Thèses sur le sujet « États-Unis – Politique et gouvernement – 1989- »
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McNaught, Mark Bennett. « L'orthodoxie politique américaine ». Bordeaux 4, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004BOR40015.
Texte intégralIkched, Abdellah. « La politique économique du président Ronald Reagan ». Université Louis Pasteur (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987STR10027.
Texte intégralRonald Reagan's election to the presidency of the united states of America has been a big turning not only for the policy of this country which is the first world economic power, but in the conception's evolution and economic policy's practices too. Even if the Reagan’s presidency is not yet over, his term is fixed at the end of 1988, the main economic reforms are currently realized and the experience is six years old. Under those circumstances, it seems useful ad possible to draw up a first balance sheet of this new economic strategy. For that matter, we can say that even if the supply-sider's previsions are not all made certain, the results are positively undeniable. In fact, from the macro-economical point of view, the recovery of U. S. Economy is one of the most important since the war. And, in terms of micro-economy, deregulation and tax cuts have been beneficent for American corporates which successfully restructurated their finances, increased both investments and employment although they improved their margin of profit
Boumaad, Abdelhak. « La politique américaine en Amérique centrale, la présidence de Ronald Reagan et le Nicaragua ». Paris 4, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA040288.
Texte intégralDib, Pascale El. « La politique étrangère des États-Unis vis-à-vis de l’Irak (1989-2005) ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Montpellier 3, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023MON30048.
Texte intégralAmerican foreign policy towards Iraq from 1990 to 2003 has been developed subsequently to the fall of the Soviet bloc and the change of world governance system in 1990.This policy towards Iraq from 1990 to 2003 was different than that practiced during the Cold War, even though it continued to oscillate between unilateralism and multilateralism, prioritizing American interests. This change then necessitated a review of the US-Iraqi relations, especially after the conflict between Iran and Iraq and considering the Iraqi regional ambitions. But the new US approach towards Iraq was implemented only after the invasion of Kuwait, via the UN sanctions and the ‘Desert Storm’ operation. Motivated by the unconditional requirement for Iraqi withdrawal from Kuwait, it also had an undeclared objective which aimed to weaken Saddam Hussein. The same policy continued with President Clinton, through the double containment applied to both Iraq and Iran. However, this policy does not take long to change to the objective of overthrowing the Baath regime which appeared in American officials but without being applied. In 1998, the Iraq Liberation Act adopted this change. Encouraged by the neoconservatives, this change was motivated by the attacks of September 11, 2001, which lead to a new American foreign policy without mercy to fight against terrorism. This policy ended up bringing about the overthrow in 2003 of the political regime of Saddam Hussein in Iraq. After this period, the relations between both countries move to a new step. In addition, the Middle East and Iraq in particular knew a rise in political and radical Islam and Iranian influence as well. Twenty years later, these events and the American foreign policy carried out in Iraq from 1990 to 2003 still have serious consequences on Iraq and on the whole Middle East Region as well
Gayte, Marie. « Les États-Unis et le Vatican : analyse d'un rapprochement (1981-1989) ». Phd thesis, Université de la Sorbonne nouvelle - Paris III, 2010. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00834752.
Texte intégralBourliaguet, Bruno. « Le conseil scientifique à la Maison-Blanche : acteurs, fonctions, pouvoirs ». Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/27363.
Texte intégralLa question du développement et de l'institutionnalisation du conseil scientifique de la présidence américaine constitue le coeur de cette thèse. Elle se situe au croisement de la sociologie de la science et de la sociologie politique, tout en débordant sur celles des élites, des organisations, de l'innovation et du développement durable. Elle commence par écrire l'histoire de cette institution depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale en suivant à la fois les réorganisations administratives dont elle a été l'objet et les enjeux politiques qu'elle a cristallisés. Elle le fait en l'intégrant à l'histoire plus générale des transformations marquantes de la société américaine. Cette mise en perspective permet de justifier une périodisation qui se synchronise en grande partie aux mutations qui affectent la première économie mondiale et qui divisent l'histoire du conseil scientifique à la Maison-Blanche en trois grandes époques : de 1933 à 1974, de 1974 à 1989 et de 1989 à 2016. Dans un second temps, la thèse propose une sociographie des conseillers qui travaillent au sein du bureau exécutif du président. En privilégiant l'analyse comparative entre les première et dernière périodes, cette étude révèle une modification sensible du recrutement en matière d'âge, de reconnaissance académique, de réalisation professionnelle et de représentation disciplinaire. Elle permet surtout de repérer l'apparition d'un nouveau type de conseiller, à savoir le scientifique qui a réussi une carrière d'entrepreneur en valorisant une innovation technologique. L'analyse suggère que cette évolution, comme celle des conditions formelles et informelles de l'exercice du conseil, traduit l'apparition d'un nouveau type d'intégration de la science, de la technologie et de l'économie guidée par la priorisation de la croissance et du développement. Pour mieux comprendre cette intégration, la thèse étudie ensuite les fonctions formelles du conseil scientifique et celles que l'analyse peut reconstruire. Dégagées de leur contingence, on verra que ces dernières changent peu sur l'ensemble de la période. Le conseil de la présidence sert de façon régulière à légitimer, crédibiliser et faire performer les politiques suivies par l'exécutif américain, mais surtout à officialiser des politiques pour les élever au titre de référence. Ce faisant, en même temps qu'il traduit la nouvelle fonction de la technoscience dans les domaines militaire et économique, le conseil scientifique qui s'exerce au sein de l'exécutif de la première puissance mondiale participe d'un élargissement décisif de la réflexion sur l'exercice du pouvoir, d'un élargissement de cet exercice, de la circulation de cet exercice qui accompagne sa rationalisation dans les temps modernes et qui depuis le XVIIIe siècle se cantonnait pour l'essentiel à un détour par la science de l'économie politique. Se pose alors avec acuité la question de l'étendue des pouvoirs de ces conseillers au sein du gouvernement, une question qui est traitée ici au croisement de différentes théories proposées par les politistes, les philosophes et les sociologues, de Mintzberg à Foucault en passant par Bourdieu. Même si elle conclut à la relative inaptitude du pouvoir technocratique à se cristalliser en se personnalisant, la thèse n'entend nullement minimiser sa réalité ni le pouvoir plus spécifique qu'exercent les conseillers. Elle tend en effet à reconnaître une forme particulière de pouvoir technocratique, délégué et institué par le pouvoir politique, celui des conseillers, qu'elle qualifie de « pouvoir d'influence ». Elle précise les conditions d'affirmation de cette influence, circonscrit son périmètre d'expression et discute de sa nature. De manière concrète, elle offre d'éclairer sous un jour différent les politiques actuelles de la présidence Obama conduites par des technocrates que cette administration a abondamment recrutés, comme celle d'une transition énergétique jugée vitale pour freiner le réchauffement climatique. En fait, elle dévoile les ambiguïtés de la fonction de la science dans le développement économique dit « durable ». Elle tend encore à montrer que loin de constituer un exercice moral de la démocratie, mais loin aussi de représenter une atteinte irrémédiable à ses valeurs, les biais de gouvernance découverts par l'analyse relèvent surtout de la pratique « normale » du gouvernement. Finalement, la thèse suggère de considérer les transformations qui affectent le recrutement, les fonctions et les pouvoirs des conseillers scientifiques de la Maison-Blanche comme révélatrices des mutations de la production technoscientifique et des adaptations de la stratification de la communauté scientifique américaine, phénomènes à la source de conflits en gestation.
