guseletov, Boris. « ON THE INTERACTION OF EURO PARTIES WITH PARTIES FROM THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP COUNTRIES. PART 1 ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 24, no 6 (31 décembre 2021) : 32–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran620213240.
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The article analyzes the results of cooperation between two leading pan-European political organizations – the European People’s Party (EPP) and the Party of European Socialists (PES) with their counterparts in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine), except Azerbaijan. It is considered with which political forces and why the EPP and the PES have established interaction and even accepted them into their membership. The profiles of these political organizations were studied, including the results of their participation in the national parliamentary and presidential elections and interaction with other political forces of their countries on the formation of ruling coalitions. Information is provided on when these parties joined, respectively, the EPP and the PES, and what status they have today in these European structures. The main provisions of the resolutions of the governing bodies of the EPN and the PES concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program and the support of their partner parties in these countries are presented. It shows how the foreign policy course of the Eastern Partnership member countries changed after political organizations that closely cooperate with their European counterparts came to power. It is noted that in almost all of these countries there has recently been a steady desire to strengthen political and economic partnership with the European Union and Western countries in general. And only one country. Georgia is still trying to maintain a balance in relations with Western countries and Russia. Key words: European parties, party system, Eastern Partnership program, elections.
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Khakhalkina, E. V., K. P. Andreev et A. V. Munko. « New Face of European Union : Right-Wing Populism in the EU-Countries ». MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no 6 (31 décembre 2020) : 99–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-6-75-99-132.
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The European Union undergoes several qualitative transformations. Today it faces major demographic changes, the distance between the EU and national states is growing because of Brexit and high rates of immigration to Europe. The configuration of mainstream parties is also transforming in an unpredictable way. All these processes bring the phenomenon of right-wing populism to the forefront of political life of the European Union. This phenomenon was an answer both to internal andexternal challenges. The aim of the article is to identify the components of right-wing populism using the examples of some memberstates, to show its threats and risks, as well as ways to minimize the impact of this phenomenon on all aspects of the EU life. To achieve this goal, party programs (primarily right-wing populist ones), national and European elections data, materials from the Eurobarometer and other public opinion services, speeches and interviews of leading politicians, and other materials are used. The methodological approach is based on the principles of interdisciplinarity. The authors used comparative-typological, functional and structural methods. The problems of immigration and Islamophobia in the EU are explained with the help of the civilizational concept of A.J. Toynbee. The structure of the article provides the study of the phenomenon of right-wing populism through such indicators as separation of elites from the population (including European democracy and lack of democracy), immigration (and Islamophobia), as well as the EU identity. The article provides a detailed analysis of the member- state cases including the United Kingdom, Austria, Germany, Italy, France, Sweden, the countries of Eastern Europe and others. The authors conclude that right-wing populism has dual nature, its significance in individual countries of the European Union increases, and it is deeply integrated into the party and parliamentary mechanism of European democracies.
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Butorina, O. V. « EUROPEAN UNION AFTER THE CRISIS : DECLIN OR RENAISSANCE ? » MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 4(31) (28 août 2013) : 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-71-81.
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The second challenging period (after the «eurosclerosis» of the 70-th) in the history of European integration has been going on for eight years. Measures taken by the EU institutions prevented the disintegration of the euro area, but the crisis is not over. We distinguish its four main consequences for the integration: 1) growing federalization of the euro zone, 2) a switch from multi-speed to a two- or three-tier integration model, 3) economization of decision-making process in the euro area, and 4) clearer demarcation of borders within the EU and with its neighbours. The rotation in the ECB Governing Council that may start in 2015, is likely to consolidate the leadership of the "hard core" countries in the decisionmaking process. Further communitarization of the economic part of the EMU makes it more difficult for newcomers to join the euro area and practically closes this window of opportunity for the Great Britain. The crisis revealed the objective limits of EU enlargement, the accession of Turkey became hardly realistic, as well as the start of accession negotiations with Ukraine. The return to a sustainable development of the EU countries requires deep modernization of the European economy and society. However, the ways of this modernization has not been determined yet. It is clear that further accumulation of wealth and growing consumption cannot be a solution. The headline targets and indicators of the "Europe 2020" strategy will be implemented only partially. Modernization process will be hampered by the lack of funding for basic science, which occurred due to the end of the "cold war", as well as social factors whose role in the economic progress had been previously underestimated. Upgrading the EU integration strategy will be possible after the elections to the European Parliament and the appointment of the new Commission in 2014.
