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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Elections – European Union countries »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Elections – European Union countries"

Gregor, Jiří. « Political Budget Cycles in the European Union ». Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 64, n^o 2 (2016) : 595–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun201664020595.

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This paper provides research on the theme of the political budget cycles. The goal is to find out whether or not the government tries to manipulate the state budget and its components for the purpose of re-election across the countries of the European Union. In order to verify this theory a dynamic panel data model was used. The results were significant, but only if predetermined elections were not counted into the estimations. In that case, the theory of the political budget cycles could be accepted as valid for the EU countries. The main driving force of the political budget cycles across the countries of the European Union is fluctuation of the government expenditures. During the election year, the government expenditures are higher, and a year after the election, government expenditures are lower. This is reflected into the state budget balance.

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Naxera, Vladimír, Viktor Glied, Ondřej Filipec et Małgorzata Kaczorowska. « “To protect national sovereignty from the EU?” The 2019 EP elections and populist parties in V4 countries ». UNISCI Journal 18, n^o 54 (octobre 2020) : 71–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31439/unisci-98.

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This article analyses the 2019 European Parliament (EP) election manifestos of populist parties in V4 countries as a contribution to the contemporary discussion on political populism. The aim of the study is to analyze the election campaign programs which populist parties operating in individual V4 countries presented for EP elections in 2019, using a qualitative content analysis of the official election programs of relevant populist parties and other sources of their communication. It tries to identify topics that have been framed as a problem or risk by Central European populists and how these topics have been interpreted in their programs. The so-called “immigration crisis” and the contemporary state of the European Union are seen as the most problematic topics by a majority of the populists. On the other hand, the majority of these parties do not want some Central European version of Brexit. Their rhetorical goal is rather the reform the Union.

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Marchuk, M., et L. Gudz. « Local elections in the European Union and Ukraine : comparative characteristics ». Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series : Law, n^o 70 (18 juin 2022) : 119–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.70.16.

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The article provides a comparative analysis of the electoral legislation of the EU countries and Ukraine at the local level and on the basis of this analysis, the proposals to improve the electoral legislation of Ukraine take into account the experience of the European Union. The main forms of direct democracy in most EU member countries and Ukraine are fixed at the constitutional level, and the procedure of preparing and holding elections is regulated by special election laws. Domestic electoral legislation is overloaded with detailed norms of procedural aspects, unlike the legislation of EU countries, in which much more attention is paid to the issues of transparency of party financial funds and transparency of election campaign financing, as well as protection of national minorities’ interests. The main ways of exercising the right to vote not at the place of inclusion in the voter lists in the EU member states were characterized: voting by absentee ballots at specially designated polling stations, voting on the territory of diplomatic and consular missions, voting by mail, proxy voting, mobile voting, voting via the Internet, distance voting. It is noted that the norms in which the institution of a cash deposit is enshrined are discriminatory since they violate the principle of equality of suffrage and create a situation in which candidates are excluded from the political arena on the basis of the property criterion. Relevant for EU countries is the adoption of measures to create appropriate conditions for the full implementation of the principle of equality of citizens before the law, in particular, to overcome the actual inequality of opportunities between women and men. In order to bring Ukrainian legislation in line with international standards set by the European Union, we propose: to grant the right to vote in local elections to citizens of other states or stateless persons who permanently reside on the territory of the respective territorial community and permanently pay local taxes and fees have common local interests related to everyday life, infrastructure, communication, recreation; to introduce electronic voting; not to apply the institution of cash deposit at the local level; to introduce individual (party) gender quotas, following the French example.

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Schmitt, Hermann, et Ilke Toygür. « European Parliament Elections of May 2014 : Driven by National Politics or EU Policy Making ? » Politics and Governance 4, n^o 1 (29 février 2016) : 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i1.464.

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The 2014 European Parliament (EP) elections took place in a very particular environment. Economic crisis, bailout packages, and austerity measures were central on the agenda in many Southern countries while open borders and intra-EU migration gained high salience elsewhere in the Union. A strong decline of political trust in European and national institutions was alarming. At the same time, the nomination and campaigning of “<em>Spitzenkandidaten</em>”, lead candidates of EP political groups for European Commission (EC) presidency, was meant to establish a new linkage between European Parliament elections and the (s)election of the president of the Commission. All of this might have changed the very nature of EP elections as second-order national elections. In this paper, we try to shed light on this by analysing aggregate election results, both at the country-level and at the party-level and compare them with the results of the preceding first-order national election in each EU member country. Our results suggest that the ongoing politicisation of EU politics had little impact on the second-order nature of European Parliament elections.

