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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Economics – Political aspects – Policy sciences"
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Battaglini, Marco, et Eleonora Patacchini. « Social Networks in Policy Making ». Annual Review of Economics 11, no 1 (2 août 2019) : 473–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-economics-080218-030419.
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Recent advances in data collection, computing power, and theoretical modeling have stimulated a growing literature in economics and political science studying how social networks affect policy making. We survey this literature focusing on two main aspects. First, we discuss the literature studying how (and if) social connections in Congress affect legislative behavior. We then discuss how social connections affect the relationship between policy makers and the outside world, focusing on lobbying; the importance of family, caste, and ethnic networks; and social media and public activism. In our discussion, we highlight the key methodological challenges in this literature, how they have been addressed, and the prospects for future research.
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Kirichenko, I. « Finland's Innovation Policy : Sociohumanitarian Aspects ». World Economy and International Relations 65, no 12 (2021) : 61–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-12-61-67.
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Modern society faces large-scale challenges associated with the digitalization of economic and social processes, especially at its new stage – the development and implementation of artificial intelligence (AI) technologies. The point is that the use of AI entails great ethical risks, since creates an opportunity for non-observance of human rights to privacy. In Finland, a country that has been pursuing an innovation policy closely linked to socio-economic policies that responds to social challenges for several decades, this problem is widely discussed and strives to minimize and even eliminate the above risks in decisions on research and development (R&D) policy. Therefore, R&D in the field of AI technologies is carried out in Finland at the intersection of computer, mathematical and humanitarian sciences, since one of the most important issues of its application is the question of how moral and ethical its results will be. In this regard, the analysis and understanding of Finland’s experience in this area is important and necessary. Finland has traditionally in recent decades prioritized the humanitarian component in the formation of innovation policy. The technological component was viewed through the prism of social problems that should be resolved in the course of economic development, the main driver of which is innovation processes. This approach is determined by the country’s social development model. The openness of public administration, the high role of the country’s citizens in making the most important strategic decisions, the social responsibility of business, taking into account the opinion of the expert community leads to a balanced promotion of technologies in the economy. Of course, opportunities for innovative development “with a human face” from time to time run into economic constraints – which was clearly manifested, for example, during a pandemic. Nevertheless, when it comes to digitalization and the use of AI, the Finnish state and society continue to strive to ensure the presumption of morality and ethics in the implementation of these technologies. The country is conducting humanitarian and sociological research in this area, as well as developing mechanisms for managing the ethics and morality of AI. The country strives to become a leader not only in AI technologies, but also in developing the principles of preserving the humanitarian and moral values that Finland shares with Europe.
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Pogorelskaya, S. « Domestic Political Aspects of New German Foreign Policy ». World Economy and International Relations, no 7 (2001) : 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2001-7-91-100.
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Kelly, P. J. « Utilitarianism and Distributive Justice : The Civil Law and the Foundations of Bentham's Economic Thought ». Utilitas 1, no 1 (mai 1989) : 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820800000066.
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Between 1787, and the end of his life in 1832, Bentham turned his attention to the development and application of economic ideas and principles within the general structure of his legislative project. For seventeen years this interest was manifested through a number of books and pamphlets, most of which remained in manuscript form, that develop a distinctive approach to economic questions. Although Bentham was influenced by Adam Smith's An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, he neither adopted a Smithian vocabulary for addressing questions of economic principle and policy, nor did he accept many of the distinctive features of Smith's economic theory. One consequence of this was that Bentham played almost no part in the development of the emerging science of political economy in the early nineteenth century. The standard histories of economics all emphasize how little he contributed to the mainstream of late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century debate by concentrating attention on his utilitarianism and the psychology of hedonism on which it is premised. Others have argued that the calculating nature of his theory of practical reason reduced the whole legislative project to a crude attempt to apply economics to all aspects of social and political life. Put at its simplest this argument amounts to the erroneous claim that Bentham's science of legislation is reducible to the science of political economy. A different but equally dangerous error would be to argue that because Bentham's conception of the science of legislation comprehends all the basic forms of social relationships, there can be no science of political economy as there is no autonomous sphere of activity governed by the principles of economics. This approach is no doubt attractive from an historical point of view given that the major premise of this argument is true, and that many of Bentham's ‘economic’ arguments are couched in terms of his theory of legislation. Yet it fails to account for the undoubted importance of political economy within Bentham's writings, not just on finance, economic policy, colonies and preventive police, but also in other aspects of his utilitarian public policy such as prison reform, pauper management, and even constitutional reform. All of these works reflect a conception of political economy in its broadest terms. However, this conception of political economy differs in many respects from that of Bentham's contemporaries, and for this reason Bentham's distinctive approach to problems of economics and political economy has largely been misunderstood.
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Cherkasova, E. « Spain and Crisis : Political Aspects ». World Economy and International Relations, no 9 (2013) : 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-9-33-41.
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The article considers the causes and the nature of the economic crisis which was a heavy blow for Spanish economy being in need of structural reforms. The domestic political consequences of the crisis included the change of government, the emergence of new protest movements and strengthening of separatism. Under the Brussels' pressure, Spain was forced to make significant adjustments to its national anti-crisis strategy which had a high social price. Particular attention is given to relations with the EU and the impact of the crisis on the country's foreign policy.
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Liu, Jian, et Abdul Razaque Chhachhar. « Policy Paradigm Shifts of Contemporary Chinese Media ». Asian Social Science 13, no 2 (19 janvier 2017) : 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v13n2p187.