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Majeed, Fareeha. « IMPACT OF TRUMP POLICIES ON US-EU PARTNERSHIP IN CURRENT AND PROJECTED TIMEFRAME ». Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 56, no 2 (31 décembre 2017) : 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v56i2.52.
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After the American elections of 2016, an upset occurred with the victory of Donald Trump as the president of United States of America. From day one, he was in lime light due to his controversial polices and extremist behaviour towards Muslims and other countries of the world. Similarly, he had a very odd behaviour towards European Union and its member countries or in other words it would be accurate to say that he wanted to demolish European Union. In current scenario, EU is facing multidimensional problems in the form refugee crisis from many parts of the world, Russian aggressive policies towards EU, ethnic movements in Europe, and above all critical elections in Italy, France and the Netherlands. Currently, it seems that the whole Europe is at stake and all these circumstances are leading EU towards a huge crisis. It seems that EU is facing the most difficult time period since its emergence. Critics are clearly indicating that EU could only survive with the active participation of France and Germany and that Europe needs serious changes by hearing the voice of the people and can gain its strength back by solving the major issues such as immigration problems and increased terrorism.
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Kokeev, A. « Germany and EU Reforms ». World Economy and International Relations, no 11 (2014) : 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-27-34.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Germany is playing a key role in the resolution of the EU crisis. Berlin has not only proposed changes in the economic and finance spheres, but also the initiation of the political reform of the EU. However, for several reasons, starting from the middle of 2013 there has been a serious shift in emphasis from the creation of a political union to the construction of an EU banking union. Angela Merkel’s victory in German elections increased the country’s European political activity, and Berlin announced new initiatives which involved amendments to fundamental EU agreements. At the same time, German European policy aims to strengthen the position of nation states in the future European integration, and slightly reduce the role of the European Commission. Here one can see a certain level of convergence between the German and British positions. However, as Angela Merkel’s visit to London in February 2014 demonstrated, the interests of the two countries in the EU are hardly compatible. To other EU countries, Germany’s leadership in the EU seems to favor German interests at the expense of other partners. The questions whether EU countries will still follow Germany’s European political direction and whether they are able to implement the necessary reforms in their own countries as well as in the EU remain open and foster Euroscepticism.
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Mosimann, Nadja, Line Rennwald et Adrian Zimmermann. « The radical right, the labour movement and the competition for the workers’ vote ». Economic and Industrial Democracy 40, no 1 (24 août 2018) : 65–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x18780317.
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This article analyses the capacity of radical right parties to attract support from union members in recent elections in Western Europe. It is argued that unionized voters resist the appeals of the radical right better than non-union members. Using data from the European Social Survey 2010–2016, the article shows that union members are overall less likely to vote for the radical right than non-union members. Even though it is found that unionized working-class and middle-class voters are less likely to vote radical right than their non-unionized peers in the pooled sample, it is also observed that these subgroups of unionized voters and especially unionized working-class voters are not immune to radical right voting in all the countries analysed. The article thus indicates a growing capacity of the radical right to attract unionized working-class segments of the electorate in some countries and to directly compete with left parties for these voters.
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Van Witteloostuijn, Arjen. « Why the European Union is not Delivering. An Essay on the Role of Diversity ». European Review 20, no 3 (2 mai 2012) : 365–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798711000615.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Union (EU) has suffered from fall-out recently. Clear cases in point were the anti-EU outcomes of the referenda in France and the Netherlands, as well as the messy process in response to the Euro crisis. More broadly, recent elections in many European countries have resulted in winning parties that advertise an explicit anti-EU sentiment, often linked to an equally explicit anti-immigrant stance. Apparently, in the eyes of many, the EU is not delivering – quite to the contrary. In this essay, insights from a variety of social sciences will be reviewed that may shed light on this issue, with a focus on the role of a multidimensional conception of diversity.
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Makarenko, B. « Fragmentation of European Party Systems : Prerequsities, Scenarios, Sequences ». World Economy and International Relations 66, no 12 (2022) : 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-12-16-26.