Barzin, Nader. « L'économie politique de développement de l'énergie nucléaire en Iran : 1957-2004 ». Paris, EHESS, 2004. https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00011311.
Texte intégral"Atoms for peace" was introduced in Iran under US initiative in 1957. The developing Iran of the era had no need of atomic technology. The US initiative was based on its position of weakness and desire of controlling the international nuclear sector. The launch of the nuclear industry in Iran in 1974 corresponded to the last phase of international cooperation in this field. US-Iranian relations had already entered the period of lack of trust due to the nationalization of Iranian oil industry by the Shah and his participation in OPEC prise increase. For these reasons the completion of the program was problematic and was aborted with the revolution of 1979. Our thesis holds that the revelation of Iranian enrichment capacity in 2002 serves two essential functions : first a "virtual dissuasion" against invasion of American forces that besiege Iran on all frontiers. Second, having demonstrated-and abandoned its military capability, Iran seeks to be finally able to operate its civilian nuclear industry after 30 years of obstacles
Bouhou, Kassim. « La politique étrangère américaine au Maghreb après la guerre froide [1989-2001] ». Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030034.
Texte intégralIn history, United States did not focus on North African issues. American leaders consider that this part of the world is under European influence, especially under French influence. The Second World War, decolonization in the 1950s and 1960s and the Western Sahara dispute in the 1980s are the periods during which American presence has been the most active. Yet, the Maghreb was not kept out the stakes and challenges facing the world in the 1990s. How did the Bush and Clinton Administrations consider the North African authoritarian regimes, socially weakened by endemic debts and unable to provide an alternative response to the popular call for Islamist parties ? In the making of American foreign policy, which actors are bound to the Maghreb region ? Which roles played the Congress, the media, the political parties as the Maghreb faced the booming of Islam as a political force ? Are there any interests of American parties or American political and economic clans in the Maghreb ? Are there any antagonist positions inside the Congress and the executive branch about the policy to conduct in the region ?
Godet, Aurélie. « Le parrain du néoconservatisme : pour une biographie intellectuelle d'Irving Kristol (1920-2009) ». Paris 7, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA070077.
Texte intégralThis dissertation focuses on one of the most influential figures of American conservatism: prolific essayist Irving Kristol (1920-2009). On the basis of numerous interviews, significant archival work as well as close textual analyses of Kristol's writings (no less than 650 articles spanning sixty years), the author demonstrates that the intellectual and political career of the so-called "godfather of neoconservatism" cannot be reduced to a left-right conversion and would be better defined as a succession of breaks (with Trotskyism| socialism, and liberalism) and reconciliations (with Jewishness, capitalism, and religion) or as a series of back-and-forth movements between opposites (realism/idealism, laissez-faire/regulation). Although a few permanent features can be discerned (e. G, an indelible attachment to Social Security, an underlying respect for authority and tradition), Kristol's thought nonetheless appears as unfinished, fragmented, which makes for both stimulation and frustration. In the end, it is in the sphere of action that the editor of The Public Interest seems to have left his most lasting mark. An unofficial advisor to presidents Nixon, Ford, and Reagan, he has managed, thanks t( his knowledge of the world of business and philanthropy, to create a conservative establishment whose influence has been growing ever since the 1970s. He has also succeeded in modifying the position of the Republican and Democratic parties on a certain number of issues, such as tax cuts, welfare, and censorship. In light of these achievements, it is the author's view that the phrase "entrepreneur of ideas" is better suited than the word "intellectual" to describe Irving Kristol
Levy, Elizabeth. « De la défense des valeurs à l'exercice du pouvoir : l'influence de la Droite chrétienne au Congrès des Etats-Unis : étude de cas des élus de la Caroline du Sud et de l'Oklahoma (1994-2010) ». Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCC292.
Texte intégralThis dissertation deals with the relationship between the Christian Right and the American Congress between 1994 and 2010 by analyzing the elections and political careers of Republican representatives and senators elected in Oklahoma and South Carolina in 1994. The first section of this case study is devoted to putting the electoral victories of Tom Coburn, James Inhofe, Ernest Istook, Steve Largent, Frank Lucas, J. C. Watts (Oklahoma) and Bob Inglis, Lindsey Graham, Mark Sanford and Floyd Spence (South Carolina) into context. It is argued that their victories could be seen as the results of a combination of factors, among which the growing sophistication of both the Republican Party and the Christian Right played a part. The second section is an analysis of the legislative work done by these members of Congress throughout th years in order to assess the weight of social concerns. The last section is devoted to a more general analysis of the relationship between these representatives and senators with the Christian Right by examining their images, speeches and websites. It is argued that relationships between the members of Congress under scrutiny and the Christian Right vary depending on a number of factors and circumstances
Zdrojewski, David. « L'alliance américaine - clé de la politique orientale polonaise (1989-2008) ». Thesis, Paris, INALCO, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013INAL0030.
Texte intégralBy establishing a connection between an alliance strategy and the implementation of a foreign policy in a limited geographical area, the author means to interpret (geo)political intentions and place his study in the context of theoretical works focussing on balance of power. He recontextualises the Polish decision to establish an alliance with the United States and shows the importance of knowing whether alliance and alignment behaviours are connected in the logic of alliances or whether they are two mutually exclusive categories. He then proposes to reconsider Polish eastern policy, paying particular attention to the history of Poland and the thinking of its ruling elites in order to demonstrate that the strategy of alliance with the United States can be regarded as the main instrument of Polish eastern policy. Finally, he identifies the parameters that make it possible both to confirm the existence of a Polish-American alliance operating within the post-Soviet area and to estimate its durability. The example of Poland shows that not all States can be regarded as self-satisfied powers mainly striving to maximise their security rather than their power and that the phenomenon of alliances must be considered in (geo-)political and historical, but also cultural terms in order to avoid the trap of false paradigms to which post facto discourses are prone
Verluise, Pierre. « Les mutations géopolitiques de l'Europe, 1989-2004 ». Paris 4, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA040262.