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In this paper, policy paradigm shifts of contemporary Chinese media are analyzed. Up till now, Chinese media policies have generally changed through three paradigms, including political unification policies (1949-1978), hybrid governance policies (1978-2013) and integrated governance policies (2013-now). All three-policy paradigms have been orienting towards political interests, but place emphasis on different aspects. Mainly politically oriented, the first policy paradigm focuses on seeking political interests. Guided by political, economic and social interests, the 2nd one is physically hybrid but not integrated owing to policy conflicts, overlaid management and poor efficiency. The 3rd media policy paradigm attempts to integrate policies for solving problems that appear during the 2nd policy paradigm.
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Venckūnas, Aurimas. « POLITICAL COMMUNICATION OF CREATIVE SOCIETY : THE ASPECTS OF PUBLIC POLICY ». Creativity Studies 15, no 1 (7 mars 2022) : 217–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/cs.2022.15923.
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The article analyses creative society political communication in Lithuania. Creative society (as a separate society type) is grounded by the increasing (and starting to dominate since 2000) amount of creative class in contemporary society, and by recent phenomenon of creative industries. Contemporary scientific research is mainly limited by creative society features, creative society economics and creative industries; however, there is lack of creative society analysis by public policy instruments. The article aims to make a model of creative society policy and, having evaluated the Lithuanian practice according to it, to define directions of implementation of this policy. Firstly, attitudes of researchers towards creative society were generalized, presenting its features, and the importance, alternatives, and possible directions of such policy. Secondly, having performed simulation and the case study (directions’ determination and implementation of creative society policy in Lithuania), the model of creative society policy was made (this model demonstrates how creative society policy might be formed and implemented in other countries), and directions of implementation of this policy were defined. The article summarizes main results of author’s prepared doctoral dissertation. Directions for further research can be analysis of directions of creative society policy, investigation of dream society (as a future type).
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Jotterand, Fabrice. « The Politicization of Science and Technology : Its Implications for Nanotechnology ». Journal of Law, Medicine & ; Ethics 34, no 4 (2006) : 658–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2006.00084.x.
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Nanotechnology represents, in part, a technological revolution in the sense that it allows highly innovative applications of various areas of the physical and life sciences. The development of nanotechnology and nanoscience, however, intensifies challenges to the traditional understanding of how to pursue scientific and technological knowledge. Science (in its broad meaning) can no longer be construed simply as the ideal of the quest for truth (i.e., “pure science”). Science, through its technological applications, has become the source of economic power and, by extension, political power. Science, with its political implications, has entered what John Ziman calls the era of “post-academic science.”In this paper, I argue that nanotechnology is a cardinal exemplar of this politicization, that is, the convergence of science, technology, politics, and economics for social and governmental purposes. At the same time, I assert that this new scientific ethos offers the possibility of a better integration of ethical and philosophical reflections at the core of scientific and technological development.
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Rovinskaya, T. « Information Security of Russia : Political and Cultural Aspects ». World Economy and International Relations, no 11 (2011) : 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-11-49-62.
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The article is devoted to the information security of Russia. It includes two main aspects: conceptual (political concepts, legislation, cultural specifics of the country) and practical (real law enforcements mechanisms, economic and technological opportunities). New Russia's information policy development specifics, threats to information security and the countermeasures, forms of Russia's international cooperation in the field are thoroughly examined in the paper.
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Ivanova, N. « Innovation Policy : Theory and Practice ». World Economy and International Relations 60, no 1 (2016) : 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-1-5-16.
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It is a well-established tradition of the Institute of World Economy and International Relations of Russian Academy of Sciences (IMEMO) to study the world’s major social and economic trends while taking into full account the most actual problems of Russia. In 2000s the government announces the course on innovative modernization as the basis for the long-term development strategy of the Russian Federation. Accordingly, the task of monitoring and application of the world experience of regulating this sphere took a priority place among the directions of the Institute’s research activities. The previous article published by ““World Economy and International Relations” Journal in 2006 in connection with the 50-anniversary of IMEMO exposed the principal stages of the examination of the economic aspects of scientific and technological progress (NTP). The IMEMO researchers proposed a radical change in the conceptual approach to respective studies – from NTP to innovations. This ensured a new and highly productive vision of the science, the technology trends and the innovative entrepreneurship within the concept of national innovation systems (NIS). This article is a continuation of the topic while summarizing the results of theoretical and applied research conducted by the team of the Department of Science and Innovation of the IMEMO in the past 10 years during 2005-2015.
Thèses sur le sujet "Economics – Political aspects – Policy sciences"
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KABA, Mustafa. « Essays on empirical political economy and public policy ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/69197.