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The article explores the process of fragmentation of political party systems in 25 member countries of the European Union during the last three decades (since 1990s). The analysis starts with discussion on prerequisites of fragmentation through the theoretical lens of the works of S. Lipset/S. Rokkan and A. Lijphart. The main prerequisite is accretion of the system of cleavages in the societies in post-materialist age. Other – secondary – reasons include effects of proportional electoral systems, the rise of populism, volatility of party systems in post-communist countries. Further, the article presents the results of analysis of the Effective Number of Parliamentary Parties (ENPP) dynamics in all national elections since 1990; the average ENPP rose from 4.2 to 6.1. Though scenarios of the rise are similar in many respects (i.e., the simultaneous rise in the first elections after 2008–2009 economic crisis), certain distinctions can be found between “old” and “new” countries, systems of moderate and extreme pluralism. The concluding sub-chapter briefly discusses the “pros” and “cons” of party systems fragmentation for the European countries’ politics, which is considered irreversible because it is based on an accreted constellation of cleavages. On the one hand, more fragmented party systems provide for more nuanced representation of societal interests, and are, therefore, democratic and objective. On the other, it gives voice to illiberal populism and complicates the process of coalition building to form the executive; and, in addition, more plural executives tend to be volatile. Recent European political history presents plentiful examples of both. The ultimate challenge for European politicians is to learn to take advantage of the “pros” and tackle the “cons”.
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Emanuele, Vincenzo, Bruno Marino et Davide Angelucci. « The congealing of a new cleavage ? The evolution of the demarcation bloc in Europe (1979–2019) ». Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 50, no 3 (6 juillet 2020) : 314–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2020.19.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractOver recent years, a new transnational conflict has been deemed to be structuring political conflict in Europe. Several scholars have posited the emergence of a new ‘demarcation’ vs. ‘integration’ cleavage, pitting the ‘losers’ and ‘winners’ of globalization against each other. This new conflict is allegedly structured along economic (free trade and globalization), cultural (immigration and multiculturalism), and institutional [European Union (EU) integration] dimensions. From an empirical viewpoint, it is still a matter of discussion whether this conflict can be interpreted as a new cleavage, which could replace or complement the traditional ones. In this context, the European Parliament (EP) elections of 2019 represent an ideal case for investigating how far this new cleavage has evolved towards structuring political competition in European party systems. In this paper, by relying on an original dataset and an innovative theoretical and empirical framework based on the study of a cleavage's lifecycle, we test whether a demarcation cleavage is structuring the European political systems. Moreover, we assess the evolution of this cleavage across the 28 EU countries since 1979 and the role it plays within each party system. The paper finds that the demarcation cleavage has emerged in most European countries, mobilizing over time a growing number of voters. In particular, this long-term trend has reached its highest peak in the 2019 EP election. However, although the cleavage has become an important (if not the main) dimension of electoral competition in many countries, it has not reached maturity yet.
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Chirozva, Lucid. « Law of attraction : A mirror image of Zimbabwe-Belarus relations ». Dynamics of Politics and Democracy 1, no 1 (25 août 2021) : 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35912/dpd.v1i1.730.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Purpose: The study aims to analyse the law of attraction and its influence on Zimbabwe-Belarus relations. Research methodology: Secondary sources that relate to Zimbabwe and Belarus were used to gather data. The content analysis technique was employed to analysis to the data. Results: The study gathered that the two countries have limited allies in the international system; they are all on sanctions from the European Union (E.U.) and the United States of America (U.S.A.). The two countries also behave the same way in their interactions domestically and politically, as demonstrated by their conduct during elections. Limitations: The study focuses explicitly only on Zimbabwe’s 2018 and Belarus’s 2020 elections Contribution: This study contributes to understanding how the law of attraction will play a new role in determining the relations shortly, specifically whether or not the two counties will remain allies.
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Alvarez, R. Michael, Thad E. Hall et Alexander H. Trechsel. « Internet Voting in Comparative Perspective : The Case of Estonia ». PS : Political Science & ; Politics 42, no 03 (26 juin 2009) : 497–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090787.
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ABSTRACTSeveral countries have conducted Internet voting trials in binding public elections over the past decade, including Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States. However, Estonia—a former Soviet republic and now a full member of the European Union—has advanced the farthest in deploying Internet voting. In this article, we focus on how the Estonians have systematically addressed the legal and technical considerations required to make Internet voting a functioning voting platform, as well as the political and cultural framework that promoted this innovation. Using data from our own qualitative and quantitative studies of the Estonian experience, we consider who voted over the Internet in these elections, and the political implications of the voting platform.
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Riznyk, V. « POLITICAL ADVERTISING : SOME ISSUES OF LEGAL SUPPORT ». Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Legal Studies, no 109 (2019) : 22–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2195/2019/1.109-5.