Texte intégralAfter the end of the Cold War, how were the maps redrawn ? Research shows that the fall of the Berlin wall initiates massive geopolitical changes in Europe. The expansion of NATO and the European Union which follow are not ineffective. The geopolitical configuration has changed to the advantage of the US. Which doesn’t prevent Russia from keeping assets, notably thanks to its hydrocarbons and its networks. Integration to the EU of 10 new member states has partly modified its characteristics. Firstly a previous tendency to depopulation and ageing is becoming more pronounced. It is then translating into the membership of less rich states but with a fasteconomic growth. Eventually, the enlargement needs an improvement in the community institutions and astrengthening of European citizenship. The increased EU must take up many challenges if it wants to become amajor political actor
Kim, Myong-Sob. « Intégrer pour régner : la stratégie globale de l'administration Truman et l'origine de la régionalisation tripolaire ». Paris 1, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA010277.
Texte intégralThe american region-building policy applied at global level was a crucial factor that helped generate the difference between European region-building and Asian regionbuilding. Instead of encouraging regional identity as they did in western Europe, U. S. Officials had deep fear vis-a-vis Asian regionalism misused for a Japanese expansion in the form of pan-Asianism. If European region-building was partly based on the revival of the mediaval tradition of European civilization against modern nationalism, regionbuilding in maritime East Asia was basically under the setting of american expansionism competing against Japanese unilateralism, as well as with European unilateralism in Asia. The worst possible threat to the eyes of the u. S. Officials was the combination of communism with pan-Asianism in favor of the putative soviet "power complex. " the U. S. Officials who opposed, at first stage, the forma colonialism persisting in hullian view, began to admit the enlarged European interest in maritime east Asia. When European region-building was brought to a deadlock because of the chronic dollar gap, u. S. Foreign officers attached their hope to an "alliance with European powers" for their east Asian interests to smother nationalistic communist threat. In the final phase, however, the U. S. Foreign officials wanted to combine their enlarged interest of maritime east Asia with the revival of greater east Asia co-prosperity sphere. This resulted in an "american-Japanese consortium" in maritime east Asia preventing a genuine Asian regional cooperation
Baulon, Jean-Philippe. « Sans défense ? : antimissiles et stratégie nucléaire aux Etats-Unis (1946-1976) ». Paris, EPHE, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007EPHE4132.
Texte intégralAmerica’s first missile defense system was developed and deployed between 1946 and 1976. Albeit proving to be operationally ineffective, it nevertheless became a key issue in strategic thinking. As numerous sources show U. S. Interest, then disinterest, in strategic defense was not just the fruit of technical determinism. Unclassified and declassified documents as well as publications and congressional hearings reveal a multifaceted missile-defense problem marred by R&D difficulties and accompanied by serious ramifications on doctrine, bureaucracy, policy and diplomacy. Missile defense had a direct influence on moulding a specific U. S. Vision of nuclear strategy and went well beyond the dream of restoring insularity. It raises the underlying questions as to the pertinence of deterrence, stability, victory and survival. Missile-defense controversies contributed to the emergence of long-lasting features in U. S. Nuclear strategy: interest in operational details, the application of technical and managerial rationality, doctrinal swings from assured destruction to controlled war, a desired fusion of efficiency and morality as well as the claim to a universal vision. Dividing experts and leaders, the debate left in its wake those in favour of establishing stable deterrence and those seeking military superiority to offset the inevitably delicate strategic balance
Maillet, Jacob. « L' "image de l'ennemi" : le débat public sur l'URSS aux États-Unis dans les dernières années de la Guerre Froide, 1984-1989 ». Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA158.
Texte intégralThe Cold War looms large over the history of the second half of the 20th century, and its conclusion remains a source of debates to this day, while renewed tensions with Russia may lead us to question the triumphalism of hawks after the collapse of the Soviet Union.At the heart of the conflict was the perception by Americans of a threat based on the ideology and the military power of the Soviet Union. But this « enemy image » was based on many faulty interpretations of the available data.In fact, the study of the last years of the Cold War reveals that this twisted image of the capabilities and intentions of the enemy had acquired internal functions of its own on the American political scene. The public debate, often dominated by anticommunist figures, shows that the perception of the conflict by Americans long rested on preconceptions deeply embedded in the collective imagination. However, the rise to power of Mikhail Gorbachev in 1985 would lead to a thaw in the Cold War : the enemy image was deconstructed and the Soviets progressively became more human in the eyes of Americans. In five years, the Soviet Union ceased being an « evil empire » to become « just another great power ». By studying this evolution, one can determine the origins and functions of the enemy image, et thus understand how the perception of enemies can be influenced or used. The end of the Cold War thus allows us to better understand the construction of today's enemies
Rainville, Brigitte. « Soviet Spies and the Fear of Communism in America. Reactions of Congress to the Alger Hiss Case, 1948-1960 ». Thesis, Université Laval, 2013. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2013/29983/29983.pdf.
Texte intégralThis masters thesis examines the reactions of members of the House of Representatives and the Senate to the Alger Hiss case starting in 1948 until the end of 1960. Through analysis of the Congressional Record, a striking contrast in political opinions emerged. While Northern Democrats denied the possibility of Soviet infiltration during the HUAC hearings, Republican’s used the Hiss scandal to demoralize the Truman administration. The election of Dwight D. Eisenhower to the presidency in 1952 changed the way both parties reacted to the communist issue and the repercussions of the Hiss case. Whereas Democrats had previously contradicted accusations of Soviet espionage in the State Department, they began criticizing the Republican administration of being soft on communism in an attempt to recreate the same atmosphere of distrust that had plagued Truman’s time in office. By the end of Eisenhower’s presidency in 1961, Alger Hiss’ name came to represent Soviet espionage of the Cold War era.
Smith, Bradley. « La Dialectique du néolibéralisme aux États-Unis : aux origines de « révolution conservatrice » et de la crise financière de 2008 ». Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA143/document.
Texte intégralThis dissertation aims to study the economic, social, political and ideological transformations that have characterized the development of neoliberalism in the United States, from the rise of the conservative movement that brought Ronald Reagan to power in 1980 to the financial crisis of 2008. Neoliberalism can be defined as an ideology that claims the free market and the private sector to be superior to government intervention, as a package of economic policies that aim to liberate market forces from government constraints, and as a mode of governance based on corporate management practices. Although many studies have been published on neoliberalism, each of them tends to focus on a limited dimension of the subject, such as its ideological, political, or international dimension. Given this fragmentation, there is a lack of studies that attempt to understand the specific development of neoliberalism in the United States from a holistic point of view. In order to achieve this goal, Jean-Paul Sartre’s “progressive-regressive” method appears to be an effective approach. While Sartre developed this method as an epistemological tool for the humanities, few researchers have attempted to make use of it. By applying it to the study of American neoliberalism, this dissertation hopes to contribute not only to the knowledge a topical subject, but also to the development of new research methods in the field of civilizational studies
Xu, Yue. « Les États-Unis dans les relations sino-françaises de 1949 à 1964 ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040082.