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Defence date: 04 December 2020Examining Board: Professor David K. Levine (European University Institute); Professor Arthur Schram (European University Institute); Professor Daniela Iorio (University of Bologna); Professor Cemal Eren Arbatli (National Research University Higher School of Economics Moscow)
This thesis is a collection of independent empirical essays in the field of political economy. The first chapter investigates the electoral effects of a local public good provision, using a local food subsidy program that took place in Turkey, 2019. Exploiting the variation in the geographical distances of voters to the food subsidy program groceries, I establish three results. First, the food subsidy program has a statistically significant positive effect on the incumbent vote share. Second, the effects of the program are conditional on partisanship. Although the effects of the incumbent vote share do not change across different partisan groups, the effects on turnout are heterogeneous and countervailing across partisans of incumbent and opposition party. Finally, I find that much of the electoral effects of the program come from areas where voters are uniformly partisans of either party rather than from areas with mixed partisan profiles. The second chapter investigates the evolution of class distinctiveness in economic preferences across countries and over time. To this end, I first develop a new measure of class distinctiveness by using predictive modeling. I then estimate this new measure for 18 European countries for three points in time using micro-level survey data. After validating the newly developed measure, I test whether the variation in the strength of class-based voting can be explained by the class distinctiveness in economic preferences. In the third chapter, co-authored with Nicole Stoelinga, we test whether hosting or bidding on the Olympic games leads to an increase in the exports of the host and bidding countries. Previous studies on this question provide mixed findings and typically suffer from empirical problems such as selection bias. We re-evaluate the problem by applying a synthetic control approach. Our results indicate that hosting or bidding on the Olympic Games may affect exports positively or negatively depending on the countries’ initial reputation in terms of trade.
-- 1. The Differential Electoral Returns to a Local Food Subsidy Program -- 2. Class Distinctiveness & Class Voting -- 3. Escaping the Reputation Trap : revisiting the Olympic effect
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Ifestos, Panayiotis J. « Some aspects of external relations and foreign policy of the European Community : European political cooperation and defense / security issues ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213536.
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Mandla, Bulelani. « BEE and Malaysia's NEP : a comparative study / ». Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/579.
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Papandropoulos, Sylvie-Pénélope. « Issues in european competition policy : lobbying, reputation and R&D co-operation ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211988.
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BROBERG, Nikolaj. « Essays in political economy, migration, and public economics ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74543.
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Defence date: 19 May 2022Examining Board: Prof. Andrea Ichino, (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Andrea Mattozzi, (University of Bologna and EUI, Co-Supervisor); Prof. Frederico Finan, (University of California, Berkeley); Prof. Ekaterina Zhuravskaya, (Paris School of Economics and EHESS)
This thesis in four chapters focuses on political economy, migration, and public economics. The first chapter, joint with Vincent Pons and Clémence Tricaud, investigates the effects of campaign finance rules on electoral outcomes. In French departmental and municipal elections, candidates competing in districts above 9,000 inhabitants face spending limits and are eligible for public reimbursement. Using an RDD around the population threshold, we find that these rules increase competitiveness and benefit the runner-up of the previous race as well as new candidates, in departmental elections, while leaving the polarization and representativeness of the results unaffected. These results appear to be driven by the reimbursement of campaign expenditures, not spending limits. We do not find such effects in municipal elections, which we attribute to the use of a proportional list system instead of plurality voting. The second chapter, joint with Lars Ludolph, analyzes the effects of the migration wave from Central and Eastern European countries (AC-12) following their EU accession in 2004 on local level redistribution in England. We apply a difference-in-differences estimation strategy and find that greater migration flows led to spending on means-tested social care services to decrease in relative terms, while spending on education services increased. Our mechanisms suggest that, because of AC-12 migrants’ young age at the time of arrival, the 2004 EU enlargement alleviated some of the pressure faced by social care spending in England. We find no evidence that spending shifts are driven by a change in the local willingness to redistribute income. The third chapter investigates the effect of ideological distance between EU Commissioners for Agriculture and Regional Policy and heads of governments on the allocation of agricultural and regional funds flowing to member states. Results show that ideological distance is a strong deterrent of funds being channeled. The effects are strongest in pre-election years, for countries providing the Commissioners in charge of the given portfolios, and for countries that are single-party-ruled as opposed to coalition-ruled. These results provide first hand evidence that the behavior of European Commissioners follows similar principles to national level elected politicians and can help the debate surrounding EU reforms and the political independence of its executive body. The fourth chapter, joint with Pietro Panizza, exploits a reform in Italy that granted mayors the right to run for a third consecutive term in towns below 3,000 inhabitants. We employ a difference-indiscontinuity design and find evidence of pandering effects by mayors in both their first and second term at the time of the reform. Results differ depending on the term of the mayor reflecting the importance of the horizon of when mayors’ spending decisions pay off. We also find suggestive evidence of potential capture of first term mayors in the south of Italy.
1 The Impact of Campaign Finance Rules on Candidate Selection and Electoral Outcomes: Evidence from France 1.1 Introduction 1.2 Research setting 1.3 Empirical strategy 1.4 Effects in departmental elections 1.5 Effects in municipal elections 1.6 Mechanisms 1.7 Conclusion 2 Migration and Redistributive Spending: Evidence from Local Authorities in England 2.1 Introduction 2.2 Institutional setting 2.3 Sampling frame and data sources 2.4 Empirical strategy 2.5 Results 2.6 Robustness tests 2.7 Mechanisms 2.8 Conclusion 3 A Politically Independent Executive Arm? EU Commissioners’ Ideological Alignment and Budget Allocation in the European Union 3.1 Introduction 3.2 Institutional Setting 3.3 Data and Empirical strategy 3.5 Mechanisms 3.6 Conclusion 4 Term Limits and Accountability: Evidence from Italy 4.1 Introduction 4.2 Research setting 4.3 Research design 4.4 Main results 4.5 Mechanisms 4.6 Conclusion -- References -- A Appendix to Chapter 1 -- B Appendix to Chapter 2 -- B.1 Main results with controls - full table -- B.2 Local authority spending and funding -- B.3 Spatial distribution of other migrant groups -- B.4 2001 Census variables for matching -- B.5 UKIP results -- C Appendix to Chapter 3 -- D Appendix to Chapter 4 -- D.1 Figures -- D.2 Tables
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Siddiqui, Asif. « Microeconomic theory and foreign policy crisis decisions : Bangla Desh, 1971 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60684.