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The article examines some issues of legal support of political advertising during the process of election, but is not limited to it, as well as how they affect the outcome of elections. In this study comparative, observation, dynamical analogies, analysis methods are used. The author compares the current legislation of Ukraine and the legislation of a number of other European countries and identifies their common and distinctive features. Special attention is given to the political advertising law of Poland, as its closest neighbour. Also, the legislation of France, Germany and Great Britain is examined. The article underlines their main differences. Partial and systematic violations of advertising legislation during the electoral process and during the period between the elections are also identified. The article also shows that the issue in question is not fully studied by legal scientists. The research, in particular, emphasises on the lack of comprehensive definition of political advertising and its legal regulation during the period between the elections. The article draws attention to the incorrectness in law legal regulation of political advertising by the laws regulating commercial advertising. The legal acts, that influence the results of elections are specified, in particular, the author pays attention to the state budget funding for political parties. Reducing Government expenditure can preserve the principle of absolute equality among political actors, so they could participate constructively in the elections. The best thing to do considering the circumstances is to adopt a new law on political advertising or to to amend the existing Act, that regulates advertising in general. As a result, it is proved that political advertising is not limited to the electoral process and must be governed by legislation. The article also states that any law in this area also should comply with international law, especially with acts adopted by the European Union.
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Ehin, Piret, et Liisa Talving. « Second-order effects or ideational rifts ? Explaining outcomes of European elections in an era of populist politics ». Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 50, no 3 (25 août 2020) : 350–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2020.27.
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AbstractThis article seeks to enhance our understanding of the European Parliament (EP) elections in an era of populist and anti-European Union (EU) politics. Specifically, it aims to evaluate both the conventional second-order elections theory as well as an alternative approach that regards EP elections as an arena for conflict between liberal-democratic Europeanism and populist, extremist and euroskeptic alternatives. It does so by deriving a series of hypotheses from both approaches and testing these with party-level data from all EU member states in the context of 2019 EP elections. Our results challenge both explanations. Party size is a robust predictor of electoral performance in EP elections, and its effect is moderated by electoral system design. While large parties lost votes across the EU, their losses were more pronounced in countries where national legislatures are elected under plurality or mixed systems. We find no evidence of incumbent losses or electoral cycle effects. Party-level populism, extremism and euroskepticism did not systematically predict electoral performance but party ideology appears to have moderated the effects of incumbency and party size. Incumbency was associated with vote gain among populist and far-right parties but not other parties, and the effect of size also varied across party ideologies. In sum, these results suggest that vote fragmentation in the 2019 EP elections is partly explained by electoral system design, while it was not driven by the desire to punish political incumbents. Populist and far-right parties in power appear to be particularly immune to punishing behavior often associated with EP elections.
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Sharikov, Pavel. « THE ROLE OF THE EU IN THE US NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 30, no 6 (31 décembre 2022) : 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran620221523.
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The article addresses the priorities of US relations with European Union. The victory of Joseph Biden and Democratic Party on the elections of 2020 signified quite radical twist in US foreign policy. The election slogan «America is back» which won the White House for the Democratic Party and Congress, means restoration of transatlantic relationship, damaged by the previous administration. Growing cooperation between the U.S. and E.U. is defined by a long term trend towards global competitiveness between Western democracies led by the United States against Asian autocracies headed by China. Besides, another impetus towards transatlantic relations was given by Russia’s special military operation in Ukraine. The institutions of bilateral relations established by the Biden and Obama administration were used for coordinating the measures to support Ukraine, adopt new sanctions against Russia and general cooperation tracks between Western countries
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Ostapets, Yu O., et Yu Yu Kopynets. « 2021 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES : DESCRIPTION OF GENERAL TRENDS AND NATIONAL FEATURES OF ELECTORAL PREFERENCE ». Scientific Journal "Regional Studies", no 30 (2022) : 82–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/2663-6170/2022.30.14.
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Yordanov, Radoslav A. « Warsaw Pact Countries’ Involvement in Chile from Frei to Pinochet, 1964–1973 ». Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no 3 (août 2019) : 56–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00893.
