Articles de revues sur le sujet « East Sussex (England) – Guidebooks »

Dialects in the South East of England are very often perceived as one homogenous mass, without much regional variation. Rosewarne introduced the notion of Estuary English and defined it as ‘variety of modified regional speech [ . . . ] a mixture of non-regional and local south-eastern English pronunciation and intonation’ (Rosewarne, 1984). However, studies such as Przedlacka (2001) and Torgersen & Kerswill (2004) have shown that, at least on the phonetic level, distinct varieties exist. Nevertheless, very few studies have investigated language use in the South East and even fewer in the county of Sussex. It is often claimed that there is no distinct Sussex dialect (Coates, 2010: 29). Even in the earliest works describing the dialect of the area (Wright, 1903) there are suggestions that it cannot be distinguished from Hampshire in the west and Kent in the east.

This article contributes to debates over the ‘land–family bond’ in Early Modern England, in which social historians have engaged periodically during the past decade. It examines the work of Jane Whittle, Govind Sreenivasen and Alan Macfarlane and adds new archival evidence from my own study of three East Sussex villages, circa 1580–1770. Its focus is on the factors that influenced the land–family bond over time. It argues that a more nuanced understanding of individual tenant behaviour during this period cannot be reached without also charting the social, economic and demographic context in which such behaviour operated.

This paper describes the discovery, by geological and archaeological fieldwork, of a major Iron Age and Roman quern quarry which was supplying much of south-east and south-midland England. The debitage from the site is described and the chronological development of querns from the quarry assessed in the light of material found on habitation sites. It is argued that production reached a peak the first century A.D. The broad distribution of Lodsworth products during the Iron Age, and to a lesser extent during the Roman period, is discussed.

AbstractThe paper discusses the siting of Middle and Late Bronze Age hoards in south Hampshire, Sussex and parts of Surrey and Kent. It presents the results of fieldwork at the findspots of a hundred metalwork deposits and discusses the most informative ways of studying them on the ground. On the coastal plain the hoards were not far from occupation sites, and can be associated with evidence of burnt mounds and occasionally with field systems. That was less common on the chalk. Throughout the study area these deposits were normally located along watercourses, with a special emphasis on small areas of ground beside, or overlooking springs and confluences. It seems as if the deposition of bronze metalwork was governed by certain conventions. For that reason it may be possible to predict the pattern of future discoveries.

The Romano-British site of Barcombe in East Sussex, England, has suffered heavy postdepositional attrition through reuse of the building materials for the effects of ploughing. A detailed GPR survey of the site was carried out in 2001, with results, achieved by usual radar data processing, published in 2002. The current paper reexamines the GPR data using microwave tomography approach, based on a linear inverse scattering model, and a 3D visualization that permits to improve the definition of the villa plan and reexamine the possibility of detecting earlier prehistoric remains.

SUMMARYOn 30 May 2012, Surrey and Sussex Health Protection Unit was called by five nurseries reporting children and staff with sudden onset vomiting approximately an hour after finishing their lunch that day. Over the following 24 h 50 further nurseries supplied by the same company reported cases of vomiting (182 children, 18 staff affected). Epidemiological investigations were undertaken in order to identify the cause of the outbreak and prevent further cases. Investigations demonstrated a nursery-level attack rate of 55 out of 87 nurseries (63·2%, 95% confidence interval 52·2–73·3). Microbiological tests confirmed the presence of Bacillus cereus in food and environmental samples from the catering company and one nursery. This was considered microbiologically and epidemiologically consistent with toxin from this bacterium causing the outbreak. Laboratory investigations showed that the conditions used by the caterer for soaking of pearl haricot beans (known as navy bean in the USA) used in one of the foods supplied to the nurseries prior to cooking, was likely to have provided sufficient growth and toxin production of B. cereus to cause illness. This large outbreak demonstrates the need for careful temperature control in food preparation.

Despite the debates surrounding media audiences, it seems that little work within popular music studies has engaged directly with those who consume, listen to and use popular music as part of their everyday lives. The purpose of this paper is therefore to examine issues relating to popular music audiences through an analysis of my own research which has involved conducting unstructured group discussions with teenagers at a comprehensive school in East Sussex, South England, during the Summer term of 1999. These young people articulated the significance of popular music in their lives in terms of its usefulness within the context of their daily routines, rather than as a meaningful source for identity investment.

L'époque entre le milieu du dix-septième siècle et le milieu du dix-huitième siècle s'affiche comme une période de stagnation et déclin de la population. Cette étude examine la scission de la population au niveau régional, un niveau qui a peu retenu l'attention des historiens démographes. Cette analyse régionale est axée sur trois comtés du sud-est de l'Angleterre notamment Essex, Kent et Sussex. Elle démontre que de nombreux types différents de paroisse et environs sont tous plongés dans une spirale démographique descendante. Des déclins de population pour de nombreuses paroisses du sud-est de l'Angleterre vont de pair avec des hausses de mortalité. L'auteur suggère que les mouvements de population à travers la campagne, de et vers la métropole et au delà des mers ouvraient des voies pour la propagation d'éléments pathogènes, des porteurs de maladie et leurs victimes. Le changement du cycle épidémiologique sera une des influences importantes sur les tendances démographiques de l'époque.

SummarySeven plots were laid out for the 1985–6 growing season on the Chalk Downs near Lewes, East Sussex, to study the relationship between cultivation practice, soil conditions and erosion rates. Three plots were sown with cereals in autumn and three in spring. The seventh plot was ploughed and kept bare. In both spring and autumn, one plot was conventionally cultivated by ploughing and harrowing, one was direct drilled through burnt stubble and the third was direct drilled through the debris of the previous year's straw and stubble. Erosion was greatest from the conventionally cultivated plots and least from those direct drilled through unburnt stubble. Monitoring of moisture, infiltration, strength and compaction properties of soils suggests that from late autumn onwards soil conditions on the plots were very similar and the major factor determining the different erosion losses from the plots was the percentage vegetal cover (crop, weeds and residues). The results suggest that direct drilling through unburnt stubble may be a way of obtaining high yields with low erosion risk on the Downs, but the long-term consequences of such a practice remain unknown.