Texte intégralThe People’s Republic of China was established on 1 October 1949, which ended the regime of Chiang Kaï-shek in Chinese mainland. At that time, the French government began to negotiate officially la recoginization of the People's Republic of China. Living in two hostile camps, why France had the plan to recognize the regime of Mao Tse-tung in 1949? On January 27, 1964, People’s Republic of China and France simultaneously issued a diplomatic announcement in Beijing and Paris. France became the first major western country to establish diplomatic relations at ambassadorial level with the People’s Republic of China in 1964. Why France waited 15 years for recognizing PRC? What had happened during this 15 years? During this period, the United States played a very important role in the Indochina War, the Korean War, the Geneva Conference, the Taiwan question and the representation of China in the United Nations with launching the policy Marshall Plan. After the return of De Gaulle in 1958, he resolved to safeguard national sovereignty, national interests, and embarked on a road to decolonization. From 1962, French foreign policy became more active in China, and the two countries began to negotiate on the establishment of diplomatic relations after reaching a consensus on Taiwan, Algeria and the United States. The establishment of Sino-French diplomatic relations is not accidental, which responds to political and diplomatic needs, and to the inevitable trend of historical development in the Cold War
Regaud, Nicolas. « Analyse stratégique du troisième conflit indochinois : 1978-1990 ». Paris 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010284.
Texte intégralTo analyse the Cambodian conflict it is necessary to take into account the three linked dimensions of this conflict : a local dimension opposing Vietnam and the popular republic of Kampuchea to the Khmer resistance ; a regional dimension opposing the three indochinese countries to ASEAN countries; a global dimension involving China, uUssr and the United States of America. Since 1978 we attented an internationalization procee of the Cambodian conflict, leading to the formation of a kind of "conflictual systel", extremely complex because of the high number of parties involved and of their various and contradictory objectives. An analysis of the form of strategic action of the various actorsmilitary, diplomatic, economic and cultural action - is essential to understand the dynamic of this conflict and its possible solutions
Xu, Yue. « Les États-Unis dans les relations sino-françaises de 1949 à 1964 ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040082.
Texte intégralThe People’s Republic of China was established on 1 October 1949, which ended the regime of Chiang Kaï-shek in Chinese mainland. At that time, the French government began to negotiate officially la recoginization of the People's Republic of China. Living in two hostile camps, why France had the plan to recognize the regime of Mao Tse-tung in 1949? On January 27, 1964, People’s Republic of China and France simultaneously issued a diplomatic announcement in Beijing and Paris. France became the first major western country to establish diplomatic relations at ambassadorial level with the People’s Republic of China in 1964. Why France waited 15 years for recognizing PRC? What had happened during this 15 years? During this period, the United States played a very important role in the Indochina War, the Korean War, the Geneva Conference, the Taiwan question and the representation of China in the United Nations with launching the policy Marshall Plan. After the return of De Gaulle in 1958, he resolved to safeguard national sovereignty, national interests, and embarked on a road to decolonization. From 1962, French foreign policy became more active in China, and the two countries began to negotiate on the establishment of diplomatic relations after reaching a consensus on Taiwan, Algeria and the United States. The establishment of Sino-French diplomatic relations is not accidental, which responds to political and diplomatic needs, and to the inevitable trend of historical development in the Cold War
Maily, Jocelyn. « Le populisme dans le Sud des Etats-Unis au XXème siècle ». Reims, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003REIMD009.
Texte intégralIf everyone might have an opinion about populism, the political science stays silent when it's about giving a exact definition. This work's aim is first to go deep in that movement, and second to try to explain why it first occured in th United States of America, especialy in the deep Old South. After having given our own definition of populism, we have to explain, on the one hand, what are the characteres of this special area called "South". That means evoking history, geography, race and a lot of dailylife aspects. We will longer focuse about the dominance of religion and firearms that helps to understand th southern accent of populism. We will also face the psychological aspects of the South, so that we can easily understand why this part of the US territory stands as a nation. On the second hand, we will go from the Antebellum times until now, to understand the political roots of populism, from the protesting farmers of the XVIIIth century to the 2002 presidential campaign. Evoking subjects as People's Party, Vanderbilt Af=grarians, State's Rights Party and Dixiecrats, and crossing politicians like W. Bryan, H. Long, G. Wallace, J. Carter and W. Clinton, will explain that populism is a personal, political and psychological behaviour that belongs to everypart of the political rainbow, but also a notion deeply rooted in american political culture
Béliveau-Beaulac, Victor Amadeus. « Conserver l'influence acquise : les États-Unis face à des dictatures amies en péril ». Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/31905.
Texte intégralCoste, Françoise Hélène. « Le parti républicain new yorkais, ou le bastion du libéralisme républicain (1980-2000) ». Bordeaux 3, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004BOR30034.
Texte intégralThe republican party from the state of new york left its print on american history as belonging to a school of thought that is traditionnaly liberal republican. Its strong positioning at the left of the ideological spectrum constitutes the logical conclusion for a party which powerfully influenced the radical and progressive movements. The liberal republican movement is usually considered to be dead, a victim of reagan's conservative revolution in the 1980s. Even if the fact that new york's actual republican party definitely relinquished its historical liberalism cannot be denied, numerous traces of this ideology still persist today. Thanks to such leaders as the mayor of new york city since 1994, rudy giuliani, or george pataki, who is the state's governor since 1994, new york's republican party still holds its ideological originality compared to the more traditional american right. Indeed, the two men combine economic conservatism and social and cultural liberalism, which represents the search for a third way in a political world which finds itself more and more polarised
Revauger, Guilène. « Fonctions, pouvoirs et influences d’un acteur de la politique étrangère britannique : le Foreign and Commonwealth Office (1968-1985) ». Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCA037/document.
Texte intégralThis research work is devoted to the study of a key British institution, its function and its organization, from the merger of the Commonwealth Office and the Foreign Office in 1968, until 1985.Of particular interest is the way the changing role of Britain in the world and international conflicts bear upon the functioning and the evolution of the FCO. The point is to assess to what extent the context influences the institution itself.British foreign policy seems to be mostly determined by the Foreign Secretary and the Prime Minister. It is therefore well worth gaging what the function of the FCO is, and its relationship with the holders of political power.The role of the FCO as one of the internal and external agents of British foreign policy is assessed here, through three cases: the internal reorganization of the service in 1968, the management of a crisis – the postponements of independence for Guiana from 1953 to 1966, and the failure of a negotiation in peacetime – the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea from 1973 to 1982.Beyond the internal functioning of the institution, this research work strives to offer an interpretation of the changes. The relationship between the FCO and the holders of political power, the real power and influence of the FCO are under consideration, in particular during key moments of particular significance for the institution
Harvey, David. « Le 81e congrès des États-Unis et la Corée : un réveil brutal (1949-1951) ». Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/28571.