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This article examines the policies of Warsaw Pact countries toward Chile from 1964, when Eduardo Frei was elected Chilean president, until 1973, when Frei's successor, Salvador Allende, was removed in a military coup. The article traces the role of the Soviet Union and East European countries in the ensuing international campaign raised in support of Chile's left wing, most notably in support of the Chilean Communist Party leader Luis Corvalán. The account here adds to the existing historiography of this momentous ten-year period in Chile's history, one marked by two democratic presidential elections, the growing covert intervention of both Washington and Moscow in Chile's politics, mass strikes and popular unrest against Allende's government, a violent military coup, and intense political repression in the coup's aftermath. The article gives particular weight to the role of the East European countries in advancing the interests of the Soviet bloc in South America. By consulting a wide array of declassified documents in East European capitals and in Santiago, this article helps to explain why Soviet and East European leaders attached great importance to Chile and why they ultimately were unable to develop more comprehensive political, economic, and cultural relations with that South American country.
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Kákai, László. « Development or reflections of the nonprofit sector in Central and Eastern Europe and Hungary ». Politics in Central Europe 16, s1 (1 février 2020) : 135–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0007.
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AbstractThe CEE countries are celebrating the 15th anniversary of joining the European Union. The ‘feast’ is also of note because the EP elections are just in front of us. Instead of weighing up the expected results, we can surmise that the resolution of Central European voters is now weaker in terms of belonging to the European community and their trust in democratic institutions is also considerably lower than it was in the transition era. But what happened? The answer is too complex to be summarised in just one study; the examination of this issue would require a complex analysis of facts from economic transformation to transitions in social and economic subsystems. Of these elements, I wish to introduce the system-level transformation and the current state of civil society.
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Wielechowski, Michał. « POLITICAL BUDGET CYCLES IN THE EUROPEAN UNION – POST-COMMUNIST HERITAGE ». Acta Scientiarum Polonorum. Oeconomia 17, no 2 (30 juin 2018) : 125–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22630/aspe.2018.17.2.28.
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We test the hypothesis that post-communist history affect election cycles in the European Union countries. We show that pre-election fiscal manipulation increase total public spending per capita by 1.9% and three specific spending categories, i.e. general public services, public order and safety, and economic affairs in Central and Eastern Europe democracies with post-communist roots. At the same time we observe no significant spending deviations in remaining EU Member States, except expenditure linked to environmental protection. Our results indicate cross-country heterogeneity of political budget cycles (PBCs) in the EU, conditional on political system history.
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Shibkova, M. O. « CONTEMPORARY EUROSCEPTICISM AS A CHALLENGE TO EUROPEAN SOLIDARITY ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 6(51) (28 décembre 2016) : 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-6-51-31-41.
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The article analyses the influence of Eurosceptic sentiments on the level of solidarity among European Union member states. At the outset of the integration project construction the advantage of the Old Continent unification after being destroyed by the Second World War was apparent. However, with the European Union transformation and the emergence of new challenges, Eurosceptic voices are becoming louder and an increasing number of states start to question the efficiency of supranational institutions and choose to take measures on their own. The main trigger of the rise of Euroscepticism in the new millennium was the financial crisis with austerity measures and citizens' frustration with their low standard of living following. Without taking into consideration the results of the European Parliament Elections 2014, which proved the reinforcement of Eurosceptics, Brussels continued to further develop the integration process. However, with the lapse of time it became clear that Eurosceptics despite being deprived of the right to vote at the supranational level, can implement its potential to influence the EU through their activity within their countries. As a result of their actions the EU is faced up with two serious challenges: Brexit and inability to cope with the migration crisis by common effort. By giving certain examples of the reaction of member states' governments on the migration crisis and illustrating how these actions depend on the extent of Euroscepticism popularity in the countries the author shows that currently the level of European solidarity has become so low that it allows to speak about the transformation of the EU economic crisis into a truly political one.
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Grill, Christiane, et Hajo Boomgaarden. « A network perspective on mediated Europeanized public spheres : Assessing the degree of Europeanized media coverage in light of the 2014 European Parliament election ». European Journal of Communication 32, no 6 (21 août 2017) : 568–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323117725971.
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The European Union has become an active political player in the political realm, raising the question about the European Union’s linkages with all aspects of political life reflected in national Europeanized public spheres. This study offers empirical evidence on the extent to which mass media support, challenge or even ignore political representatives in European Union affairs, and thus legitimize, respectively delegitimize European Union governance. The analysis is based on large-scale content analyses of print, TV and online news gathered before and after the 2014 European Parliament election in Austria ( N = 6432). Semantic networks show that national media focus on the European Union’s legislative body, the implications of the European Union’s exclusive competences on the nation state and on well-established European Union member countries. In doing so, national Europeanized public spheres constituted by the media legitimize the European Union’s governance in these areas while other aspects of European integration are ignored.