Abstract Introduction An NHS Digital survey found that 1 in 8 children aged between 5-19 had at least one mental health disorder in England in 2017.1 Since this survey the prescribing of antidepressants and anxiolytics has increased every year for the past five years in England.2 A GP surgery within East Sussex requested an evaluation of whether prescribing of mental health disorder medication in paediatrics was following legal and clinical guidance. This evaluation reviewed whether the GP practice had followed Summary of Product Characteristics (SPC) prescribing requirements and the East Sussex Healthcare NHS Trust (ESHT) formulary requirements in the use of antidepressants and anxiolytics in the paediatric population. Aim To evaluate whether medicines were prescribed in accordance with their SPC, the ESHT Formulary requirements and monitoring requirements. The evaluation also assessed whether patients’ GP records were up to date as per clinic letters and whether patients were receiving cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) and/or were under the care of appropriate mental health specialists. Methods A search was conducted via the EMIS system. Inclusion criteria were that the patient was under the age of eighteen, had an anxiolytic and/or antidepressant prescribed and were registered with the practice between the beginning of March 2022 to the end of April 2022. Data was analysed via excel spreadsheet with patients allocated a random number. Ethics approval was not required as this was a service evaluation. Results Eleven patients met the above criteria. Out of these patients 46% were on sertraline, 46% on fluoxetine, 18% on mirtazapine and 9% on citalopram. Audit results demonstrated that 90% of patients were under the supervision of a mental health specialist and/or receiving CBT, 66% of medications were prescribed as per their SPC with 69% prescribed in accordance with the ESHT formulary. Monitoring requirements conducted within the last 12 months was completed for 64% of patients. In addition, 45% of patients had an incorrect medication list when compared to neurology clinic letter with errors ranging from missing medication to incorrect dosing. It was also found that 82% of patients had incorrect coding on their problem lists with errors ranging from missed diagnoses to medication being incorrectly linked to problems. Discussion/Conclusion The results show that most prescribing followed formulary and SPC requirements, and that patients had CBT either in place or in the process of being organised. However, more care is needed with monitoring, coding and processing clinic letters within this practice. Clinic letters with new diagnoses and medication changes were not seen by a clinical professional, potentially leading to errors. A small cohort of patients and COVID restrictions with staff and patients were the primary limitations of this study. More research is needed to determine whether other GP surgeries have the same strengths and challenges found within this surgery, and whether lessons can be learnt to standardise practice. References 1. NHS Digital. Mental health of children and young people in England, 2017. Available from: https://dera.ioe.ac.uk/32622/1/MHCYP%202017%20Summary.pdf 2. NHS Business Services Authority. Medicines Used in Mental Health – England – 2015/16 to 2020/21. Available from: https://www.nhsbsa.nhs.uk/statistical-collections/medicines-used-mental-health-england/medicines-used-mental-health-england-201516-202021

AbstractThe Weald Basin of SE England is a lozenge shaped accumulation of sediments occuring from Southampton and Winchester in the west to Maidstone and Hastings in the east. It is approximately 150 km long by 60 km wide, covering an area of some 9000 km2 (Fig. 1). Several commercial oil and gas discoveries have been made, mostly on the flanks of the basin. These fields have been in continous production since the early 1980s. Field size in terms of recoverable hydrocarbons is small, 0.5 to 6 MMBBL of oil is typical. Hydrocarbons are produced primarily from the Middle Jurassic Bathonian Great Oolite at Humbly Grove, Herriard, Storrington, Singleton, Stockbridge, Goodworth and Horndean fields but also from the Late Oxfordian-Early Kimmeridgian Corallian Sandstone at Palmers Wood; Portland Sandstone at Brockham and Godley Bridge; Corallian Limestone at Bletchingley; Purbeck Sandstones in Albury and Late Triassic Rhaetic calcarenites in Humbly Grove. Cumulative oil production from the basin as a whole is currently 19.1 MMSTB

The foraminifera of the Gault Clay Formation, exposed in the Munday's Hill Quarry (Leighton Buzzard, Bedfordshire, UK), are described. This quarry, which is worked for the underlying Woburn Sands, is periodically 'refreshed' and the Gault Clay overburden removed. This cleaning of the quarry was undertaken in 2018 and provided access to a fresh clay succession. An 11.4 m section of the Gault Clay Formation was logged and samples collected for micropaleontological analysis, ranging from the Hoplites spathi Subzone to the Hysteroceras varicosum Subzone. A total of 58 specieswere identified from a total of 11,345 foraminifera examined in 20 samples. Two distinctive assemblages are evident; the Lower Gault Clay contains abundant aragonitic foraminifera, while the Upper Gault Clay is dominated by agglutinated foraminifera. This distribution is repeatedly recorded across South-Eastern England and is likely due to ecological constraints such aswater depth, but taphonomic processes cannot be dismissed. The succession at Munday's Hill Quarry is compared to comparable successions in East Anglia, Sussex (Glyndebourne Borehole) and Kent (Copt Point, Folkestone).

AbstractA detailed carbon- and oxygen-isotope stratigraphy has been generated from Upper Cretaceous coastal Chalk sections in southern England (East Kent; Culver Cliff, Isle of Wight; Eastbourne and Seaford Head, Sussex; Norfolk Coast) and the British Geological Survey (BGS) Trunch borehole, Norfolk. Data are also presented from a section through the Scaglia facies exposed near Gubbio, Italian Apennines. Wherever possible the sampling interval has been one metre or less. Both the Chalk and Scaglia carbon-isotopic curves show minor positive excursions in the mid-Cenomanian, mid- and high Turonian, basal Coniacian and highest Santonian–lowest Campanian; there is a negative excursion high in the Campanian in Chalk sections that span that interval. The well-documented Cenomanian–Turonian boundary ‘spike’ is also well displayed, as is a broad positive excursion centred on the upper Coniacian. A number of these positive excursions correlate with records of organic-carbon-rich deposition in the Atlantic Ocean and elsewhere. The remarkable similarity in the carbon-isotope curves from England and Italy enables cross-referencing of macrofossil and microfossil zones and pinpoints considerable discrepancy in the relative positions of the Turonian, Coniacian and Santonian stages.The oxygen-isotope values of the various Chalk sections, although showing different absolute values that are presumably diagenesis-dependent, show nonetheless a consistent trend. The East Kent section, which is very poorly lithified, indicates a warming up to the Cenomanian–Turonian boundary interval, then cooling thereafter. Regional organic-carbon burial, documented for this period, is credited with causing drawdown of CO2 and initiating climatic deterioration (inverse greenhouse effect). Data from other parts of the world are consistent with the hypothesis that the Cenomanian–Turonian temperature optimum was a global phenomenon and that this interval represents a major turning point in the climatic history of the earth.

Roost location is a key factor affecting the survival and fitness of British bats. It has been suggested that a knowledge and understanding of the factors which may influence the selection of roost location are fundamental to conservation efforts. Our study aims to investigate the relationship between Eptesicus serotinus roost location and landscape structure. The study is based in the Sussex region of South East England. The landscape characteristics of 97 roosts locations were compared against 100 random control locations. Habitat analysis was carried out at three distance bands and included an analysis of roost density. The results indicate that E. serotinus is selective in locating roosts. The study demonstrates that there are significant differences between the landscape composition surrounding roost sites and the wider landscape. In particular, E. serotinus roost sites are found to be located in areas with a significantly higher cover of arable land and improved grassland. Kernel density analysis was successfully used as an additional method to the direct comparison of roost neighbourhood composition. Density analysis identified the location and characteristics of possible centres of E. serotinus activity. It is anticipated that the findings will enable the needs of bats to be considered in future landscape conservation initiatives and development policies.

Abstract. The present work has established a methodology that allows the user to determine areas susceptible to shoreline recession and cliff instability. This methodology includes the development of a qualitative loss estimation system which utilizes geotechnical field mapping observations and shoreline retreat predictions to estimate the exposition of critical infrastructure to hazards posed by cliff collapse and retreat. The technique identifies hazardous areas along coastal cliff environments. The assessment was undertaken along the cliff section between Brighton Marina and Portobello, East Sussex, UK. The cliff line was divided into 22 sections according to the cliff's geology. Each of these sections was mapped and described with respect to the lithology and possible failures that could occur. Historical shoreline recession analysis was used for the prediction of future shoreline positions. The prediction of future shorelines was performed by using the Digital Shoreline Analysis System, extension of ESRI's ArcView 9.x. The analysis was based on historical maps and aerial photographs dating from 1873 to 2005. The long term average cliff recession rates clearly show that cliff retreat has declined through time due to the presence of coast protection and cliff stability measures. Although these measures have delayed cliff recession to a great extent, they have not eliminated it.

Background In most European countries, women are relatively more susceptible to smoking-related diseases, find it more difficult to quit and more likely to relapse than men. With the aim to improve understanding of women’s needs from smoking cessation services, this qualitative study examines perceptions of women from deprived communities on the National Health Service Stop Smoking Service in England.Methods A qualitative study of 11 women, smokers and ex-smokers, who had used Stop Smoking Services located in disadvantaged communities in East Sussex, England. Data were collected through focus group and semi-structured interviews, and were subjected to thematic analysis.Results Women felt that services tailored to their needs would improve cessation rates. They expect smoking cessation facilitators to be non-judgemental and to offer psychological insight into addiction. However, women’s opinions differed on the importance for facilitators to be female or ex-smokers, and on the preference of group or one-to-one services, some women expressed a preference for women only groups. The women praised the continuity of care, capacity for peer support, flexibility of time and location and free cessation aids offered. Conversely, the women felt that services were poorly advertised, that access was not universally good, and that services at work place and drop-in groups would improve access for working women and women with young children.Conclusion Flexible services that are tailored towards the needs of individual smokers and better dissemination of information regarding the range of services available could facilitate greater uptake of smoking cessation services for women in deprived communities.

In July 1648 John Bond, Master of the Savoy, delivered a thanksgiving sermon to the House of Commons, in which he praised God for the series of victories that the New Model Army had recently won in many parts of England and Wales. The tangled, multi-layered conflict known to posterity as the Second Civil War was still raging, rebel forces were holding out in Colchester and the Scottish army of the Engagement was marching south, but Bond—anxious to buoy up the Army’s allies and to cast down the spirits of its enemies—did everything he could to emphasise the universality of the recent successes. “The garment of gladnesse reacheth all over…the Land,” he declaimed, “the robe [of victory] reacheth from…Northumberland in the North, to…Sussex in the South…[and] from Dover…in the East, to Pensands, the utmost part of Cornwall, in the West.” Bond’s reference to Penzance would have struck a chord with many of his listeners, for accounts of an insurgent defeat in the little Cornish town had been read out in the House some weeks before. Yet, from that day to this, the rising at Penzance—and indeed the entire “Western dimension” of the Second Civil War have been largely forgotten.

In September 2004, a rapid assessment survey for non-native species was conducted at 12 harbours along the south coast of England from East Sussex to Cornwall, focusing on communities of algae and invertebrates colonizing floating pontoons in marinas. Over 80 taxa each of algae and invertebrates were recorded, including 20 recognized non-native species. The southern hemisphere solitary ascidian Corella eumyota was recorded in the UK for the first time and was present at three sites. The colonial ascidian Botrylloides violaceus was also recorded as new to the UK, but was very widespread and has probably been present for a number of years but misidentified as the native congener B. leachi, which was infrequent. Other ascidians included Styela clava, introduced at Plymouth in the early 1950s, which was recorded at all locations visited, and Perophora japonica, which was found only at the Plymouth locality where it first occurred in the UK in 1999. The diverse algal flora included nine alien species previously recorded in the British Isles. Range extensions and population increases were noted for the kelp Undaria pinnatifida and the bryozoan Tricellaria inopinata, both first recorded in UK waters during the 1990s. The widespread occurrence of another non-native bryozoan, Bugula neritina, appears significant, since in earlier times this was known in UK waters predominantly from artificially heated docks. The results of this survey indicate that dock pontoon systems in southern England are significant reservoirs of non-native species dispersed by vessels and other means. The proliferation of these structures is therefore of conservation importance. The new UK records highlight the need for periodic monitoring of ports for non-native species.

AimsTo investigate the extent of misattributed responses in the General Medical Council (GMC) National Training Surveys (NTS).BackgroundAs part of its role in quality assurance of medical training, the GMC conducts an annual survey of trainers and trainees. Benchmarking of trusts’ performance is indicated by red flags denoting outlying poor performance. The validity of this depends on the correct attribution of responses to trusts. We have previously found that responses for Foundation Year One (FY1) trainees undertaking psychiatry placements were misattributed to trainees’ affiliated acute trusts (AT), even though the mental health trusts (MHT) were providing the training placements.MethodData from the online reporting tool were used to calculate the numbers of FY1, Foundation Year Two (FY2), and General Practice Speciality trainees (GPST) on psychiatry placements attributed to ATs and MHTs in 2019. A range is provided for the data, as results for trusts with one or two trainees are not reported. The data were analysed by training level and the 13 Health Education England (HEE) regions to give a proportion of trainees missing from the MHT data (% missing), an indication of response misattribution.Result296-302 FY1s were attributed to MHTs and 114-148 to ATs, giving a % missing of 27.4-33.3%. 261-275 FY2s were attributed to MHTs and 89-125 to ATs, giving a % missing of 24.4-30.0%. 507-511 GPSTs were attributed to MHTs and 49-73 to ATs, giving a % missing of 8.8-12.6%.Across the three training levels, all HEE regions were affected by data misattribution. The regions most affected were South London, Kent Surrey Sussex, and North West London, with missing % of 51.6-54.3%, 33.9-40.7% and 29.9-32.5% respectively. The HEE regions least affected were East Midlands, North Central and East London, and East of England, with missing % of 4.3-6.0%, 5.6-8.1% and 5.5-10.4% respectively.ConclusionResponse misattribution for psychiatry placements in the NTS is rife, with the greatest impact on FY1s. While this issue affects all HEE regions, wide variation exists. Response misattribution means that the calculation of outliers is based on incomplete data, threatening the validity of the results. By liaising with our local HEE office to ensure correct attribution of our trainees, Surrey and Borders Partnership NHS Foundation Trust reduced our % missing from 50.0-56.8% in 2018 to 5.4-10.1% in 2019, thus proving that it is possible to remedy the situation on a local level.

Introduction Trauma is a significant cause of morbidity and mortality in the UK. Since the inception of the trauma networks, little is known of the temporal pattern of trauma admissions. Methods Trauma Audit and Research Network data for 1 April 2011 to 31 March 2013 were collated from two large major trauma centres (MTCs) in the South East of England: Brighton and Sussex University Hospitals NHS Trust (BSUH) and St George's University Hospitals NHS Foundation Trust (SGU). The number of admissions and the injury severity score by time of admission, by weekdays versus weekend and by month/season were analysed. Results There were 1,223 admissions at BSUH and 1,241 at SGU. There was significant variation by time of admission; there were more admissions in the afternoons (BSUH p<0.001) and evenings (SGU p<0.001). There were proportionally more admissions at the weekends than on weekdays (BSUH p<0.001, SGU p=0.028). There was significant seasonal variation in admissions at BSUH (p<0.001) with more admissions in summer and autumn. No significant seasonal variation was observed at SGU (p=0.543). Conclusions The temporal patterns observed were different for each MTC with important implications for resource planning of trauma care. This study identified differing needs for different MTCs and resource planning should be individualised to the network.

Background: In the United Kingdom National Health Service (NHS), digital transformation programmes have resulted in the creation of pseudonymised linked datasets of patient-level medical records across all NHS and social care services. In the Southeast England counties of East and West Sussex, public health intelligence analysts based in local authorities (LAs) aimed to use the newly created “Sussex Integrated Dataset” (SID) for identifying cohorts of patients who are at risk of early onset multiple long-term conditions (MLTCs). Analysts from the LAs were among the first to have access to this new dataset. Methods: Data access was assured as the analysts were employed within joint data controller organisations and logged into the data via virtual machines following approval of a data access request. Analysts examined the demographics and medical history of patients against multiple external sources, identifying data quality issues and developing methods to establish true values for cases with multiple conflicting entries. Service use was plotted over timelines for individual patients. Results: Early evaluation of the data revealed multiple conflicting within-patient values for age, sex, ethnicity and date of death. This was partially resolved by creating a “demographic milestones” table, capturing demographic details for each patient for each year of the data available in the SID. Older data (≥5 y) was found to be sparse in events and diagnoses. Open-source code lists for defining long-term conditions were poor at identifying the expected number of patients, and bespoke code lists were developed by hand and validated against other sources of data. At the start, the age and sex distributions of patients submitted by GP practices were substantially different from those published by NHS Digital, and errors in data processing were identified and rectified. Conclusions: While new NHS linked datasets appear a promising resource for tracking multi-service use, MLTCs and health inequalities, substantial investment in data analysis and data architect time is necessary to ensure high enough quality data for meaningful analysis. Our team made conceptual progress in identifying the skills needed for programming analyses and understanding the types of questions which can be asked and answered reliably in these datasets.

Isolated spinosaurid teeth are relatively well represented in the Lower Cretaceous Wealden Supergroup of southern England, UK. Until recently it was assumed that these teeth were referable to Baryonyx, the type species (B. walkeri) and specimen of which is from the Barremian Upper Weald Clay Formation of Surrey. British spinosaurid teeth are known from formations that span much of the c. 25 Ma depositional history of the Wealden Supergroup, and recent works suggest that British spinosaurids were more taxonomically diverse than previously thought. On the basis of both arguments, it is appropriate to doubt the hypothesis that isolated teeth from outside the Upper Weald Clay Formation are referable to Baryonyx. Here, we use phylogenetic, discriminant and cluster analyses to test whether an isolated spinosaurid tooth (HASMG G369a, consisting of a crown and part of the root) from a non-Weald Clay Formation unit can be referred to Baryonyx. HASMG G369a was recovered from an uncertain Lower Cretaceous locality in East Sussex but is probably from a Valanginian exposure of the Hastings Group and among the oldest spinosaurid material known from the UK. Spinosaurid affinities are both quantitatively and qualitatively supported, and HASMG G369a does not associate with Baryonyx in any analysis. This supports recent reinterpretations of the diversity of spinosaurid in the Early Cretaceous of Britain, which appears to have been populated by multiple spinosaurid lineages in a manner comparable to coeval Iberian deposits. This work also reviews the British and global records of early spinosaurids (known mainly from dental specimens), and revisits evidence for post-Cenomanian spinosaurid persistence.

Robert Hanbury Brown was born on 31 August 1916 in Aruvankadu, Nilgiri Hills, South India; he was the son of an Officer in the Indian Army, Col. Basil Hanbury Brown, and of Joyce Blaker. From the age of 3 years Hanbury was educated in England, initially at a School in Bexhill and then from the ages of 8 to 14 years at the Cottesmore Preparatory School in Hove, Sussex. In 1930 he entered Tonbridge School as a Judde scholar in classics. Hanbury's interests turned to science and technology, particularly electrical engineering, and after two years he decided that he would seek more appropriate education in a technical college. His decision was accelerated by the fact that after the divorce of his parents his mother had married Jack Lloyd, a wealthy stockbroker, who in 1932 vanished with all his money and thus Hanbury felt he should seek a career that would lead to his financial independence. For these reasons Hanbury decided to take an engineering course at Brighton Technical College studying for an external degree in the University of London. At the age of 19 he graduated with a first-class honours BSc, taking advanced electrical engineering and telegraphy and telephony. He then obtained a grant from East Sussex and in 1935 joined the postgraduate department at the City & Guilds, Imperial College. In 1936 he obtained the Diploma of Imperial College (DIC) for a thesis on oscillators He intended to continue his course for a PhD but a major turning point in his career occurred when he was interviewed during his first postgraduate year by Sir Henry Tizard FRS, Rector of Imperial College. Hanbury explained to Tizard that he was following up some original work by Van der Pol on oscillator circuits without inductance and hoped, ultimately, to combine an interest in radio with flying. In fact, Tizard had already challenged him about the amount of time he spent flying with the University of London Air Squadron. Tizard told Hanbury to see him again in a year's time and that he might then have a job for him. In fact, within three months Tizard accosted Hanbury and said he had an interesting research project in the Air Ministry for him. After an interview by R.A. (later Sir Robert) Watson-Watt (FRS 1941), Hanbury was offered a post at the Radio Research Board in Slough. His visit to Slough was brief; he was soon told to report to Bawdsey Manor in Suffolk, which he did on 15 August 1936. Thereby, unaware of what Tizard had in mind for him, Hanbury's career as one of the pioneers of radar began.

The newly founded British Association for Social Anthropology in Policy and Practice provides a forum for anthropologists working in the fields of health, education, social and community work, industry, and overseas development. The association holds an annual meeting with participatory workshops on practicing anthropology and also publishes a Newsletter three times a year. Membership in BASAPP is $US 32 a year for North Americans and also confers membership in any one of three affiliated associations: GAPP (Group for Anthropology in Policy and Practice); SASCW (Social Anthropology: Social and Community Work); or ATE (Anthropology in Training & Education). For more information contact BASAPP, c/o Leigh Harris, 44a Downs Valley Road, Woodingdean, Brighton BN2 6RF, East Sussex, England.

Dr. Russell Davies is a largely forgotten pioneer of both post-operative theatre recovery but also a key figure in the establishment of anaesthetics services in Yugoslavia in the late 1940s. Davies spent the majority of his career working as an anaesthetist at Queen Victoria Hospital, East Grinstead, Sussex, England, later being promoted to the head anaesthetist role. Davies set up one of the first recovery wards in the United Kingdom at Queen Victoria Hospital, the ward being named after him in 1989. Here he became a founding member of the Guinea Pig Club, alongside Dr. Archibald McIndoe. The Guinea Pig Club was founded in 1941 to support airmen in the Second World War undergoing plastic surgery at Queen Victoria Hospital. Davies was crucial to the pastoral care of the Club, providing clinical care and guiding members over access to pensions they would have previously been denied. Little is recognised of Davies's achievement of establishing anaesthetics services in Yugoslavia. Davies and his contributions have been largely overlooked. Davies should be considered one of the foremost British anaesthetists of the 20th century.

AbstractIn 1830, Elizabeth Parker, daughter of a day laborer and of a teacher in Ashburnham, East Sussex, England, cross-stitched in red silk thread an extraordinarily complex text that participates in several genres, including a memoir of her then brief life of some seventeen years, a confession, a suicide note, and a prayer. These various genres cohere around one momentous event in Parker’s young life: the sexual violation and physical abuse at the hands of her employer, Lt. G. After suturing 46 lines, 1,722 words, and 6,699 characters, she stops mid-line and mid-way down her cloth with the powerful plea, “What will become of my soul[?]” This paper argues that Parker’s sampler was a robust site in which Parker was able to grapple with her wounded body and mind. To justify the claim that a woman’s stitching can be interpreted as an epistemic activity, the proposed paper turns to two key concepts “situated knowledges” and “embodied knowledge”- both of which have been posited by feminists as a way to destabilize the dominant validation of disembodied, abstract thinking where the eye serves as the mind’s tool of investigation. (Haraway; Knappett; Frank; Driver)

Introduction: The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic is having significant effects on health services globally, including on urological surgery for which the British Association of Urological Surgeons (BAUS) has provided national guidance. Kent, Surrey and Sussex (KSS) is one of the regions most affected by COVID-19 in the UK to date. Methods: An anonymous online survey of all KSS urology trainees was conducted. The primary outcome was to assess the effects on urology services, both malignant and benign, across the region in the acceleration phase and at the peak of the pandemic compared to standard care. The second was to quantify the effects on urology training, especially regarding operative exposure. Results: There were significant decreases in urological services provided at the peak of the pandemic across KSS compared to standard care ( p<0.0001). Only 22% of urology units were able to continue operating for low-risk cancer and to continue cystoscopy for two-week wait non-visible haematuria referrals in line with BAUS escalation guidelines. A third (33%) did not complete any prostate biopsies at the peak. The majority of urology units continued clinics by telephone. Urology trainees reported completing substantially fewer operating procedures and workplace-based assessments. A third (33%) had moved to consultant-only operating by the peak. Conclusions: The COVID-19 pandemic has caused significant changes to urological surgery services and training in KSS, with heterogeneity across the region. We suggest further work to quantify the effects nationally. Level of evidence: 4.

AbstractConservation and restoration projects often fail to engage local communities during the planning and implementation stage. In addition, when considering urban boundary ecosystems, there exists a wide range of stakeholders that must be involved in the planning process to ensure social equity in land management outcomes. Traditional methods for assessing future landscape change scenarios have been critiqued for their inability to adequately incorporate the diverse range of stakeholder values. This paper presents a multicriteria mapping study, incorporating a novel application of the Nature Futures Framework, to assess nature recovery scenarios on Brighton and Hove’s Downland Estate—an urban boundary landscape surrounding the city of Brighton and Hove in Sussex, South East England. We focus on two key research outcomes. First, we assess the perceived performance of alternative nature recovery options across Nature Future value perspectives and between contrasting stakeholder groups. Second, by mapping stakeholder values from our multicriteria mapping study, we demonstrate that the Nature Futures Framework provides a robust framework within which to assess the diverse values stakeholders hold for land use change. We propose that utilizing the Nature Futures Framework, in combination with the multicriteria mapping interview technique, can form a valuable tool to elicit stakeholder values that may have been hidden, or underrepresented in traditional assessment methods, and to compare the perceived performance of alternative nature recovery scenarios between stakeholder groups.

Abstract Aim A retrospective case-control study comparing Surgical Site Infections (SSIs) following primary hip and knee arthroplasty before and during the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic across East Sussex NHS Trust (ESHT). The aim of this study was to evaluate whether the government advice relating to increased vigilance surrounding hand hygiene and use of personal protective equipment (PPE) reduced SSIs following elective arthroplasty. Method Data was obtained from Public Health England website relating to SSIs following primary hip and knee arthroplasty between April 2019 and March 2020 (pre-pandemic) performed at ESHT and compared to April 2020 to March 2021 (pandemic). Results A total of 454 patients underwent a total hip replacement (THR) during the pre-pandemic period with 12 patients developing an SSI (2.6%). Comparatively, during the pandemic period, 146 patients underwent a THR with 4 reporting an SSI (2.7%). A total of 449 patients underwent a total knee replacement (TKR) during the pre-pandemic period with 11 reporting an SSI (2.5%). In contrast, 9 of the 138 patients undergoing a TKR during the pandemic group developed an SSI (6.5%). Conclusions As the data shows, there was no significant difference observed between SSIs following THR performed at ESHT prior to and during the pandemic. Surprisingly, there was a 2.6-fold increase in SSI following TKR during the pandemic period compared with pre-pandemic. Both of these findings seemingly reject the null hypothesis that increased vigilance to hand hygiene and use of PPE mandated by the government and echoed by healthcare trusts during this time would reduce transmission of infections.

Abstract Aim Virtual Reality in Medicine and Surgery (VRiMS) is an academic working group devoted to creating technology-based solutions in post-graduate surgical and medical education. Based at Brighton and Sussex Medical School (BSMS) with funding from Health Education England they use ‘Extended Reality’ including fully immersive Virtual Reality (VR), Augmented Reality (AR) which overlays digital information onto real-time visualisation, and 360-degree video which offers a partially immersive experience. Benefits include reduced costs of delivering education, improving trainees’ experiences, and improving accessibility to surgical opportunities. Method VRiMS utilizes 360-degree video of cadaveric teaching streamed via low-tech cardboard headsets to deliver a novel teaching modality in Low- and Middle-Income Countries (LMICs). Uganda was the first location of a proof-of-concept course over 4 days delivered in 3 modalities: in-person - 10 delegates from East Africa provided scholarships (funded by Saving Faces) to travel to Brighton; 79 delegates attending virtually at a conference centre in Kampala; and over 1000 delegates globally attending remotely from a diversity of nations. Qualitative data was gathered for thematic analysis. Results Feedback was very positive, and barriers identified included requirements of a smart phone and sufficient internet. Ongoing links were developed with other LMIC units, with a recent conference run in Kenya. Conclusions VRiMS aims to ensure scientific validity in the projects being run, and analysis of the courses have given actionable insights into the experiences of surgical trainees both in the UK and in LMICs, showing that Extended Reality has enormous potential to benefit trainees worldwide.

Abstract Nest sites are often considered to limit wild honey bee, Apis mellifera, colonies in Europe where wild colony densities are low (mean 0.26/km2). Nest site availability can be challenging to quantify directly, especially in urban areas and farmland where colonies nest in different substrates. Here we assess nest site availability indirectly across large areas (78.5 km2) of mixed habitat (67% farmland, 25% urban and 8% woodland) by decoding 3310 waggle dances produced by scouts on swarms. During summers of 2021 and 2022, 14 artificial swarms were set up in two study areas in East Sussex, England. Swarms advertised three to nine nest locations (mean of 5.5) at distances of 0.1–11.2 km (median 1.2 km) all within 0.4–15.2 daylight hours after dancing commenced (median 2.7). We estimated the total number of nest locations, including those not advertised, by quantifying the overlap in locations advertised by two swarms (a form of mark–recapture), which gave a mean density of approximately three nest sites per km2. The probability of swarms advertising nest sites per km2, calculated using simulations of dance variation, was an average of 42% higher in urban areas (0.018/km2), 78% higher in woodland (0.023/km2) and 12% lower in farmland (0.011/km2) than random expectation. After controlling for distance, swarms were still more likely than expected to advertise nest sites in woodland but only in one study area. Our results indicate that nest sites do not limit wild colonies in the study areas given that our conservative estimate of nest site density (3/km2) exceeds the density of wild colonies on nearby landed estates (2/km2) and other locations in Europe (0.26/km2).

Aiming to investigate the role of governance in modifying the relationship between public finance and economic growth, this study applied a seemingly unrelated regression model for the panel data of 38 developed and 44 developing countries from 1996 to 2016. It is easy to see that this research measures public finance by two parts of the subcomponents: total tax revenue and general government expenditure. We also call governance the “control of corruption indicator”. The finding indicates that governance always positively affects the economy. However, when it interacts with public finance, this interaction has a diverse effect on economic growth in developed countries, depending on tax revenue or government expenditure. Nevertheless, in developing countries, this interaction has a beneficial impact on the growth of an economy. Keywords: Governance, public finance, economic growth, developed and developing countries. References [1] Bird, R. 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Permaculture is a creative design process that is based on ethics and design principles. It guides us to mimic the patterns and relationships we can find in nature and can be applied to all aspects of human habitation, from agriculture to ecological building, from appropriate technology to education and even economics. (permacultureprinciples.com)This paper considers permaculture as an example of counterculture in Australia. Permaculture is a neologism, the result of a contraction of ‘permanent’ and ‘agriculture’. In accordance with David Holmgren and Richard Telford definition quoted above, we intend permaculture as a design process based on a set of ethical and design principles. Rather than describing the history of permaculture, we choose two moments as paradigmatic of its evolution in relation to counterculture.The first moment is permaculture’s beginnings steeped in the same late 1960s turbulence that saw some people pursue an alternative lifestyle in Northern NSW and a rural idyll in Tasmania (Grayson and Payne). Ideas of a return to the land circulating in this first moment coalesced around the publication in 1978 of the book Permaculture One: A Perennial Agriculture for Human Settlements by Bill Mollison and David Holmgren, which functioned as “a disruptive technology, an idea that threatened to disrupt business as usual, to change the way we thought and did things”, as Russ Grayson writes in his contextual history of permaculture. The second moment is best exemplified by the definitions of permaculture as “a holistic system of design … most often applied to basic human needs such as water, food and shelter … also used to design more abstract systems such as community and economic structures” (Milkwood) and as “also a world wide network and movement of individuals and groups working in both rich and poor countries on all continents” (Holmgren).We argue that the shift in understanding of permaculture from the “back to the land movement” (Grayson) as a more wholesome alternative to consumer society to the contemporary conceptualisation of permaculture as an assemblage and global network of practices, is representative of the shifting dynamic between dominant paradigms and counterculture from the 1970s to the present. While counterculture was a useful way to understand the agency of subcultures (i.e. by countering mainstream culture and society) contemporary forms of globalised capitalism demand different models and vocabularies within which the idea of “counter” as clear cut alternative becomes an awkward fit.On the contrary we see the emergence of a repertoire of practices aimed at small-scale, localised solutions connected in transnational networks (Pink 105). These practices operate contrapuntally, a concept we borrow from Edward Said’s Culture and Imperialism (1993), to define how divergent practices play off each other while remaining at the edge, but still in a relation of interdependence with a dominant paradigm. In Said’s terms “contrapuntal reading” reveals what is left at the periphery of a mainstream narrative, but is at the same time instrumental to the development of events in the narrative itself. To illustrate this concept Said makes the case of novels where colonial plantations at the edge of the Empire make possible a certain lifestyle in England, but don’t appear in the narrative of that lifestyle itself (66-67).In keeping with permaculture design ecological principles, we argue that today permaculture is best understood as part of an assemblage of design objects, bacteria, economies, humans, plants, technologies, actions, theories, mushrooms, policies, affects, desires, animals, business, material and immaterial labour and politics and that it can be read as contrapuntal rather than as oppositional practice. Contrapuntal insofar as it is not directly oppositional preferring to reframe and reorientate everyday practices. The paper is structured in three parts: in the first one we frame our argument by providing a background to our understanding of counterculture and assemblage; in the second we introduce the beginning of permaculture in its historical context, and in third we propose to consider permaculture as an assemblage.Background: Counterculture and Assemblage We do not have the scope in this article to engage with contested definitions of counterculture in the Australian context, or their relation to contraculture or subculture. There is an emerging literature (Stickells, Robinson) touched on elsewhere in this issue. In this paper we view counterculture as social movements that “undermine societal hierarchies which structure urban life and create, instead a city organised on the basis of values such as action, local cultures, and decentred, participatory democracy” (Castells 19-20). Our focus on cities demonstrates the ways counterculture has shifted away from oppositional protest and towards ways of living sustainably in an increasingly urbanised world.Permaculture resonates with Castells’s definition and with other forms of protest, or what Musgrove calls “the dialectics of utopia” (16), a dynamic tension of political activism (resistance) and personal growth (aesthetics and play) that characterised ‘counterculture’ in the 1970s. McKay offers a similar view when he says such acts of counterculture are capable of “both a utopian gesture and a practical display of resistance” (27). But as a design practice, permaculture goes beyond the spectacle of protest.In this sense permaculture can be understood as an everyday act of resistance: “The design act is not a boycott, strike, protest, demonstration, or some other political act, but lends its power of resistance from being precisely a designerly way of intervening into people’s lives” (Markussen 38). We view permaculture design as a form of design activism that is embedded in everyday life. It is a process that aims to reorient a practice not by disrupting it but by becoming part of it.Guy Julier cites permaculture, along with the appropriate technology movement and community architecture, as one of many examples of radical thinking in design that emerged in the 1970s (225). This alignment of permaculture as a design practice that is connected to counterculture in an assemblage, but not entirely defined by it, is important in understanding the endurance of permaculture as a form of activism.In refuting the common and generalized narrative of failure that is used to describe the sixties (and can be extended to the seventies), Julie Stephens raises the many ways that the dominant ethos of the time was “revolutionised by the radicalism of the period, but in ways that bore little resemblance to the announced intentions of activists and participants themselves” (121). Further, she argues that the “extraordinary and paradoxical aspects of the anti-disciplinary protest of the period were that while it worked to collapse the division between opposition and complicity and problematised received understandings of the political, at the same time it reaffirmed its commitment to political involvement as an emancipatory, collective endeavour” (126).Many foresaw the political challenge of counterculture. From the belly of the beast, in 1975, Craig McGregor wrote that countercultures are “a crucial part of conventional society; and eventually they will be judged on how successful they transform it” (43). In arguing that permaculture is an assemblage and global network of practices, we contribute to a description of the shifting dynamic between dominant paradigms and counterculture that was identified by McGregor at the time and Stephens retrospectively, and we open up possibilities for reexamining an important moment in the history of Australian protest movements.Permaculture: Historical Context Together with practical manuals and theoretical texts permaculture has produced its foundation myths, centred around two father figures, Bill Mollison and David Holmgren. The pair, we read in accounts on the history of permaculture, met in the 1970s in Hobart at the University of Tasmania, where Mollison, after a polymath career, was a senior lecturer in Environmental Psychology, and Holmgren a student. Together they wrote the first article on permaculture in 1976 for the Organic Farmer and Gardener magazine (Grayson and Payne), which together with the dissemination of ideas via radio, captured the social imagination of the time. Two years later Holmgren and Mollison published the book Permaculture One: A Perennial Agricultural System for Human Settlements (Mollison and Holmgren).These texts and Mollison’s talks articulated ideas and desires and most importantly proposed solutions about living on the land, and led to the creation of the first ecovillage in Australia, Max Lindegger’s Crystal Waters in South East Queensland, the first permaculture magazine (titled Permaculture), and the beginning of the permaculture network (Grayson and Payne). In 1979 Mollison taught the first permaculture course, and published the second book. Grayson and Payne stress how permaculture media practices, such as the radio interview mentioned above and publications like Permaculture Magazine and Permaculture International Journal were key factors in the spreading of the design system and building a global network.The ideas developed around the concept of permaculture were shaped by, and in turned contributed to shape, the social climate of the late 1960s and early 1970s that captured the discontent with both capitalism and the Cold War, and that coalesced in “alternative lifestyles groups” (Metcalf). In 1973, for instance, the Aquarius Festival in Nimbin was not only a countercultural landmark, but also the site of emergence of alternative experiments in living that found their embodiment in experimental housing design (Stickells). The same interest in technological innovation mixed with rural skills animated one of permaculture’s precursors, the “back to the land movement” and its attempt “to blend rural traditionalism and technological and ideological modernity” (Grayson).This character of remix remains one of the characteristics of permaculture. Unlike movements based mostly on escape from the mainstream, permaculture offered a repertoire, and a system of adaptable solutions to live both in the country and the city. Like many aspects of the “alternative lifestyle” counterculture, permaculture was and is intensely biopolitical in the sense that it is concerned with the management of life itself “from below”: one’s own, people’s life and life on planet earth more generally. This understanding of biopolitics as power of life rather than over life is translated in permaculture into malleable design processes across a range of diversified practices. These are at the basis of the endurance of permaculture beyond the experiments in alternative lifestyles.In distinguishing it from sustainability (a contested concept among permaculture practitioners, some of whom prefer the notion of “planning for abundance”), Barry sees permaculture as:locally based and robustly contextualized implementations of sustainability, based on the notion that there is no ‘one size fits all’ model of sustainability. Permaculture, though rightly wary of more mainstream, reformist, and ‘business as usual’ accounts of sustainability can be viewed as a particular localized, and resilience-based conceptualization of sustainable living and the creation of ‘sustainable communities’. (83)The adaptability of permaculture to diverse solutions is stressed by Molly Scott-Cato, who, following David Holmgren, defines it as follows: “Permaculture is not a set of rules; it is a process of design based around principles found in the natural world, of cooperation and mutually beneficial relationships, and translating these principles into actions” (176).Permaculture Practice as Assemblage Scott Cato’s definition of permaculture helps us to understand both its conceptual framework as it is set out in permaculture manuals and textbooks, and the way it operates in practice at an individual, local, regional, national and global level, as an assemblage. Using the idea of assemblage, as defined by Jane Bennett, we are able to understand permaculture as part of an “ad hoc grouping”, a “collectivity” made up of many types of actors, humans, non humans, nature and culture, whose “coherence co-exists with energies and countercultures that exceed and confound it” (445-6). Put slightly differently, permaculture is part of “living” assemblage whose existence is not dependent on or governed by a “central power”. Nor can it be influenced by any single entity or member (445-6). Rather, permaculture is a “complex, gigantic whole” that is “made up variously, of somatic, technological, cultural, and atmospheric elements” (447).In considering permaculture as an assemblage that includes countercultural elements, we specifically adhere to John Law’s description of Actor Network Theory as an approach that relies on an empirical foundation rather than a theoretical one in order to “tell stories about ‘how’ relationships assemble or don’t” (141). The hybrid nature of permaculture design involving both human and non human stakeholders and their social and material dependencies can be understood as an “assembly” or “thing,” where everything not only plays its part relationally but where “matters of fact” are combined with “matters of concern” (Latour, "Critique"). As Barry explains, permaculture is a “holistic and systems-based approach to understanding and designing human-nature relations” (82). Permaculture principles are based on the enactment of interconnections, continuous feedback and reshuffling among plants, humans, animals, chemistry, social life, things, energy, built and natural environment, and tools.Bruno Latour calls this kind of relationality a “sphere” or a “network” that comprises of many interconnected nodes (Latour, "Actor-Network" 31). The connections between the nodes are not arbitrary, they are based on “associations” that dissolve the “micro-macro distinctions” of near and far, emphasizing the “global entity” of networks (361-381). Not everything is globalised but the global networks that structure the planet affect everything and everyone. In the context of permaculture, we argue that despite being highly connected through a network of digital and analogue platforms, the movement remains localised. In other words, permaculture is both local and global articulating global matters of concern such as food production, renewable energy sources, and ecological wellbeing in deeply localised variants.These address how the matters of concerns engendered by global networks in specific places interact with local elements. A community based permaculture practice in a desert area, for instance, will engage with storing renewable energy, or growing food crops and maintaining a stable ecology using the same twelve design principles and ethics as an educational business doing rooftop permaculture in a major urban centre. The localised applications, however, will result in a very different permaculture assemblage of animals, plants, technologies, people, affects, discourses, pedagogies, media, images, and resources.Similarly, if we consider permaculture as a network of interconnected nodes on a larger scale, such as in the case of national organisations, we can see how each node provides a counterpoint that models ecological best practices with respect to ingrained everyday ways of doing things, corporate and conventional agriculture, and so on. This adaptability and ability to effect practices has meant that permaculture’s sphere of influence has grown to include public institutions, such as city councils, public and private spaces, and schools.A short description of some of the nodes in the evolving permaculture assemblage in Sydney, where we live, is an example of the way permaculture has advanced from its alternative lifestyle beginnings to become part of the repertoire of contemporary activism. These practices, in turn, make room for accepted ways of doing things to move in new directions. In this assemblage each constellation operates within well established sites: local councils, public spaces, community groups, and businesses, while changing the conventional way these sites operate.The permaculture assemblage in Sydney includes individuals and communities in local groups coordinated in a city-wide network, Permaculture Sydney, connected to similar regional networks along the NSW seaboard; local government initiatives, such as in Randwick, Sydney, and Pittwater and policies like Sustainable City Living; community gardens like the inner city food forest at Angel Street or the hybrid public open park and educational space at the Permaculture Interpretive Garden; private permaculture gardens; experiments in grassroot urban permaculture and in urban agriculture; gardening, education and landscape business specialising in permaculture design, like Milkwood and Sydney Organic Gardens; loose groups of permaculturalists gathering around projects, such as Permablitz Sydney; media personalities and programs, as in the case of the hugely successful garden show Gardening Australia hosted by Costa Georgiadis; germane organisations dedicated to food sovereignty or seed saving, the Transition Towns movement; farmers’ markets and food coops; and multifarious private/public sustainability initiatives.Permaculture is a set of practices that, in themselves are not inherently “against” anything, yet empower people to form their own lifestyles and communities. After all, permaculture is a design system, a way to analyse space, and body of knowledge based on set principles and ethics. The identification of permaculture as a form of activism, or indeed as countercultural, is externally imposed, and therefore contingent on the ways conventional forms of housing and food production are understood as being in opposition.As we have shown elsewhere (2014) thinking through design practices as assemblages can describe hybrid forms of participation based on relationships to broader political movements, disciplines and organisations.Use Edges and Value the Marginal The eleventh permaculture design principle calls for an appreciation of the marginal and the edge: “The interface between things is where the most interesting events take place. These are often the most valuable, diverse and productive elements in the system” (permacultureprinciples.com). In other words the edge is understood as the site where things come together generating new possible paths and interactions. In this paper we have taken this metaphor to think through the relations between permaculture and counterculture. We argued that permaculture emerged from the countercultural ferment of the late 1960s and 1970s and intersected with other fringe alternative lifestyle experiments. In its contemporary form the “counter” value needs to be understood as counterpoint rather than as a position of pure oppositionality to the mainstream.The edge in permaculture is not a boundary on the periphery of a design, but a site of interconnection, hybridity and exchange, that produces adaptable and different possibilities. Similarly permaculture shares with forms of contemporary activism “flexible action repertoires” (Mayer 203) able to interconnect and traverse diverse contexts, including mainstream institutions. Permaculture deploys an action repertoire that integrates not segregates and that is aimed at inviting a shift in everyday practices and at doing things differently: differently from the mainstream and from the way global capital operates, without claiming to be in a position outside global capital flows. In brief, the assemblages of practices, ideas, and people generated by permaculture, like the ones described in this paper, as a counterpoint bring together discordant elements on equal terms.ReferencesBarry, John. The Politics of Actually Existing Unsustainability: Human Flourishing in a Climate-Changed, Carbon Constrained World. 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