Texte intégralEge, Asli. « Entre États-Unis et Europe : le dilemme stratégique de "l'occidentalité turque" ». Toulouse 1, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004TOU10025.
Texte intégralIt is Turkey's westward orientation, which has been ruling this country's opening to regional opportunities since the end of the Cold War, be it in the Turkish-speaking world, in the Black Sea region or the Middle-East. But Ankara faces serious challenges in the reaching of that goal, due to the Ottoman tradition of a strong, centralized State which has identified itself to the nation since the proclamation of the Republic, thus granting the military excessive power in the name of national unity. However, the official ideology's perception of the nation as a homogeneous identify differs from the social reality of Turkey, which contains a variety of other ethnic and religious self-definitions, and from the pluralistic standards of western democracies. In a context, which at the same time still sees, the UE hesitating about Turkey's place in its identity definition the strategic alliance with the United States is both a confirmation od its western identity and a stress on its pivotal geopolitical position as a regional power. Facing its possible exclusion from the European construction, especially regarding security matters, Turkey sees NATO as the main ground for the affirmation of its western identity, even more so given its tense relations with Greece. The unsoved Cyprus and Aegean questions, Turkey's security and geopolitical orientations, the absence of a European vision on global geopolitical matters and the rigidity of its own domestic policies all make of Turkish western identity, between United States and the European Union, a strategic dilemma
Găinar, Maria. « Les neuf et la coopération politique européenne 1973-1980 ». Strasbourg, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011STRA4020.
Texte intégralThe establishment of the European Political Cooperation (EPC) in the 1970s was a key point in the construction of Europe. The EPC was an important step towards political union, which has always been considered as the ultimate aim of European integration. This thesis looks at political cooperation between 1973 and 1980, at which time the two Davignon reports, adopted in 1970 and 1973, served as the basis for the EPC. The EPC dealt with the sovereign domain of foreign policy, and used an intergovernmental mechanism. Political Cooperation therefore took place between the member states of the European Communities, but outside the community context. The development of the EPC was affected by several factors between 1973 and 1980: primarily by the actors, and in particular the nine countries involved in the EPC. Since state actors played a decisive role, there is a need to bear in mind the differences which originally existed between the Nine, in terms of their foreign policy, and also their political traditions and cultures. In addition to the actors, the different contexts in which the EPC evolved also had a significant impact on it; in particular the process of European construction and the world stage dominated by the United States and the Soviet Union. The thesis analyses Political Cooperation at the time of the Nine, in terms of its functioning and its ability to convey Europe’s message to the world on different international issues (CSCE, the Middle East, the Euro-Arab dialogue, Cyprus, South Africa, Iran and Afghanistan), by taking these points into consideration
Boulé, Richard. « La montée du fascisme et de la Grande Dépression en Allemagne, vue par la presse de France, de Grande-Bretagne et des États-Unis (1930-32) ». Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/27167.
Texte intégralDuring the years 1931-32, international disputes about the Treaty of Versailles accompanied the rise of fascism and Great Depression in Germany. Leaders of the Anglo-Saxon powers justified their support of the Reich by public opinions. Historians have said that the latters were deluded about German issues, but what were those illusions and where do they came from ? This comparison of British, American and French newspapers shows that they were not only made from wrong assessments of objective realities, but also from hidden facts or inventions, even a media war serving to justify some financial and political choices. The fast dissemination of the same inventions on both sides of the Atlantic also suggest the existence of priviledged channels of « opinion fabrics » from Germany, to and between Britain and the United States.
Winand, Pascaline. « Presidents, advisers and the uniting of Europe : American policy toward European integration, 1939-1963 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213111.
Texte intégralBoucher, Pierre-Alexandre. « L'image de la diabolisation de l'Amérique dans le discours théocratique de l'ayatollah Khomeyni entre 1941-1990 ». Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/43534.
Texte intégralJiménez, Hanton Amelia M. « La vision de l'ambassade américaine des acteurs socio-politiques mexicains : 1947 à 1949 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq25618.pdf.
Texte intégralEtemadi, Farhad. « Le tribunal des différends irano-américains comme processus de réglement pacifique des différends entre les deux pays ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212460.
Texte intégralMasson, Bérengère. « La guerre des Malouines dans les relations internationales ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040101.
Texte intégralOn the 2nd April 1982, Argentina invaded the Falkland Islands and reclaimed sovereignty over the islands that she had lost in 1833. Why did Argentina decide to retake these islands ? Was it weariness? Without doubt, negotiation had not given hope of a solution. Was it out of interest? Without a doubt the Shackleton connection suggested unexploited natural resources on the islands (petrol and fishable waters). Was it opportunism? Undeniably Argentina was at that time in a financial crisis and governed by a military dictatorship weakened by conflict. The re-conquest of the Falklands could have been the last hope for the Junta. The strength of Margaret Thatcher's reaction to this invasion seemed surprising: why would one want to keep hold of these far flung islands with 1800 inhabitants and 700 000 ovines? The world was still in the middle of a cold war, the United Stated of America and the USSR continued to clash; the conflict in the Falklands offered them an additional battle ground
Mouleux, Guillaume. « La formation de la "meilleure des générations" : propagande et société aux Etats-Unis durant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale ». Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. https://theses.md.univ-paris-diderot.fr/MOULEUX_Guillaume_depot_2_20180921.zip.
Texte intégralThis PhD dissertation analyses how the homefront propaganda the United States population was subjected to during the Second World War was important in shaping the evolutions the American society went through during the second half of the twentieth century. As the generations which had grown up in the US during the Great Depression then participated in a way or another to the national effort during World War II led the country through some of its most important historical milestones in the latter half of the century, prompting the “Greatest Generation” nickname, analyzing the influence of the messages these populations were subjected to during the war as well as considering the historical and cultural roots of these messages appear particularly both interesting and important, especially as this war was, more than any other was before, a war of images.This study develops three main angles. First, the way other populations (enemies, allies but also the civilian victims of the war) were represented to the American people, as constructing such images was all the more important in a context where isolationism still played an important role. Then, the way an imagery linking the soldiers “over there” at the front to the home front was built, and how both themes coexisted in many messages. Finally, the way propaganda messages of the time were linked not only with the then-present sacrifices but also with hints at a new society in the post-war period – provided of course the war was won
Hébert, Alexandra. « Le New York Times et les débuts de la guerre froide ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0008/MQ31734.pdf.