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Munkøe, Malthe, et Holger Mölder. « Cybersecurity in the era of hypercompetitiveness : can the EU meet the new challenges ? » Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, no 131 (22 septembre 2022) : 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.24241/rcai.2022.131.2.69/en.
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In her 2021 State of the Union address, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen stressed the need to improve EU cybersecurity. The threat landscape is diverse and changing, and includes disinformation and fake news, cyber-attacks on government infrastructure and interference in elections in third countries. With this in mind, in December 2020 the EU unveiled a new Cybersecurity Strategy that includes legislative and institutional initiatives: from the revision of the NIS Directive – the EU’s first cybersecurity legislation – to the establishment of a cybershield to identify large-scale cyber-attacks. To be effective in this field, which involves a multitude of actors, the EU will need to ensure robust cooperation and information exchange, both at national and European level, as well as with NATO.
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Sadin Esgerzade, Roza. « Avropa Birliyi və Azərbaycan Respublikası arasında əməkdaşlıq haqqında beynəlxalq müqavilənin əsasları ». SCIENTIFIC WORK 76, no 3 (18 mars 2022) : 74–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/76/74-78.
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Azerbaijan, which does not have a direct border with any European country, has always been among the countries of interest to the EU due to its rich oil fields in the Caspian Basin and its geopolitical position. However, during the adoption of the concept of "Broad Europe - New Neighbors" in 2002, no South Caucasus state, including Azerbaijan, was included in the list of states listed as partners in the ENP. However, the developments in the South Caucasus in 2003 led to a change in the position of the European Commission and the European Parliament1 ("Rose Revolution" in Georgia, presidential elections in Azerbaijan). In 2004, this "mistake" was corrected. Thus, in June 2004, the countries of the South Caucasus - Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia - were officially invited to join the ENP. Key words: European Union, Republic of Azerbaijan, cooperation, international agreements, contracts Roza Sadin qızı Əsgərzadə Avropa Birliyi və Azərbaycan Respublikası arasında əməkdaşlıq haqqında beynəlxalq müqavilənin əsasları Xülasə Heç bir Avropa ölkəsi ilə birbaşa sərhədi olmayan Azərbaycan Xəzər hövzəsindəki zəngin neft yataqlarına və geosiyasi mövqeyinə görə həmişə Aİ-nin maraq dairəsində olan ölkələr sırasında olmuşdur. Lakin 2002-ci ildə “Geniş Avropa - Yeni Qonşular” konsepsiyasının qəbulu zamanı Azərbaycan da daxil olmaqla, heç bir Cənubi Qafqaz dövləti AQS-də tərəfdaş kimi göstərilən dövlətlər siyahısına daxil edilməmişdir. Lakin 2003-cü ildə Cənubi Qafqazda baş verən hadisələr Avropa Komissiyasının və Avropa Parlamentinin mövqeyinin dəyişməsinə səbəb olmuşdur (Gürcüstanda “Qızılgül inqilabı”, Azərbaycanda prezident seçkiləri). Beləliklə, 2004-cü ilin iyununda Cənubi Qafqaz ölkələri - Azərbaycan, Gürcüstan və Ermənistan AQS-ə qoşulmağa rəsmi şəkildə dəvət olunmuşdur. Açar sözlər: Avropa İttifaqı, Azərbaycan Respublikası, əməkdaşlıq, beynəlxalq müqavilələr, müqavilələr
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Rivas-de-Roca, Rubén, et Mar García-Gordillo. « The representativeness of the European Parliament has usually been a subject of controversy, which is currently increased by Brexit and the development of several populist movements within the EU. In this context, the elections to the European Parliament in 2019 were the second occasion on which the "Spitzenkandidaten" system was applied. By this system the parties present potential candidates to preside the European Commission, with the aim of improving the citizen's legitimacy of the European project. Bearing this in mind, the objective of this research is to know the thematic agenda set by the “Spitzenkandidaten” on Twitter, trying to find differences with the issues raised by the traditional national leaders. To this end, the technique of quantitative content analysis is used, referring the issues addressed on Twitter by the six candidates to chair the Commission, as well as the thematic agenda exposed by a selection of the national candidates. The sample includes politicians from the four most populated countries of the Union excluding the United Kingdom - Germany, France, Italy and Spain - and it also seeks maximum ideological plurality. The research does not focus exclusively on the electoral contest phase, but observes the communicative action of these leaders over three months. The results show a more thematic concentration agenda in the "Spitzenkandidaten" than in national candidates. In addition, Eurosceptic politicians carry out a differential communicative behavior in comparison with Europeanist leaders. Therefore, the European elections seem to move on two levels : the national, in which the candidates by countries face national issues, and the transnational, in which the "Spitzenkandidaten" address topics from a European approach, accompanied also by references to domestic policy. » Tripodos, no 49 (5 février 2021) : 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.51698/tripodos.2020.49p29-49.