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Gattermann, Katjana, et Claes H. de Vreese. « Understanding leader evaluations in European Parliament elections ». European Union Politics 23, n^o 1 (16 octobre 2021) : 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14651165211046108.

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Leader evaluations are a crucial aspect in representative democracy. We analyse the patterns, antecedents and consequences of European Union leader evaluations against the backdrop of the 2019 European Parliament elections in ten countries. The article shows, firstly, that leader evaluations are unidimensional, both among voters with low and high knowledge as well as partisans and non-partisans. Secondly, among the antecedents of leader evaluations, European Union trust and performance evaluations are positively associated with leader evaluations, while European identity hardly plays a role compared to other factors. Lastly, the positive effect of leader evaluations on vote choice is conditional upon the individual leader and their party affiliation. Our results have important implications for expectations towards and evaluations of European Union leadership in the long term.

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Teasdale, Anthony L. « The Politics of the 1999 European Elections ». Government and Opposition 34, n^o 4 (octobre 1999) : 435–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1999.tb00164.x.

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‘Je pense donc je vote’: the confident assertion of the european Parliament's promotional campaign in France to encourage voters to participate in the 1999 European elections struck a spectacularly false note. The citizens not only of France, but of Europe as a whole, reacted with striking indifference to the prospect of the fifth direct elections to the world's only transnational parliament. In the elections held on 10-13 June, turnout fell in all but three of the fifteen member states, averaging less than half of the eligible electorate for the first time since 1979. Except in the two countries holding general elections on the same day – Belgium and Luxembourg – media coverage of the contest was distinctly muted. Even in those countries, the European component was secondary. Across the European Union, there was little sense of key choices being defined, let alone settled, by the election, whether on a national or continental scale. If political elites were engaged in trials of strength which they were unable to avoid, there was scant evidence of campaigning on the ground. In David Butler's memorable phrase, the European elections of 1999, as before, resembled ‘tactical exercises without troops’: army generals were active at the centre, conducting a theoretical, phoney war of interest largely to themselves.

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Semenko, Vitalіy. « The Success of Sebastian Kurz in 2017 Austrian Parliamentary Elections ». Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, n^o 43 (15 juin 2021) : 194–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.43.194-202.

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The article deals with the peculiarities of the extraordinary elections in the Republic of Austria in 2017, as well as the main reasons for the success of the renewed Austrian People's Party (ANP) and its leader, Sebastian Kurz, the former youngest foreign minister and chairman of the OSCE. The main results of the elections to the lower house of parliament, the National Council are in details analyzed, whrere the political parties have overcome the 4 percent barrier. The main conclusions of well-known domestic and foreign political scientists and experts are in details characterized, who evaluated the reasons for supporting of right and far- right political parties in the European countries, in particular in Austria, which have received considerable support in the elections, which was caused by public dissatisfaction with the ineffective policy of the European Union, which after the international financial crisis, terrorist threats, problems with migrants, refugees, and in recent years a rather aggressive foreign policy of Russia, is forced to face new challenges, giving an adequate response, which plays an important role for Ukraine, because our country sees its future in close multi-vector cooperation with the EU. It is important for Ukraine support of the European Union and European countries, in particular with Austria, because our country is interested in further fruitful development of bilateral relations between Ukraine and Austria and cooperation in various sectors of the economy, as well as support for European and Euro-Atlantic course. Ukraine is able to give an adequate response only in close cooperation with European countries. Ukraine is affected by domestic political changes both within the European Union and domestic political changes within European countries, namely which political parties win and which political coalitions are formed, as well as the influence of pro-Russian political forces in the party landscape.

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Kakitelashvili, M. M. « The Phenomenon of the Parliaments of the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union ». Russian Journal of Legal Studies 5, n^o 3 (15 septembre 2018) : 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18382.