Texte intégralArif, Muhammad Asim. « The Place and Role of Pakistan in the Sino-Pakistan-American Triangular Relations, 1991-2012 ». Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0051.
Texte intégralThe need for research on the Sino-Pakistani-American diplomatic triangle is felt as the subject was never systematically researched before. The triangular relation is important for a multitude of reasons. Firstly, the region of influence and relevance of Pakistan is in an active geopolitical sphere where the contest for power status for the future is being vigorously played out. Secondly, China and the US are deeply involved with Pakistan and with the regions surrounding Pakistan. Thirdly, this strategic triangle encompasses at least three salient geopolitical regions, namely South Asia, Central Asia and the Middle East, thus pulling in, for the purview of this study, foreign policies and or internal matters of such important countries as India, Saudi Arabia, Iran and Afghanistan. Fourthly, the foreign policy decision-making by the Pakistanis involves the concerns and interests of both the Americans and the Chinese. Islamabad has the geopolitical reserve to influence the role and place of Washington and Beijing in the strategic regions of South Asia, Central Asia and the Middle East
Heurtebize, Frédéric. « L'attitude de washington face à l'euro-communisme en france et en italie 1974-1981 ». Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030129.
Texte intégralEurocommunism refers to a trend among West European communist parties that aimed at promoting a communism compatible with Western-style democracy. It entailed embracing democratic "bourgeois" values, criticizing the Soviet model and fostering political coalitions with long-despised parties. French communists and socialists thus formed the Union of the Left in 1972 while the Italian CP called for a "historic compromise" with the Christian Democrats one year later. The period under study (1974-81) spans the birth, climax and decline of that trend but also the presidencies of Gerald Ford (1974-77) and Jimmy Carter (1977-81).Though different in many respects, the political situation in both countries – however sincere, or not, those CPs were in Washington’s view – exacerbated one long-gone fear: the coming to power of communists in Western Europe. This dissertation examines how the US – mainly the White House and its diplomatic and intelligence bureaucracy – regarded that threat. It draws substantially from American archival material (White House, State Department and CIA) and from numerous interviews with former actors and witnesses of that period. This dissertation argues that the Ford administration, whose diplomacy was led by Henry Kissinger, was more concerned about Eurocommunism than the Carter administration. It also argues that the Italian situation caused more concern than the French situation, so much so that members of the Carter team had sympathies for the French socialists. Finally, this study reveals significant differences in judgment – between, on the one hand, the executive branch, and, on the other hand, the embassies and the analytical and intelligence services – as to how threatening Eurocommunism was to American and Western interests. Throughout the decade, overall, the latter proved more relaxed than American leaders about the possible consequences of the CPs’ coming to power
Benedic-Meyer, Diane. « "The only group..." : le rôle du Democratic Leadership Council dans la modernisation idéologique du parti démocrate : 1980-2011 ». Thesis, Strasbourg, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014STRAC008.
Texte intégralIt is quite difficult for the young generation of Democratic voters who contributed to bring Barack Obama into power in 2008 and 2012 to imagine the electoral losing streak the Democratic Party endured after Ronald Reagan’s electoral victories in 1980 and 1984. Obama owes credit to both his efficient campaigns and the changes which have affected the Democratic Party since the 1980s for winning the executive office twice. The Democratic elected officials certainly had not waited for Jimmy Carter’s humiliating defeat in 1980 to reflect upon the situation but it is during the Reagan years that some Democratic influential members started taking action. The Democratic Leadership Council (DLC) became a key part of a sort of political and ideological aggiornamento which allowed the Democratic Party to rebuild its forces in less than ten years and to win back the executive office in 1992 with Bill Clinton’s election. From the early 1980s to its dissolution in 2011, the DLC devoted itself to the ideological modernization of the Democratic Party
Parisi, Ilaria. « La France et la crise des euromissiles, 1977-1987 ». Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCA104.
Texte intégralThe origins of the Euromissile crisis date back to October 1977, when Helmut Schmidt publicly expressed his anxieties about the nuclear imbalance in Europe, following the deployment of the Soviet SS-20 missiles. The new Soviet system was more accurate than its predecessors and equipped with three nuclear warheads. NATO’s aging nuclear medium-range missiles could not match the Soviet technology and NATO’s nuclear escalation strategy proved weakened. At a time when SALT II fixed a rough strategic nuclear parity between the Soviet Union and the United States, Europe wondered whether the American extended deterrence was still reliable. The increasing Soviet threat and the deepening European defiance vis-à-vis the American military protection were the two central elements of the Euromissile crisis, which lasted until 1987, when the Washington treaty sanctioned the elimination of all Soviet and American medium-range nuclear forces in Europe.The French concern about the Euromissile crisis was twofold. Firstly, Moscow might profit from its military superiority in Europe in order to extend its influence over the Western part of the continent. As a consequence, the Soviet Union might acquire a veto over any European political development, for example as regards the European integration process or the resolution of the German question, issues on which France was eager to play a major role. Secondly, the European distrust towards the American military protection could lead to the establishment of a “eurostrategic” balance, or a balance between the Soviet and the American nuclear weapons in Europe. This would definitely have weakened the value of the American extended nuclear deterrence in Europe, but also in due course included third country nuclear forces into the military European balance as a part of the Western military effort. In this case, France would be deprived of a major element of her defense policy. As a consequence, France got involved in the Euromissiles crisis to preserve her strategic environment from any Soviet European ambition and to defend her policy of national independence from any attempt to diminish her military force at a time of increased East-West confrontation
Dabo, Boubacar. « La France et les questions politico-stratégiques franco-allemandes : de l’échec de la CED à l’unification allemande (1954-1990) ». Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030037/document.
Texte intégralBefore the birth of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949, France and Germanyhad been at war thrice (1870,1914, 1945).The object of our study is to follow the course of the politico-strategic relationshipthese two countries shared between the failure of the European Defence Community Project in 1954 and Germany’s reunification in 1990. All through this study, we willtry to explain how the French and German pair has become – despite both successand failure and since the birth of the FRG – a fundamental axis of the European Area : so much so that it is rightly or wrongly regarded as the ‘duet of Europe’.Our study will highlight today’s international relations, since despite its economic,political and social victories, the European Union has a lots of weaknessesconcerning Defence. Which arguments are held against the establishment of aEuropean pole of Defence within the European Area. ?
Chasserieau, Myriam. « La promotion du modèle américain de démocratie par les soldats de l'armée d'occupation des Etats-Unis en Allemagne, 1945-1949 ». Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014AIXM3099.