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This study analyzes the Bangladesh Crisis by building upon previous works that have applied microeconomic theory to international relations. One of the most innovative lines of inquiry from the realist school is to study international relations through analogy with microeconomic theory. Although used to analyze conflict, war, and the workings of the international system, a strict application of microeconomic theory to interstate crises is rare. This thesis will endeavour to contribute to this linkage.
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Taylor, Ian. « Hegemony, 'common sense' and compromise : a neo-gramscian analysis of multilateralism in South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51785.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to overcome past failings in the analysis of post-apartheid South Africa's foreign policy. In contrast to "explanations" offered by most previous analyses, this work demonstrates that the behaviour exhibited by Pretoria is not immutable or simply subject to the global "realities", but is derivative of the specific historic conjuncture of forces that joined together during the transition from apartheid, and which remain open-ended. The changes in the African National Congress' economic and political policies during the transition period are seen as the key to any attempt to understand Pretoria's post-1994 foreign policy behaviour. This is intimately connected to the structural changes in the international political economy and the change in the balance of international class forces brought about by the neo-liberal counter revolution. Deploying a theoretical framework derivative of the work of the Italian Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, this study situates South Africa's foreign policy in a world where the ideology of neo-liberalism has achieved hegemonic status amongst the transnational elite class - fractions of national elites, representing and reflecting the interests of money capital. Such a hegemonic project informs the beliefs of the Government of National Unity and the subsequent foreign policy activities postured by Pretoria. This study attempts to understand how and why the ANCacceded to the dominant discourse of neo-liberalism and why this must be contextualised within the structural constraints brought to bear upon the GNUin an increasingly globalised world. This accession to neo-liberal beliefs has gIVen nse to contradictions within the domestic polity between contending class fractions and within the ANC'sown ranks. This has provoked a fundamental tension in Pretoria's overall foreign policy, where on the one hand South Africa accepts the fundamental normative world order, whilst on the other pushes various reformist initiatives which seek to re-negotiate Pretoria's standing within this framework. Specifically, South Africa's behaviour in multilateral organisations has been marked by a tactical middlepowermanship role, essentially problem-solving, which seeks to smooth out the international system so that the ongoing world order may function as "efficiently" as possible. Such behaviour has been qualitatively different from the activist role that was expected from an ANC-led administration. Indeed, the activism exhibited by South Africa has been largely centred around the promotion of the liberalisation of markets and free trade, albeit tempered by an awareness of the need to reconcile its acceptance of the hegemonic order, with that of the appeals of a historically important fraction of its support constituency: the Left and labour. Attempts to reconcile these two positions, of promoting "free" trade whilst at the same time demanding "fair" trade for example, mirror the broader contradictions that have been evident in South African foreign policy. They reflect the historic compromise that saw the ANCcome to administrative power, and also the desire by the government to balance its neo-liberal credentials with certain reformist convictions. This has been most evident in Pretoria's behaviour in multilateral organisations. SLXmultilateral initiatives, and Pretoria's role within each, are examined: the World Trade Organisation, the Cairns Group, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Commonwealth, and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Implications for future South African foreign policy are drawn out, and a critical eye cast on whether such roles played out by Pretoria are immutable, or subject to change.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om vorige tekortkominge in die analise van post-apartheid Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid te oorkom. In teenstelling met die "verduidelikings" wat deur meeste vorige analises gebied word, illustreer die werk dat Pretoria se buitelandse gedragspatroon nie onveranderlik is en bloot onderhewig is aan die globale "realiteite" nie, maar voortvloei uit die besondere historiese tydsgewrig van magte wat saamgevoeg is gedurende die oorgang van apartheid na 'n onvoorspelbare era. Die veranderinge binne die African National Congress se ekonomiese en politieke beleid gedurende die oorgang periode word voorgehou as die sleutel tot enige poging om Pretoria se post-1994 buitelandse gedrag te verklaar. Strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie en die veranderinge in die magsbalans tussen internasionale klasse as gevolg van neo-liberalisme, het 'n fundamentele impak op die aard van hierdie buitelandse gedrag. Met behulp van 'n teoretiese raamwerk gedistilleer uit die werk van die Italiaanse Marxis, Antonio Gramsci plaas die studie Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid in 'n wêreld waarin die neo-liberale ideologie hoogty vier veral onder die transnasionale elite klas - fraksies van nasionale elites verteenwoordigend van die belange van finansiële kapitaal. Sodanige hegemoniese projek onderlê die oortuiging van die Regering van Nasionale Eenheid (RNE) en voortvloeiende buitelandse beleidsaksies. Die studie probeer vasstel hoe en waarom die ANC toenemend gehoor gegee het aan die oorheersende neo-liberale diskoers en waarom hierdie toetreding gekontekstualiseer moet word in terme van die strukturele beperkinge waaronder die RNE onderhewig is in 'n immerglobaliserende wêreld. Hierdie toetrede tot neo-liberale oortuiginge het aanleiding gegee tot teenstrydighede intern, tussen strydende klasfraksies asook binne die ANC se eie geledere. Hierdie teenstrydighede word ook weerspieël in Pretoria se buitelandsebeleids aksies in die algemeen. Aan die een kant aanvaar Suid- Afrika fundamenteel die normatiewe basis van wêreldorde, terwyl daar ook aan die ander kant gepoog word om Pretoria se posisie binne hierdie wêreldorde te bowe te kom. Suid-Afrika se gedrag in multilaterale organisasies in die besonder word gekenmerk deur 'n taktiese intermediêre rol ("middlepower role") hoofsaaklik van 'n probleem-oplossende aard, wat daarop gemik is om die internasionale sisteem so glad moontlik te funksioneer en teenstrydighede binne die wêreldorde te oorkom. Hierdie rol konstitueer 'n fundamentele wysiging van die aktivistiese rol wat van 'n ANC-regeerde Suid-Afrika verwag is. Die aktiwiteite wat wel deur Suid-Afrika geopenbaar is, sentreer hoofsaaklik om die bevordering van vrye en regverdige handel, alhoewel gerigsnoer deur 'n bewustheid van die behoefte om sodanige posisie te versoen met die aanvaarding van die bestaande hegemoniese orde aan die een kant en die eise van arbeid en politieke steun aan die Linkerkant van die politieke spektrum. Pogings om hierdie twee posisies te versoen - om "vrye" sowel as "regverdige" handel te versoen byvoorbeeld, weerkaats die algemene teenstrydighede waardeur Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleid gekenmerk word. Die paradokse is tekenend van die historiese kompromie wat tot die ANC se bewindsoorname aanleiding gegee het asook die regering se behoefte om sy neoliberale orientasie te balanseer met bepaalde hevormingsoortuiginge. Hierdie patroon is besonder merkbaar in die geval van multilaterale organisasies. Ses multilaterale inisiatiewe en Pretoria se verhoudinge met elk van die volgende internasionale organisasies word van naderby bekyk, veral ten opsigte van die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie, die Cairns Groep, die Verenigde Nasies Konferensie oor Handel en Ontwikkeling, die Onverbonde Beweging, die Statebond en die Kernspêrverdrag. Daar word gewys op die implikasies vir Suid- Afrika se buitelandse beleid, terwyl daar krities gevra word of sodanige rolle wat deur Pretoria gespeel word, 'n bepaalde onveranderlikheid geniet of ook onderhewig is aan veranderinge.
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Tessely, Ruth. « Economic, social and political/institutional assessment of spatial development initiatives (in South Africa) ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52249.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Spatial Development Initiatives (SDIs) became the Department of Trade and Industry's (DTI) official policy in 1995/6 to accommodate problems, such as unemployment and empowerment, through sustainable development. We consequently pose the question whether the government has realised a strategic fit, i.e. whether the initial intention with the SDI strategy has consequently been achieved and, if not, what the main lessons are to fill the strategic gap? This question will be addressed in five chapters. The first chapter will provide the reader with the necessary background information on these initiatives. Before concluding (Chapter 6), the following three chapters will follow the inherent logic of the SDI strategy, i.e. economic investments are crowded in (Chapter 3) through a facilitating and mediating role of government (Chapter 4) in order to solve employment and empowerment (Chapter 5). Each realm, i.e. economic- political/institutional-and social, is evaluated on its contribution to the success of the Spatial Development Initiative. On the one hand it is difficult to say categorically whether or not there was a strategic fit, because the strategic aims were not initially written out in measurable detail. If the aim was to employ and to empower, while strengthening the institutions, we could qualitatively discern only when institutional capacity building (like in Lubombo) was a clear aim, that the resulting effect of the SDI strategy was significant. The employment and empowerment efforts may have been more disappointing than hoped for. But again this is difficult to discern because it may be too early to observe the trickle down effects. Neither is it easy to measure the many achievements that were recorded, and still then, they will probably look very relative because of the immensity of the problem. In 2001 the South African Government acknowledged that it has failed in its empowerment programme, while a Presidential Summit was convened in 1998 to search for employment solutions. Against this background and given that not more effort is made to measure the results of the efforts to create employment, has to indicate that the SDIs have not left behind an impression of having performed well in terms of their strategic aim. On the one hand this was because government strongly tended towards attracting foreign investment while paying too little attention to the subsequent needs of SMMEs. Moreover is there a need for an integrated and long-term development plan that allows rational choices to be made. Nevertheless, the fact that evaluations are commissioned and that government publicly admits a mistake could be the signs of a learning organisation, which again is the start of a positive process.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ruimtelike Ontwikkelings Inisiatiewe (ROI's) het die Departement Handel en Nywerheid se amptelike beleid in 1995/96 geword om probleme soos werkloosheid en swartbemagtiging deur middel van volhoubare ontwikkeling aan te spreek. Ons stel gevolglik die vraag of die regering 'n strategiese plan gehad het waarbinne die ROI inisiatief gepas het, of dit gewerk het en wat die lesse te leer is? Hierdie kwessie sal in vyf hoofstukke aangespreek word. Die eerste hoofstuk voorsien die leser van die nodige agtergrondinligting oor dergelike inisiatiewe. Die samevatting is hoofstuk ses, maar dit word deur drie ander hoofdstukke voorafgegaan: 'n logiese beoordeling van die ekonomiese determinante (hoofstuk drie), die fasiliterende rol van die regering (hoofstuk vier) en die suksesse, al dan nie, van werkskepping en bemagtiging (hoofstuk vyf). Elke tema word beoordeel in die lig van die vraag of dit bydra to die sukses van ROI's. Aan die een kant is dit moeilik te verklaar of daar 'n strategiese plan was omdat so 'n plan nie vooraf uiteengesit was nie. Indien dit die bedoeling was om werkgeleenthede te skep en om bemagtiging te bevorder, sou mens slegs na enkele inisiatiewe hoef te kyk, bv die Lubombo Plan. In so 'n geval was die suksesse tog beduidend. In die algemeen was die werkverskaffings- en bemagtigingsresultate egter teleurstellend. Dit is moontlik steeds te vroeg om 'n finale oordeel uit te spreek. Op hierdie stadium is dit geen eenvoudige taak om prestasies in die lig van die groter problematiek te meet nie. Bv in 2001 het die regering bevestig dat bemagtigingsprogramme in die lig van die presidensiele beraad van 1998, misluk het. Teen hierdie agtergrond word die indruk geskep dat die ROI's moontlik nie hul strategiese doelwitte bereik het nie. Sedertdien het die regering daarna gestrewe om buitelandse direkte investering na Suid-Afrika te lok deur middel van privatisering en klein, mikro en medium ondernemings te vestig. Die planne was moontlik meer suksesvol. Al hierdie inisiatiewe behoort in 'n enkele langtermyn ontwikkelingsplan opgeneem te word sodat rasionele keuses gemaak kan word. Dan sal daar duidelikheid wees oor die rol en plek van ROI's. Dit bestaan nog nie. Nietemin doen die regering reeds beoordelings van hulle planne met die oog om dit te hersien en die erkenning dat sekere planne nie hulle mikpunte bereik nie, is tekens daarvan dat 'n leerproses aan die orde van die dag is wat tog 'n positiewe begin was.