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The representativeness of the European Parliament has usually been a subject of controversy, which is currently increased by Brexit and the development of several populist movements within the EU. In this context, the elections to the European Parliament in 2019 were the second occasion on which the "Spitzenkandidaten" system was applied. By this system the parties present potential candidates to preside the European Commission, with the aim of improving the citizen's legitimacy of the European project. Bearing this in mind, the objective of this research is to know the thematic agenda set by the “Spitzenkandidaten” on Twitter, trying to find differences with the issues raised by the traditional national leaders. To this end, the technique of quantitative content analysis is used, referring the issues addressed on Twitter by the six candidates to chair the Commission, as well as the thematic agenda exposed by a selection of the national candidates. The sample includes politicians from the four most populated countries of the Union excluding the United Kingdom - Germany, France, Italy and Spain - and it also seeks maximum ideological plurality. The research does not focus exclusively on the electoral contest phase, but observes the communicative action of these leaders over three months. The results show a more thematic concentration agenda in the "Spitzenkandidaten" than in national candidates. In addition, Eurosceptic politicians carry out a differential communicative behavior in comparison with Europeanist leaders. Therefore, the European elections seem to move on two levels: the national, in which the candidates by countries face national issues, and the transnational, in which the "Spitzenkandidaten" address topics from a European approach, accompanied also by references to domestic policy.
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HAXHIU, Sadik, Urtak HAMITI et Gani ASLLANI. « Representation of National Minorities in State Institutions Through Quotas in The Region of South East Europe ». Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 9, no 1 (21 septembre 2018) : 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505//jarle.v9.1(31).14.
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Modern democratic societies and countries that are based on democracy, rule of law, respect of human rights and freedoms base those values in electoral systems and free and fair elections that legitimize the power of the people through their representatives. Norms for democratic electoral systems were set by various international institutions such as United Nations, Council of Europe, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, and European Union. Although not all of the countries of the region of South East Europe are members of most relevant international institutions, they have adopted democratic norms concerning elections that are set by international institutions. Representation of national minorities in state institutions, legislative and executive branches, as well as other public institutions, through electoral systems or through constitutional and legal quotas, in some cases based on electoral systems or through political appointments, is the key ingredient of a full-functioning democratic order. This is even more important in the countries of South East Europe, many of which have been established in recent history, where the boundaries are geographic and are not set along ethnic lines. Most of the countries, regardless of the democratic elections, have opted for the system of quotas for their national minorities, in terms of their representation in state and public institutions, with the sole aim of bringing them on-board with the representatives of national majority to create democratic governing decision-making bodies.
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Papanikos, Gregory T. « Greece in the Eurozone : An Evaluation of the First Two Decades ». Athens Journal of Business & ; Economics 8, no 2 (5 janvier 2022) : 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajbe.8-2-5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On the 31st of December 2021, the euro celebrated its two decades in circulation. Initially, twelve countries adopted the euro as their new national currency, Greece being one of them. Starting in 2020, euro is the official currency of nineteen European Union countries. This paper aims to examine three issues. Firstly, the paper investigates Greek people’s perception about the euro, using data from the recent issue of the Eurobarometer (December 2021). Secondly, the economic performance of Greece is briefly examined by comparing the Greek Gross Domestic Product (GDP) two decades before and two decades after the introduction of euro. Finally, the Greek participation to the eurozone has been a controversial, political issue. The political developments in Greece during the first two decades of the euro are also studied, emphasizing the dramatic political events after the double elections of 2012. The period of the two decades ends with the detrimental impact of COVID-19. This issue is also mentioned by reviewing some recent publications. Keywords: Eurozone, Greece, GDP, per capita GDP, Eurobarometer, euro, elections, politics
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Fedorchak, Т. P. « NEW TRENDS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PARTY SYSTEM OF THE CZECH REPUBLIC ». PRECARPATHIAN BULLETIN OF THE SHEVCHENKO SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY Idea, no 6(50) (28 décembre 2018) : 133–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31471/2304-7410-2018-6(50)-133-142.
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The article examines the development of the political process in the Czech Republic following the results of the last regular elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament, which took place on October 21-22, 2017 under the proportional electoral system. The results of the elections revealed a number of new trends in the development of the parties and the party system of the Czech Republic, which at the same time have many similarities with the ideas of populists and Euro skeptics spread in the CEE region.
The analysis of the specific “differentiated electoral barrier” and the Czech electoral legislation is made. The path to victory in the elections of the ANO and the ODS parties, the new in the Czech politics third party-winner – the Pirate party, members of which advocated the maximum protection of individual freedoms and the uncontrolled Internet. It is noted that the traditional and leading parties of the Czech Republic – KDU-CSL, TOP 9, KSCM, CSSD did not achieve the expected success in the Parliament elections.
The regularities that emerged during the elections to the Chamber of Deputies were revealed: a steady demand of voters for new leaders, new political forces, the weakening of the positions and authority of political parties that have occupied leading positions for a long period, the change in the current political agenda. Confirmed pan-European trends: the growth of populist sentiment and a significant increase in skepticism towards the leaders of the European Union, which are manifested in many CEE countries.
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HARST, Jan VAN DER, et Gerrit VOERMAN. « Post-war Manifestations of Euroscepticism in Germany and the Netherlands, 1950-2021. A Comparative Approach ». Journal of European Integration History 28, no 2 (2022) : 349–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2022-2-349.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This contribution addresses post-war manifestations of Euroscepticism in Germany and the Netherlands. The two countries are selected as relevant cases to study in historical-comparative perspective, because of the many similarities as far as European integration policies is concerned, but the different ways in which Euroscepticism took shape in their political arenas. This partly resulted from historical experiences, particularly the processing of the war trauma after 1945, but also because of differences in the political systems and practices of the two countries. The article’s focus is on political parties and their programmes from 1950 till the most recent elections in 2021. Looking at the national party level, the authors observe differences in intensity and duration regarding support of the European Union and its predecessors, with Dutch Eurosceptic parties in a generally more critical role than their German counterparts. In that sense, the recent rise of the German Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) constitutes a trend break in this historical development.
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Babynina, Lyudmila. « EEA IN THE BREXIT’ SHADOW ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 23, no 5 (31 octobre 2021) : 92–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520219299.
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The article analyzes the Brexit’s impact on the functioning of the European Economic Area (EEA). Brexit renewed interest to EEA format, as one of the options for future relations between the United Kingdom and the EU. But so close cooperation under the control of the Union did not meet the interests of Britain, which chose the greatest distance from EU rules and regulations. For nonEU EEA countries (Norway, Iceland, Liechtenstein) Brexit entailed a visible political and economic shake-up. First, the fact of the country’s exit from the EU and the tough position of the British government contributed to the growth of Eurosceptic rhetoric in the non-EU EEA countries. Secondly, in connection with the withdrawal of the UK from all structures of the European Union, these countries had a need to sign new trade and fisheries agreements. These processes were of the greatest impact for Norway, as the most significant player in the EEA, a non-EU member. Analyzing these processes, the author comes to the conclusion that Brexit did not have a significant impact on the functioning of the EEA, but increased interest in various external formats of integration. In addition, the domestic political discourse has become more acute regarding the possible revision of the format of relations with the EU, especially in Norway, which is largely due to national elections,
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Rose-Ackerman, Susan. « From Elections to Democracy in Central Europe : Public Participation and the Role of Civil Society ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 21, no 1 (février 2007) : 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325406297132.
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The new European Union member states in Eastern Europe do not have fully consolidated democracies. True, popularly elected legislatures are responsible for lawmaking, and citizens can challenge the case-by-case implementation of the law. But most statutes are not self-implementing. Before they can be put into effect, governments need to issue general regulations and guidelines that add specificity to the statutory scheme. At present, this type of government policy making often is not democratically accountable. Procedures inside government lack transparency and accountability, and organized civil society groups that are engaged in advocacy and oversight are few in number and often weakly institutionalized. The Central European experience has lessons for countries further to the east that are poorer and less democratic. Here, full-fledged public participation in the government rule making may not be feasible, but other aspects of the transition to democracy in Central Europe may provide relevant models—for instance, external pressure, government oversight institutions, and grassroots democracy.
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Kopynets, Yu Yu. « Parliamentary elections in the countries of the European Union in 2018 : characteristics of electoral results and the party landscape configurations ». Politicus, no 3 (2020) : 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24195/2414-9616.2020-3.7.
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