Texte intégralAfter World War II, the American occupation policy of Germany provided for an "affirmative program of reorientation ... designed completely to eliminate Nazi and militaristic doctrines and to encourage the development of democratic ideas". The American soldiers, as "ambassadors of democracy" became key actors in the reorientation process. The troop information program encouraged servicemen to promote democracy in their informal contacts with Germans. Soldiers and dependents had to display a friendly face of hard power. In 1946, the Army devised a comprehensive program for German youth designed to teach them democratic principles: the Army Assistance to German Youth Activities, (GYA). Sports activities were regarded as an effective tool to reach and influence German children's thinking. Sports also promoted American traditions while serving as a cultural instrument against the growing influence of communism. In the context of occupation and Cold War, members of the U.S. armed forces exerted soft power influence in order to promote the American model of democracy in Germany
Masson, Bérengère. « La guerre des Malouines dans les relations internationales ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040101/document.
Texte intégralOn the 2nd April 1982, Argentina invaded the Falkland Islands and reclaimed sovereignty over the islands that she had lost in 1833. Why did Argentina decide to retake these islands ? Was it weariness? Without doubt, negotiation had not given hope of a solution. Was it out of interest? Without a doubt the Shackleton connection suggested unexploited natural resources on the islands (petrol and fishable waters). Was it opportunism? Undeniably Argentina was at that time in a financial crisis and governed by a military dictatorship weakened by conflict. The re-conquest of the Falklands could have been the last hope for the Junta. The strength of Margaret Thatcher's reaction to this invasion seemed surprising: why would one want to keep hold of these far flung islands with 1800 inhabitants and 700 000 ovines? The world was still in the middle of a cold war, the United Stated of America and the USSR continued to clash; the conflict in the Falklands offered them an additional battle ground
Jacques-Bélair, Gabriel. « SOUS LE FEU DE LA CRITIQUE : Le dossier vietnamien à la Maison-Blanche et au Congrès au lendemain de l'offensive du Têt de 1968 ». Thesis, Université Laval, 2011. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2011/28417/28417.pdf.
Texte intégralPâris, Laurence. « De l'internationalisation du conflit centre-américain : l'influence des acteurs externes sur l'évolution politique de l'Amérique centrale des années quatre-vingts ». Paris 1, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA010312.
Texte intégralThe first time in the history of Latin America when a great number of outside parties were involved in a regional conflict was in Central America in the 1980's. At that time, the democratic evolution of the local political regimes appeared as the result of the interacting strategies of many foreign countries. Some of them seemed to be operating in an East Ouest confrontation state of mind while others tended to minimize the conflict to its local scale. For example, the democratization of Central American countries serves the US policy better than one solely based on strengh. At the same time, the Ussr does not develop an offensive policy in area which is considered as a bartering commodity in its relationship with the US. Meanwhile, in order to gain the international community's trust and maintain the stability of the new regime in Nicaragua, Cuba is trying to still the revolutionary movements. On the other hand, European countries, be it the EEC, the states or certain political movements, offer a western alternatives to the us and might end up as being the way to follow. However, European actions have only been able to go this far because of the birth of an independent Latin American diplomacy, especially through the Contadora group. This group aims at an economic development and a greater political stability in the area. Today, as we are neating the end of this decade, the collapse of the communist system speeds up the democratic transition of the Central American regimes, proving this type of regime to be the only viable reference
Fleury, Jean-Baptiste. « L’extension de la science économique hors de ses frontières traditionnelles : le cas américain (1949-1992) ». Thesis, Lyon 2, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009LYO22008/document.
Texte intégralThis thesis studies the expansion of the scope of economics to the study of phenomena traditionally considered to lie outside of the domain of economics. We claim that such a development came with the expansion of the domain of government intervention from the late 1940s on, which raised interdisciplinary questions. What was considered to be “economic”, “social” or “political” phenomena evolved and blurred. In return, this stimulated economists to overstep the traditional disciplinary boundaries. We identify three steps in the expansion of the scope of economics. First, in the context of the Cold War society, economists progressively studied political phenomena such as the problem of collective choice. Second, in the 1960s, and more precisely during Lyndon Johnson’s presidency, economists became progressively interested in the study of social problems related to the notion of poverty, such as discrimination, education, crime or public health. Finally, in the 1970s, the last step of the development of the scope of economics was characterized by the progressive fading of any a priori disciplinary boundaries. Vindicated by the success of their economic approach to political and social phenomena, some economists argued that their discipline was not defined by its field of analysis, but rather by its tools
Habel, Janette. « Cuba dans les Caraïbes : identité, utopie et réalités ». Paris 8, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA080832.
Texte intégralThere has never been such a severe crisis in cuba since fidel's castro victory. The demise of the soviet union which put and end to the previous relationship had revealed that the dependance of the economy on sugar crops remain steady. 35 years after castro's victory the resources of the country are not sufficient to guarantee neither the energetic needs of the country nor the food for the population. This is the balancesheet of the integration in the comecon which have put cuba in a subordinate and dependant status. The reinstatement of the country in the world economy will jeopardize its social achievements and the political influence la havana had won on the world scale. Will the economc reforms which have been initiated in 1993 by f. Castro be able to secure a peaceful transition towards a market economy or is a political crisis unavoidable ?
Haddad, Rayan. « Les processus d'insertion de conflits exogènes dans un espace public communautarisé : captations libanaises des crises du Kosovo, du 11 septembre, d'Afghanistan, et d'Irak ». Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007IEPP0044.
Texte intégralThis research examines the adaptations of the Lebanese “post-anomic” public sphere to the world political context beyond the Westphalian coordinates. It highlights how the societal sphere of a Weak State deals with cases of “turbulence” emerging from the world scene. More specifically, it identifies the processes through which specific “exogenous” crises are incorporated into the “local” Lebanese debate. The intertwinement of the dynamics of “localization” and “globalization” is here clearly illustrated; but this does not preclude any attempt to assess (on a case by case basis) the relative and differing importance of these dynamics within the interaction. We have hence deemed useful to make a (loose) distinction between two concepts: Lebanese “sensitivity” (designating the “local” relation – not devoid of interest - to certain tumultuous international events) and Lebanese “vulnerability” (referring to the dangerous convulsions in Lebanon’s immediate environment). The former concept is predominantly (and processually) related to an efficient normative activism on the part of identity entrepreneurs in the “public sphere” (affected by a simultaneous crisis of state and civil society). The latter concept is foremost the consequence of the interplay of “geopolitical forces” that are not guided in their policy-making by considerations pertaining to fundamental human rights in the Middle East nor to the future of the region’s peoples. The two abovementioned concepts follow intertwined dynamics that we attempt to identify and explain through the analysis of the representations and the policies of various actors at the local and global levels
Pacoud, Renaud. « Le judiciaire dans l’Etat : les cours fédérales américaines face au développement de la puissance administrative : 1891-1984 ». Thesis, Lyon 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO20034.