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Noury, Abdul Ghafar. « Essays on Economics of political Behavior ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211488.
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Riviere, Anouk. « Countries, constituencies and parties : three essays in political economics and on the strategic aspects of voting ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211906.
Texte intégralLivres sur le sujet "Economics – Political aspects – Policy sciences"
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Stone, Deborah A. Policy paradox and political reason. Glenview, Ill : Scott, Foresman, 1988.
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A, Stone Deborah, dir. Policy paradox : The art of political decision making. New York : W.W. Norton, 1997.
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Policy paradox : The art of political decision making. New York : Norton, 2002.
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Argyrous, George. Readings in political economy : Economics as a social science. 3e éd. Prahan, Vic : Tilde University Press, 2011.
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B, Stilwell Frank J., et Argyrous George 1963-, dir. Economics as a social science : Readings in political economy. 2e éd. Annandale, N.S.W : Pluto Press Australia, 2003.
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Argyrous, George. Readings in political economy : Economics as a social science. 3e éd. Prahan, Vic : Tilde University Press, 2011.
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Policy paradox : The art of political decision making. 3e éd. New York : W.W. Norton & Co., 2012.
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Bellinger, William Kenneth. The economic analysis of public policy. Abingdon [England] : Routledge, 2007.
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C, Peterson Wallace, dir. Market power and the economy : Industrial, corporate, governmental, and political aspects. Boston : Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1988.
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Pietro, Navarra, dir. The economics of freedom : Theory, measurement, and policy implications. New York : Cambridge University Press, 2012.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Economics – Political aspects – Policy sciences"
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Kriesler, Peter, et Joseph Halevi. « Political Aspects of “Buffer Stock” Employment ». Dans Post-Keynesian Essays from Down Under Volume II : Essays on Policy and Applied Economics, 100–109. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137475350_10.
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Fisher, William P. « Measurement Systems, Brilliant Processes, and Exceptional Results in Healthcare : Untapped Potentials of Person-Centered Outcome Metrology for Cultivating Trust ». Dans Springer Series in Measurement Science and Technology, 357–96. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-07465-3_12.
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AbstractAn historic shift in focus on the quality and person-centeredness of health care has occurred in the last two decades. Accounts of results produced from reinvigorated attention to the measurement, management, and improvement of the outcomes of health care show that much has been learned, and much remains to be done. This article proposes that causes of the failure to replicate in health care the benefits of “lean” methods lie in persistent inattention to measurement fundamentals. These fundamentals must extend beyond mathematical and technical issues to the social, economic, and political processes involved in constituting trustworthy performance measurement systems. Successful “lean” implementations will follow only when duly diligent investments in these fundamentals are undertaken. Absent those investments, average people will not be able to leverage brilliant processes to produce exceptional outcomes, and we will remain stuck with broken processes in which even brilliant people can produce only flawed results. The methodological shift in policy and practice prescribed by the authors of the chapters in this book moves away from prioritizing the objectivity of data in centrally planned and executed statistical modeling, and toward scientific models that prioritize the objectivity of substantive and invariant unit quantities. The chapters in this book describe scientific modeling’s bottom-up, emergent and evolving standards for mass customized comparability. Though the technical aspects of the scientific modeling perspective are well established in health care outcomes measurement, operationalization of the social, economic, and political aspects required for creating new degrees of trust in health care institutions remains at a nascent stage of development. Potentials for extending everyday thinking in new directions offer hope for achieving previously unattained levels of efficacy in health care improvement efforts.
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Crato, Nuno. « From Lack of Data to Data Unlocking ». Dans Handbook of Computational Social Science for Policy, 125–39. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16624-2_6.
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AbstractReliable cross-section and longitudinal data at national and regional level are crucial for monitoring the evolution of a society. However, data now available have many new features that allow for much more than to just monitor large aggregates’ evolution. Administrative data now collected has a degree of granularity that allows for causal analysis of policy measures. As a result, administrative data can support research, political decisions, and an increased public awareness of public spending. Unstructured big data, such as digital traces, provide even more information that could be put to good use. These new data is fraught with risks and challenges, but many of them are solvable. New statistical computational methods may be needed, but we already have many tools that can overcome most of the challenges and difficulties. We need political will and cooperation among the various agents. In this vein, this chapter discusses challenges and progress in the use of new data sources for policy causal research in social sciences, with a focus on economics. Its underlying concerns are the challenges and benefits of causal analysis for the effectiveness of policies. A first section lists some characteristics of the new available data and considers basic ethical perspectives. A second section discusses a few computational statistical issues on the light of recent experiences. A third section discusses the unforeseeable evolution of big data and raises a note of hope. A final section briefly concludes.
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Khokhobashvili, Tamar. « Migration Policy Challenges and Management ». Dans Handbook of Research on the Regulation of the Modern Global Migration and Economic Crisis, 223–38. IGI Global, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-6334-5.ch014.
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International migration is a hot subject of modern scientific and political debates, towards which there is a mixed attitude. Evaluating the political, economic, social, and cultural consequences of migration and implementing and developing appropriate policies tailored to the country's interests is one of the important tasks of any country's domestic and foreign policy. Migration is a multidimensional process, which is the subject of various sciences such as sociology, demography, geography, history, economics, etc. representing the field of study. The chapter examines the political, social, and economic aspects of migration processes; analyzes the main directions, trends, and scales of international migration examines the importance of managing migration processes; discusses the growth factors of illegal emigration; examines the main causes of forced migration; and analyzes the role of the European Union in the migration policy management process.
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Deeming, Christopher. « The ‘social’ in the age of sustainability ». Dans The Struggle for Social Sustainability, 1–36. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447356103.003.0001.
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This chapter lays out a critical introduction to the idea of the ‘social’ and examines how notions of the social are now guiding the development of global social policy for the age of sustainability. The chapter presents the different contributions to the evolving debate on the social of social policy and the social dimensions of sustainability that this volume brings together for critical examination and reflection. It approaches the social from multiple angles, rooted in history and culture studies, economics and political science, social politics, sociology and social epidemiology, written by scholars working within and across these different disciplines. The chapter helps us to think more critically about important moral and political aspects of the ‘social’ and especially of the notion of ‘social policy’. It forces us to think very carefully about the meaning of the ‘social’, and the different conceptualizations of the ‘social’ of social policy.
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Madai, Sándor. « The Impact of Economic Policy on Economic Crime ». Dans Criminal Legal Studies : European Challenges and Central European Responses in the Criminal Science of the 21st Century, 361–70. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.evcs.cls_12.
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This study presents the parallelism of the characteristics of the economic crimes of the Central and Eastern-European countries participating in the project. That is, it notes aspects of criminal law that clearly show that such countries in the past decade employed (and still employ) similar regulatory principles, owing to reasons such as geographical proximity and others. This study provides an over- view of the regulatory directions of the countries after World War II, which, from the Soviet sphere of interest, were common. We then review the main steps in the field of action against economic crimes, which can be perceived as stemming from democratization. Notably, most of the examined countries are European Union members, and more countries want to join. Therefore, among the countries, the integration process indeed reveals a similar legal and political background. Consider- ing the limitations of the study, it was not possible to examine the changes in the regulations of each country in detail. Thus, we only tried to draw attention to the similarities of common processes and characteristics.
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Addink, Henk. « The Principle of Effectiveness ». Dans Good Governance, 141–56. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198841159.003.0010.
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The (sub)principles of effectiveness is rather new for many lawyers. This novelty is partly because these principles are related not only to law from a more classical perspective but also to academic fields like social sciences and economics. Modern textbooks on administrative law are sometimes split into two parts: one part on administration and law and another part on law and administration. The first part is, from an administrative law perspective, the most innovative. It is mainly focused on policy, constitutional, and organizing aspects of the administration. The approach is contextual, and it draws on different disciplines. It deals with administrative developments, centralized and decentralized administration, the different types of administration, the management aspects of administration, the development of agencies, the different methods of internal and external coordination, and the position of the key players in the field of the administration. The second part concerns the analysis of the principles of judicial review as they have been developed by the courts, the ombudsman, and other controlling institutions. These principles are applied to control and structure the administration. It also takes full account of the legislative and political initiatives that are relevant for the development of administrative law, including the role played by the different powers in the state. In this chapter, we integrate these two parts of ‘administration and law’ and their corresponding approaches. This reflects the interdisciplinary nature of the development of the principles in general and more specifically in the (sub)principles of effectiveness. These principles can also be applied mutatis mutandis in other contexts that restrict the perspective of the administration in a narrow sense, like the administrative court and the fourth power institutions.
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Rothstein, Bo. « 1. The Relevance of Comparative Politics ». Dans Comparative Politics, 21–34. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198820604.003.0001.
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This chapter explains what comparative politics could be relevant for, such as informing the public debate and giving policy advice. It argues that comparative politics has a huge but sometimes underdeveloped potential for being relevant for the various aspects of human well-being, economic prosperity, and social justice that most people care deeply about. Empirical research shows that the manner in which a country’s political institutions are designed and the quality of the operations of these institutions have a strong impact on measures of population health, as well as subjective well-being and general social trust. One result is that democratization without increased state capacity and control of corruption is not likely to deliver increased human well-being. The chapter also considers whether democracy generates political legitimacy, and concludes by suggesting that comparative political science has so far paid relatively little attention to issues of state capacity, control of corruption, and institutional quality.
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Debych, Mariia. « INTERNATIONALIZING HIGHER EDUCATION OF UKRAINE : NATIONAL POLICY ». Dans Priority areas for development of scientific research : domestic and foreign experience. Publishing House “Baltija Publishing”, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-049-0-18.
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Internationalization has become a subject of global interest and global geographical coverage. In order to develop a National Internationalization Strategy of Ukraine, it is necessary to take into account trends and patterns in the global market of international education services. The aim of this article is to examine national policy of Ukraine for higher education internationalization, consider issues of foreign students’ study in Ukraine and give recommendations for National Internationalization Strategy development. To achieve the above aim, several methods have been used, including internet search, analysis, systematization of evident information. The European vector for developing Ukraine has been confirmed by the accession to the Bologna Process (2005) and Association Agreement between the European Union (EU) and Ukraine (2014). Basis for higher education internationalization (Bologna instruments and legislative documents) have been analyzed. The goals and tasks of the Ukrainian State Center for International Education of the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine (the official state source of information on the education of foreign students in Ukraine) are presented. Statistical data from Development Strategy of the state enterprise “Ukrainian State Center for International Education for 2021–2025” prove the increase of foreign students in Ukraine. SWOT analysis of the higher education internationalization in Ukraine revealed strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats of higher education internationalization. The current state of higher education internationalization in Ukraine is also clarified by the results of PESTL analysis identifying Political, Economic, Social, Technological, and Legal aspects of the external environment that affect this process. It is stated that Ukraine faces the following challenges concerning academic mobility: insufficient / no funding; non-recognition of degrees / diplomas; unsatisfactory level of foreign language proficiency; inappropriate educational programs / training organization; legal issues; lack of information and encouragement; personal problems of students. The degree of involvement of scholars and academics in international cooperation is very low. The main aspects for the National Internationalization Strategy in Ukraine and their content components are highlighted as following: worldview and value aspect (mission, vision, values, principles); organizational and resource aspect (goals and objectives, approaches, methods, tools, forms, mechanisms, organizational structure and functions, resources); regulatory and legal aspect (legislative regulation: tools for recognition, implementation of mobility, introduction of joint educational programs, mechanisms for ensuring the quality of higher education). It is recommended to develop National Internationalization Strategy; to involve foreign experts for the accreditation of Ukrainian educational programs and participate in the accreditation of foreign educational programs; to develop the Ukrainian rating of universities taking into account indicators of internationalization: foreign students; foreign academics in the Ukrainian universities; publications in foreign scientific journals; joint educational programs / research.
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Hand, David J. « 6. Measurement in the social sciences, economics, business, and public policy ». Dans Measurement : A Very Short Introduction, 90–105. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198779568.003.0006.
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Social measurement spans a vast range of topics. It underpins government, public policy, international relations, industrial relations, economics, academic social science research, aspects of business and commerce, and education, health, and transport systems. It is necessary for understanding our societies and how we live in them, for monitoring and indeed guiding change, to decide if things are working, and to provide accountability. ‘Measurement in the social sciences, economics, business, and public policy’ shows that, generally, social measures are aggregate measures summarizing many individual values. Statistical summaries might be based on data from every member of a population or a mere sample. It also discusses economic indicators and gaming.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Economics – Political aspects – Policy sciences"
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Semenov, Oleg. « CONTEMPORARY SWEDISH SECURITY POLICY : NORDIC CONTEXT ». Dans SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s4.008.
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Kutik, Jan. « PUBLIC SECTOR, PUBLIC POLICY AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION ». Dans SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b23/s7.055.
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HM, Pahrudin, et Ratna Dewi. « The Political Policy of Muaro Jambi Local Government and It‘s Impact on People’s Welfare ». Dans International Conference on Social Sciences, Humanities, Economics and Law. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.5-9-2018.2281099.
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Andreeva, Elena. « RUSSIA AND GERMANY : SIMILARITIES AND DIFFERENCES IN TECHNOLOGICAL POLICY STRATEGIES ». Dans SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b23/s7.066.
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Rosoiu, Andreea. « A COMPARISON OF BAYESIAN MODELS FOR MONETARY POLICY TRANSMISSION MECHANISM ». Dans SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b22/s6.001.
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Sander, Priit. « DETERMINANTS OF DIVIDEND POLICY IN ESTONIAN FIRMS : AN EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS ». Dans SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b22/s6.025.
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Tallova, Lydie. « COPYRIGHT ASPECTS OF DISCLOSURE OF WORKS WITHIN THE EUROPEANA DIGITAL LIBRARY ». Dans SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s5.074.
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Filipczykova, Hana. « PRACTICAL ASPECTS OF FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT IN MORAVIAN-SILESIAN SOCIAL WORK ORGANIZATIONS ». Dans SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b22/s6.070.
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Setyowati, Rr, FX Sadewo et Martinus Legowo. « The Role of Political Communication in Anticipating Social Conflicts Based on the Government Policy in East Java ». Dans Social Sciences, Humanities and Economics Conference (SoSHEC 2017). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/soshec-17.2018.8.
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Vertakova, Yulia. « THE DEVELOPMENT OF REGIONAL CLUSTER-ORIENTED POLICY : RUSSIAN AND FOREIGN PRACTICE ». Dans SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s4.053.
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