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The purpose of article is to define an opportunity application of experience of the European Parliament during creation of Parliament of the Eurasian Economic Union (The Euroasian parliament) and also to reveal positive experience of functioning of the European Parliament which can be used during creation of the Euroasian parliament. The object of the research is social relations in the process of formation and functioning of the Parliament of the EEU. The methodology of the research is General scientific methods of cognition (dialectic, analysis, synthesis, modeling, etc.), as well as sociological, historical, comparative-legal, formal-legal, etc.The specificity of integration associations in the modern world poker on a process to integrate posters, featuring noisy, versatility, variety of levels internal and proven. Also the essence of European integration is marked by the formation of the European Communities to transforming them into the European Union and the transition to a new higher type of integration, estimated the use of certain elements of the international legal model of the European Union. Analyzing historical, political, social prerequisites of formation of supranational parliaments in the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union, the author marks out both similar, and their various lines.Stand out general and particular features of legal regulation of activities of political parties in the legislation of the countries of the EEC and European Union. Analyzed the socio-cultural peculiarities of the formation of party systems in the countries of the EEC, the participation of political parties in elections to national parliaments.On the basis of the analysis of functions of the European Parliament offers on investment of the Euroasian parliament with representative and control functions express.The author comes to a conclusion that an optimum way of election of the Euroasian parliament is the proportional electoral system.

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McEvoy, Caroline. « Does the Descriptive Representation of Women Matter ? A Comparison of Gendered Differences in Political Attitudes between Voters and Representatives in the European Parliament ». Politics & ; Gender 12, n^o 04 (3 mai 2016) : 754–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000118.

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Studies expressing concern over the continued underparticipation of women in politics rest on the assumption that increasing the number of female representatives in democracies leads to greater substantive representation of women's policy interests. This article advances the discussion by conducting a comparative analysis of men's and women's attitudes across 27 countries in the European Union. Using the European Election and Candidate Studies 2009, I find that differences between the policy preferences of men and women in the EU do exist and that these differences are replicated between male and female candidates in European elections. The findings provide empirical support for the argument in favor of a greater gender balance in European policy-making institutions.

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Bednář, Milan. « Political Budget Cycles in the European Union : New Evidence of Fragmentation ». Acta Oeconomica 69, n^o 4 (décembre 2019) : 523–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2019.69.4.3.

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This paper deals with the possible existence of political budget cycles (PBCs) within the European Union (EU). I use panel data for 28 EU countries from 1995 to 2016 and provide estimates based on dynamic panel regressions. I employ a system-GMM estimator complemented by the Principal Component Analysis (PCA) to limit the number of instruments. The specifications include structural budget balances related to the potential GDP, thereby limiting the initial endogeneity. These measures capture the true motivation behind fiscal policies. The results suggest that the EU member states exhibit PBCs: (i) the intervention occurs in the year before elections and (ii) the structural budget balance to the potential GDP ratio is lower by −0.41 percentage points a year before elections. In addition, I have investigated the EU fragmentation in terms of the PBCs and selected 8 countries’ characteristics correlating to the existence of these cycles. These include lower GDP per capita, post-communist background, low tax burden, high perceived corruption, low levels of media freedom and internet usage, lower number of directly voted-in legislative officials, and a low parliamentary voter turnout.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Elections – European Union countries"

Willis, Jonathan Richard. « Explaining the support of the British National Party (BNP) in the 1999, 2004, and 2009 European Parliament elections ». Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4722.

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In the past decade, there has been a surge of interest in extreme right Western European parties. Well-established parties such as the National Front (FN) in France, Vlaams Belang (formerly Vlaams Blok) in Belgium, and Lega Nord in Italy have been scrutinized. However, extreme right parties that have just recently begun to experience electoral successes such as the British National Party (BNP) have received less evaluation and discussion in the literature. Therefore, this study examines the BNP's electoral fortunes in the European elections of 1999, 2004, and 2009. I explore the support for the BNP using the traditional variables of unemployment, education, income, and immigration. In addition to these variables, I examine how support for other parties present in Great Britain, such as the right-wing United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) and the center-right Conservative Party affects electoral support for the BNP. I find that support for other right-wing parties in Great Britain do exert an influence on BNP electoral fortunes (the UKIP a positive one, and the Conservative Party a negative one). I also find a strong negative link between BNP support and education and a weak positive one between BNP support and unemployment. However, income and immigration rates appear to have no effect on voter support for the BNP.
ID: 030646218; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 62-71).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; International Studies Track

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Juma, Nyabinda Richard. « An Inquiry into the Compatibility of the Demo-Conditionality with State Sovereignty in International law : With Special Focus on The European Union and the African, the Caribbean and the Pacific Countries Relations ». Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-136109.

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This study examines the issue of compatibility of demo-conditionality with state sovereignty in international law. From a practical perspective, it examines the state of the science with respect to the enforcement of demo-conditionality, in the context of the unique relationship between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. The practicality of any argument declaring certain norms to be compatible with state sovereignty rests on an assumption that it is possible to distinguish which norms are compatible from those which are not. The validity of such an assumption depends on whether a universal workable test with which to draw this distinction, and its accompanying requirements, has been or can be developed. Therefore, the starting point of this study is to investigate whether such a universal test exists, and if so, what its requirements are. The author reaches a legally appropriate conclusion as to which norms are compatible with the principle of state sovereignty and which not in the international legal system. Thereafter, an investigation is undertaken with regard to the legal premises invoked to justify the compatibility of the demo-conditionality with state sovereignty. To this end, two levels of analysis (also referred to here as two paths) are followed. The first level of investigation concerns the proposition for demo-conditionality’s being premised upon adherence to new treaty obligations governing the parties’ observance of democratic norms. In this context, the examination focuses on Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 as the relevant provision. Other single-issue human rights instruments are also examined to establish whether they compliment Article 25. The second level of investigation explores the possibility for demo-conditionality's compatibility being premised upon obligations of State parties, which arise from the various development co-operation instruments adopted over the years. Here, emphasis is placed upon the question of whether or not these instruments advocate the inclusion of demo-conditionality in development co-operation between donors and recipients of aid. This study ultimately reaches a legally appropriate conclusion, at both levels of analysis, concerning demo-conditionality's compatibility with the principle of state sovereignty. At this juncture, a recommendation is made as to which of the two paths is the legally safer one for the pursuit of the demo-conditionality in development co-operation. On the question of what constitutes a more successful international approach to the establishment of democratic governments in the South, this study has undertaken a comparative analysis, making suggestions with respect to two models: the "Enforcement Model", based upon coercive enforcement measures, and the "Managerial Model", based upon an approach of co-operative dialogue. Finally, the study examines the state of the science with respect to enforcement of demo-conditionality, with a focus on the special relationships between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. This is designed to provide a degree of insight into the practical aspects associated with the enforcement of demo-conditionality.

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Salmerón, Ramírez Melissa. « Observación electoral internacional y promoción de la democracia : una aproximacion a las relaciones de la unión europea con los países del mediterráneo ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/405582.

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Los Acuerdos Euromediterraneos de Asociacion y los Planes de Acción que enmarcan las relaciones entre la Unión Europea y los Países del Sur y del Este del Mediterráneo tienen como elemento esencial y condicionante el respeto a los principios democráticos. Una de las fuentes con las que cuenta la UE para obtener información en este sentido son los hallazgos de sus misiones de observación electoral. El objetivo general de la tesis fue analizar la repercusión que estos hallazgos tuvieron en la política de la Unión Europea hacia los Países del Sur y del Este del Mediterráneo, en el periodo entre 2000 y 2014. Los principales hallazgos muestran que durante el primer lustro del siglo XXI la Unión Europea no envió misiones de observación electoral a ninguna de las elecciones celebradas en los países en cuestión, algunos de ellos gobernados por regímenes autoritarios. Ello no obstó para que la Unión Europa mantuviese relaciones con dichos gobiernos. En los casos en los que la Unión Europea envió misiones, la información recabada por éstas tuvo poca o ninguna incidencia en las relaciones con los gobiernos aludidos. La tesis concluye que ha habido una incoherencia entre la formulación de la promoción de la democracia en la política de la Unión Europea (el discurso o retórica en pro de la democratización y la condicionalidad vinculada a ésta) y su implementación. Esto sugiere que la Unión Europea actúa como un actor internacional normativo cuando busca extender sus normas democráticas a través de medios no coercitivos como la observación electoral, pero si este fin entra en conflicto con sus intereses de seguridad, éstos reciben prioridad.
The commitment to embrace and respect democratic principles is an essential element, and a condition, of the Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreements and Action Plans that frame the relations between the European Union and the southern and eastern Mediterranean countries. One of the European Union’s sources of information on this area are the findings of its election observation missions. The goal of this dissertation was to analyze the impact that these findings had on the EU’s policy towards the southern and eastern Mediterranean countries, in the period between 2000 and 2014. The main findings show that in the beginning of the 21st century the European Union did not send election observation missions to any of the elections in the southern and eastern Mediterranean countries, some of which were ruled by authoritarian regimes. This did not, however, preclude relations between the European Union and those governments. In cases where the European Union did sent missions, the information gathered had little or no impact on relations with the aforementioned governments. This thesis concludes that there is an inconsistency between the formulation of the promotion of democracy in European Union’s policy (pro-democratization rhetoric and the conditionality attached to it) and its implementation. This suggests that the European Union acts as a normative actor when seeking to extend its democratic standards through non-coercive means such as electoral observation, but if this approach conflicts with its security interests, security is given priority.

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Rasco, Clark Joseph. « Demographic trends in the European Union : political and strategic implicaitons / ». Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FRasco.pdf.

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Li, Xin. « European identity, a case study ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555548.

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Krasniuk, S. O. « Adult learning technologies in the European Union countries ». Thesis, Київський національний університет технологій та дизайну, 2018. https://er.knutd.edu.ua/handle/123456789/10707.

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Rottwilm, Philipp Moritz. « Electoral system reform in early democratisers : strategic coordination under different electoral systems ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6c3ebcf9-f25b-4ce8-a837-619230729c33.

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On the basis of case studies of 19th and early 20th century Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, I address the question of how and when incumbent right elites reformed electoral systems under a rising political threat from the left. Some states adopted proportional representation (PR) earlier than others. Why did different states adopt PR at different times? One important factor was the existing electoral system before the adoption of PR. This has been missed in academic research since most scholars have assumed that the electoral system in place before the adoption of PR in most Western European states was single-member plurality (SMP). I show that the system in place prior to PR in most Western European states was not SMP but a two-round system (TRS). TRS effects are still poorly understood by political scientists. I argue that both PR and TRS were used as safeguards by the parties on the right against an electoral threat from the left, which originated from the expansion of suffrage. PR was used as a last resort after other safeguards had been exhausted. I state that in the presence of a strong left threat, countries with TRS could wait longer to implement PR than countries with SMP in place. Under TRS, the adoption of PR was considerably delayed since electoral coordination between parties could be applied more effectively than under SMP systems. This was largely due to the increase of information and time after the first round of TRS elections, which was used by right parties to coordinate votes around the most promising candidate before the second round. First round results under TRS were used as an "electoral opinion poll". Based on these results, the right could react more effectively than the left in order to improve outcomes in round two.

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Slapin, Jonathan B. « Institutional design in the European Union how governments negotiated the Treaty of Amsterdam / ». Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1459915981&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Tan, Zu Jia. « Analysis on the integration of EU consumer credit markets : a co-integration analysis ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555572.

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Yucesan, Esin. « Stock Market Integration Between Turkey And European Union Countries ». Thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605686/index.pdf.

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The objective of the study is to analyze the effects of two breakpoints on the relationships of Istanbul Stock Exchange with the European stock markets and on the relationships among these European stock markets to increase the economic integration. The breakpoints are the execution of the Customs Union Agreement of Turkey with the European Union in 1/1/1996 and the introduction of the Euro in 1/1/1999. While both breakpoints have effects on Turkey&rsquo
s economic relations, the European Union countries are expected to be influenced by only the introduction of the Euro. Stock market indices provided by DataStream is utilized. The statistical techniques used include the correlation and cointegration analysis. Results indicate that when examined on pair wise basis Turkish stock market has more liaisons with the European stock markets, in general, after the Customs Union
but less liaisons after the conversion to Euro. However, when examined as a group, the cointegration result finds the Euro as influential as the Customs Union. Alternatively, the European stock markets have decreasing integrations as a result of correlation analysis after the Euro, but it is an influential breakpoint according to cointegrating structures.

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Livres sur le sujet "Elections – European Union countries"

der, Brug Wouter van, et Eijk C. van der, dir. European elections & domestic politics : Lessons from the past and scenarios for the future. Notre Dame, Ind : University of Notre Dame Press, 2007.

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Rethinking Britain and Europe : Plurality elections, party management and British policy on European integration. Manchester : Manchester University Press, 2004.

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Jesper, Strömbäck, et Kaid Lynda Lee, dir. Political communication in European parliamentary elections. Farnham, Surrey, England : Ashgate Pub. Co., 2011.

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Pasquinucci, Daniele. Elezioni europee e classe politica sovranazionale : 1979-2004. Bologna : Il mulino, 2004.

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Gábor, Tóka, et Batory Agnes, dir. A 2004. évi európai parlamenti választások : Pártok és szavazói magatartás nemzetközi összehasonlításban. Budapest : Demokrácia Kutatasok Magyar Kozpontja Közhasznú Alapítvány, 2006.

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Susanne, Jungerstam-Mulders, dir. Post-communist EU member states : Parties and party systems. Burlington, VT : Ashgate, 2006.

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Challenging the state : Devolution and the battle for partisan credibility : a comparison of Belgium, Italy, Spain and the United Kingdom. New York : Oxford University Press, 2012.

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European Union law. 2^e éd. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon : Routledge, 2010.

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Martyn, Bond, et Federal Trust for Education and Research., dir. Europe, parliament and the media. London : Federal Trust, 2003.

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1969-, Humphreys Matthew James, dir. European Union law. 6^e éd. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2010.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Elections – European Union countries"

Chopin, Thierry, et Michel Foucher. « Elections in the European Union and the Candidate Countries in 2011 ». Dans Schuman Report on Europe, 111. Paris : Springer Paris, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-2-8178-0222-0_19.

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Vogel, Lars. « Illiberal and Anti-EU Politics in the Name of the People ? Euroscepticism in East Central Europe 2004–2019 in Comparative Perspective ». Dans Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 29–55. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_2.

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Abstract This chapter describes patterns, trends and determinants of public Euroscepticism in East Central Europe (ECE). It investigates whether public opinion on European integration in this region is connected to the contestation of both the immigration policies and the constitutional principles of the EU by the respective national governments. By applying longitudinal and comparative analyses based on European Election Studies from 2004 to 2019, it shows public support for European integration in ECE as more closely linked to instrumental performance assessments than in the EU average and as structured by country-specific rather than region-specific patterns. Cultural issues, like immigration and conceptions of democracy, which dominate ECE governmental politics, are only related to public Euroscepticism in some of those countries. Based on these results, the chapter suggests that the connection between the illiberal and anti-EU politics of ECE national governments and public Euroscepticism is loose and conditional upon the national context.

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McCormick, John. « Elections and Referendums ». Dans European Union Politics, 271–87. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-34391-7_17.

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McCormick, John. « Elections and Referendums ». Dans European Union Politics, 257–73. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-45340-2_17.

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Jinji, Naoto, Xingyuan Zhang et Shoji Haruna. « Conclusion and Policy Implications ». Dans Advances in Japanese Business and Economics, 145–59. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-5210-3_8.

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AbstractAfter about a quarter century of countries having pursued deep regional integration through negotiating on deep regional trade agreements (RTAs), we observed a number of historical events that symbolize the curbing of the trend of globalization in 2016. On June 24, 2016, the people of the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union (EU) in a referendum. On November 8, 2016, Mr. Donald Trump, who proposed the “America First” policy and a number of protectionist policies, such as the withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement and the construction of a substantial wall on the United States–Mexico border, during his presidential campaign, won the US presidential election.

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Eppler, Annegret. « European Union ». Dans The Forum of Federations Handbook of Federal Countries 2020, 147–66. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42088-8_12.

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Rose, Richard. « How Democratic Elections Differ ». Dans Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 1–18. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44117-3_1.

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Chopin, Thierry, et Corinne Deloy. « European Elections 2009 Results, Overview, Outlook ». Dans State of the Union 2010, 159–68. Paris : Springer Paris, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-2-8178-0175-9_22.

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Schneider, Friedrich. « Size of the Shadow Economies of 28 European Union Countries from 2003 to 2018 ». Dans European Union, 111–21. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18103-1_6.

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Panić, M. « Postscript : A Comparison of EC and Gold Standard Countries ». Dans European Monetary Union, 133–59. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13452-6_6.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Elections – European Union countries"

Macerinskiene, Irena. « INTANGIBLES ASSESSMENT IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Dans SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b24/s7.050.

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Dudaitė, Jolita, Rūta Dačiulytė et Jolanta Navickaitė. « LIFELONG LEARNING SITUATION IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Dans 14th annual International Conference of Education, Research and Innovation. IATED, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/iceri.2021.1679.

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Cikes, N., J. Dudler, F. Lioté, DE Bax et NDS Bax. « THU0596 Rheumatology specialty training in european union countries ». Dans Annual European Congress of Rheumatology, 14–17 June, 2017. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd and European League Against Rheumatism, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2017-eular.3314.

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Bir iakova, Na a., Jana Stavkova et Veronika Anto ova. « Income Poverty in Selected Countries of the European Union ». Dans 2013 International Conference on the Modern Development of Humanities and Social Science. Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/mdhss-13.2013.124.

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Albu, Angela. « CORRELATION BETWEEN INNOVATION AND COMPETITIVENESS IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Dans 5th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018/1.3/s04.066.

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Kocisova, Kristina, et Martina Pastyriková. « DETERMINANTS OF NON-PERFORMING LOANS IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Dans 13th Economics & Finance Virtual Conference, Prague. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/efc.2020.013.005.

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Eren, Miraç, et Selahattin Kaynak. « Analysis of Innovation Performances of European Union Member Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c08.01852.

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Together with the transition from the industrial society to the information society, Innovation at the forefront of the countries' development arguments has strategic significance for companies, industries, and countries and it is emerging as the main element of being in the market. Also, Innovation has vital importance in determining the policies of countries because of increasing social welfare and living standards of individuals. Countries having effective innovation policies and systems are rapidly advancing in the development race. Even in countries with low innovation performance, demand for innovative products and services are high. According to the Lisbon Strategy, it is important to know the innovation performances of the member countries of the European Union, which see the innovation as the basic element of economic growth, and to measure their activities. For these reasons, the purpose of this research is to analyze the innovation performances of the EU member countries. So, Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) to measure the performance of each member country against the other member countries in the group consisting of European Union countries was considered. Therefore, the variables that are used in determining the level of innovation of the member states of the European Commission were respectively considered as Input Variables (Human Research, Research Systems, Finance, and Support) and Output Variables (Innovators, Economic effects). Tone (2001)'s Slack-Based Model and Lotfi & Poursakhi (2012)'s dynamic DEA Model was considered together to measure the efficiency of the countries in few periods instead of a single period.

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Zhou, Yanxi. « Identifying European Union Countries’ Cooperation in Reducing Carbon Emissions ». Dans 2022 3rd International Conference on Mental Health, Education and Human Development (MHEHD 2022). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.220704.099.

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Bondarev, A. V., E. T. Zhilyakova et M. Riffi. « ENTEROSORBENTS OF RUSSIA, THE EUROPEAN UNION AND ARAB COUNTRIES ». Dans Современные тенденции развития технологий здоровьесбережения. Москва : Федеральное государственное бюджетное научное учреждение "Всероссийский научно-исследовательский институт лекарственных и ароматических растений", 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52101/9785870191058_236.

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de Pablo Valenciano, Jaime, Juan Uribe Toril, Juan Milán García et Mercedes Capobianco Uriarte. « ROLE PLAYING FOR KNOWLEDGE ABOUT THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Dans International Conference on Education and New Learning Technologies. IATED, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/edulearn.2016.0786.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Elections – European Union countries"

Tomás, Inês, et Ricardo Barradas. Household indebtedness in the European Union countries : Going beyond the mainstream interpretation. DINÂMIA'CET-Iscte, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2021.03.

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Carbo-Valverde, Santiago, Edward Kane et Francisco Rodriguez-Fernandez. Evidence of Differences in the Effectiveness of Safety-Net Management in European Union Countries. Cambridge, MA : National Bureau of Economic Research, février 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13782.

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Domínguez, Roberto. Perceptions of the European Union in Latin America. Fundación Carolina, janvier 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dt76en.

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This working paper examines the puzzle of the gaps between the images that the EU projects, voluntarily and involuntarily, and the perceptions of the EU in Latin America. After reviewing some of the debates related to the role of perceptions in public policy and EU Public Diplomacy (EUPD), the paper analyzes some critical developments in global perceptions of the EU based on the study Update of the 2015 Analysis of the Perception of the EU and EU Policies Abroad (2021 Update Study), which assessed the attitudes of the EU in 13 countries. The third section examines some studies on the attitudes of the EU in Latin America, including some contributions from Latinobarometer. The fourth section offers comparative cases of EU perception in Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia based on the findings of the 2021 Update Study. The analysis of each country relies on the interpretation of surveys with some references to the press analysis and interview methods provided in the 2021 Update Study. Each case discusses specific trends in the following areas: visibility, primary descriptors, global economics, and international leadership. Also, it identifies some patterns in perceptions of the EU in social development, climate change, research/technology, development assistance, culture, the case of the critical juncture in the survey (pandemic), and the EU as a normative setter. The final section offers some general trends in the perceptions of the EU in Latin America.

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Barradas, Ricardo. Drivers of private consumption in the era of financialisation : new evidence for the European Union countries. DINAMIA'CET-IUL, Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2017.04.

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Barradas, Ricardo. Finance-growth nexus in the age of financialisation : An empirical reassessment for the European Union countries. DINAMIA-CET IUL, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2018.07.

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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer et Dominik Rehbaum. Advancing European Union Action to Address Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/rzme5933.

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The Ukraine war has added to the pressure to address the links between the environment, natural resource management and conflict. This SIPRI Research Policy Paper assesses the priorities of selected European Union (EU) member states regarding climate-related security risks, explores their strategies for pursuing these at EU level and identifies steps for further action. It finds that the appetite to tackle climate-related security risks at EU level is mixed. While maintaining the operational efficiency of the military is a red line, concentrating efforts on research, development and peacekeeping is acceptable even to countries that do not prioritize climate insecurity in their policies. Country strategies for pursuing such efforts involve spotlighting climate security during their respective rotating Council presidencies, working closely with the European External Action Service and the European Commission, and collaborating with like-minded member states. The paper recommends additional steps for action but in order to make effective adjustments to EU processes, climate security will need greater prominence on the EU agenda.

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Sheridan, Anne, et Sarah Groarke. Trends in migration to Ireland of nationals of countries with visa liberalisation agreements with the European Union. ESRI, août 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.26504/sustat75.

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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer et Dominik Rehbaum. Mapping European Union Member States’ Responses to Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/htdn6668.

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This SIPRI Research Policy Paper identifies European Union (EU) member states’ efforts to address climate-related security risks in the short to medium term and suggests entry points for further action. Even countries making visible attempts to mainstream the linkages between climate and security are falling short of pursuing a comprehensive approach. Among the ongoing initiatives that might bear fruit in one to three years are: appointing climate security advisers; climate proofing peacebuilding and conflict proofing climate action; investing in early warning and risk mapping; reassessing climate financing and development aid; and building up the operational resilience of the military. Strengthening such efforts would involve: incorporating climate insecurity into foreign and security policy dialogues; increasing conflict-sensitive climate adaptation finance; sensitization to climate change and conflict; and improving the operationalization of early warning. To remain credible, EU member states must advance their climate security initiatives and close the gap between rhetoric and practice.

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Barradas, Ricardo. Financialisation and the fall in the labour share : a panel data econometric analysis for the european union countries. DINAMIA'CET-IUL, Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2017.02.

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Barradas, Ricardo. Why has labour productivity slowed down in the era of financialisation ? Insights from the post-Keynesians for the European Union countries. DINÂMIA'CET-Iscte, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2022.03.

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This paper employs a panel data econometric approach in order to empirically ascertain the role of the phenomenon of financialisation in the deceleration of labour productivity in the European Union (EU) countries from 1980 to 2019. During that time, the EU countries suffered a huge structural transformation based on Reaganomics and Thatcherism and their financial systems have experienced strong liberalisation and deregulation, which have contributed to poor evolution of labour productivity and have revived fears around a new ‘secular stagnation’ in the era of financialisation. Grounded in post-Keynesian literature, the slowdown of labour productivity in the majority of developed economies in the last decades cannot be separated from the phenomenon of financialisation, which has occurred through four different channels, namely the weak economic performance, the decline in the labour income share, the increase in personal income inequality, and strengthening of the degree of financialisation. Our findings confirm that lagged labour productivity, economic performance, and labour income share have a positive impact on labour productivity in the EU countries, while personal income inequality and the degree of financialisation impact it negatively. Our findings also reveal that labour productivity in the EU countries in the last decades would have grown more if there had been a stronger economic performance, a smaller decline (or even a rise) of the labour income share, a smaller increase (or even a decrease) of personal income inequality, and a weakening of the degree of financialisation.

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