Texte intégralEven though political scientists and historians have been able to make sense of the impact of bureaucracy on the Congress and the Presidency, the question of the relation of the federal judiciary with the federal state remains largely untouched, as if the constitutional confrontation of 1937 had settled the issue once and for all, with the traditional narrative of judicial restraint and executive triumph firmly in place. This work aims to suggest and explore another avenue for research, by underlining the importance of earlier, turn-of-the-century developments regarding the institutional evolution of the federal judiciary itself and the development of early administrative law. By shifting the focus of attention away from the New Deal crisis, we show that the complicated relation between the federal judiciary and the federal state did not primarily concern the place of administrative power in the constitutional structure, but rather the institutional identity of a federal judiciary which underwent profound changes before the New Deal. In other words, the federal judiciary has a history, and this has to count for something
El, Yattioui Mohamed Badine. « Les enjeux géostratégiques des programmes publics de Washington à destination de l'Amérique Latine, de George Bush père à George Bush fils (1988-2008) ». Thesis, Lyon 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LYO30059.
Texte intégralThe relations between the United States and Latin America between 1988 and 2008 had known a lot of upheavals. The different reasons which were at the origin of that were approached in this dissertation. After having studied the theorical stakes concerning their relations we asked ourself if foreign policy was a classic public policy. Then, we studied development aid’s specificities and a theory promoted by George W. Bush which is the « transformational diplomacy ». In a second part, we studied diplomatical upheavals appeared in some countries of the region, consequence of the election of left wing governments. Pages dedicated to the three programs worked out by Washington during the 2000’s (MCA, both Colombian plans and Merida Initiative) showed the originality but also their application and their reserved results so much from the point of view of the efficiency and the consolidation of the diplomatical relations with the countries of this region. At last, we described and analyzed the importance the energy challenges with Latin America for the United States and developed reasons which urge them to want to constitute the FTAA. This show The interweaving of the economic, diplomatic and security questions for the American decision-makers
Magasich-Airola, Jorge. « Ceux qui ont dit "Non" : histoire du mouvement des marins chiliens opposés au coup d'Etat de 1973 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210614.
Texte intégralNotre objectif est de retracer l’histoire du mouvement des marins légitimistes et notre hypothèse de travail est que le coup d’État de 1973 n’est pas l’œuvre de l’armée mais d’une fraction de celle-ci.
Nous avons consulté quatre catégories de sources :
1) La presse :6 quotidiens et 2 hebdomadaires opposés au gouvernement d’Allende; 4 quotidiens, 2 hebdomadaires et un bimensuel proches du gouvernement ou de gauche.
2) Les essais, documents politiques, témoignages et mémoires, particulièrement les mémoires des quatre amiraux organisateurs du coup d’État.
3) Les procès entamés contre les marins dès la fin du gouvernement d’Allende, dont les 6.000 pages du célèbre procès 3926 contre les marins de la flotte.
4) Nous avons interviewé 30 marins, ce qui correspond à environ un tiers des marins condamnés par les tribunaux navals sous la dictature. En outre, nous avons interviewé, des militants, des avocats, un procureur, un général de l’aviation opposé au coup d’État, un officier de la Marine opposé au coup d’État et un officier de la Marine favorable au coup d’État. Au total 52 interviews qui totalisent un bon millier de pages.
L’introduction présente le sujet et explique sa pertinence :les réunions entre les marins et les dirigeants politiques restent un événement souvent cité dans l’historiographie qui justifie le coup d’État.
Le ch. I est un travail de compilation sur l’histoire des révoltes de marins au XXe siècle, pour identifier les éléments communs entre elles.
Le ch. II tente de situer la Marine chilienne dans son contexte historique et social, rappelant les conflits qui ont secoué la force navale et sa réorganisation lors du début de la Guerre froide et décrivant le contenu de l’enseignement donné à l’École navale des officiers.
Le ch. III décrit la vie sociale dans la Marine de 1970 –l’année de l’élection présidentielle– surtout les relations difficiles entre la troupe et les officiers. Celles-ci se manifestent à travers des réactions contradictoires au résultat de l’élection. Pendant les premiers mois du gouvernement d’Allende, un nombre croissant d’officiers manifeste son opposition, alors que des « hommes de mer » (la troupe) s’organisent pour le défendre.
Les ch. IV et V couvrent la période qui va de 1971 jusqu’à la première tentative de coup d’État le 29 juin 1973 (el Tanquetazo). Elle est marquée d’une part par l’adhésion de la plupart des officiers aux thèses putschistes, et d’autre part, par un notable développement des groupes de marins antiputschistes. Nous décrivons les relations structurelles entre les officiers et civils conjurés et l’établissement des relations entre des groupes de marins et certains partis politiques de gauche. Ce travail décrit la réunion secrète où plusieurs groupes de marins, tentent d’établir une coordination et discutent s’il faut agir avant que le coup d’État ne soit déclenché ou seulement en réaction à celui-ci.
Le chapitre VI couvre les cinq « semaines décisives » qui s’écoulent entre la tentative de putsch du 29 juin et l’arrestation des marins de la flotte, le 5 août 1973. Dans la Marine, la préparation du coup d’État arrive à sa phase finale, avec un affairement perceptible. Beaucoup de marins craignent d’être forcés à y participer. Dans ce contexte, le groupe de marins de la flotte formule une ébauche de plan d’occupation des navires et organise des réunions avec des dirigeants de gauche pour tenter une action qui ferait avorter le coup d’État imminent. Nous avons pu retracer ce plan ainsi que les célèbres réunions avec les dirigeants du PS, du MAPU et du MIR, grâce à plusieurs témoignages de marins et de « civils » présents dans ces réunions.
Le chapitre VII décrit la période entre l’arrestation des marins et les semaines qui suivent le coup d’État, décrivant les premières tortures, la difficile situation du gouvernement d’Allende, qui attaque en justice les marins « infiltrés », et le débat politique et juridique suscité par les arrestations et tortures, un des derniers débats démocratiques.
Le chapitre VIII expose la poursuite des procès sous la dictature. Parmi les avocats pro deo qui se contentent d’une timide défense pour la forme, nous avons trouvé une défense exceptionnelle des marins sur le plan politique :« le devoir de tout militaire est de défendre le gouvernement légitime », affirme l’avocate Lidia Hogtert, une dame de 75 ans, qui, en 1975, ose défier la justice militaire. En 1988, à la fin de la dictature, lorsque l’ancien secrétaire du MAPU Oscar Garretón se présente devant la justice navale, le cas connaît un nouveau retentissement :après plusieurs condamnations par des tribunaux militaires, Garreton obtient une victoire complète à la Cour Suprême. Il est acquitté de toute accusation pour « sédition et mutinerie ».
Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished