Articles de revues sur le sujet « Domus Dei »

AbstractTwo medieval sacred places are discussed, one Romanesque (St Pierre, Moissac) and the other late Gothic (the Mosteiro da Santa Maria da Vittoria, Batalha), focussing in both instances on the paradox of turning God's dwellings into contexts for artistic creativity which served religious as well as secular purposes.

[it] Il progetto Domus Tiberiana, iniziato nel 2013 e coordinato dalla Soprintendenza Speciale per il Colosseo e l’area archeologica centrale di Roma, ha come scopo il nuovo e complessivo studio del primo palazzo imperiale sul Palatino. Diversi aspetti vengono considerati, integrando fra loro i risultati delle ricerche precedenti e delle nuove indagini, archiviati nel GIS SITAR della Soprintendenza: studio della stratigrafia muraria, delle tecniche edilizie, delle decorazioni, dei reperti archeologici e dei restauri architettonici. In questo articolo sono esposti i primi risultati dell’indagine condotta sulle tecniche e i materiali da costruzione dell’isolato adrianeo nel tratto occidentale della Nova Via, costruito insieme all’ampliamento dell’angolo NordOvest della Domus. In particolare, l’analisi metrologica dei laterizi ha chiarito come gli approvvigionamenti di bipedali, sesquipedali, bessali, tegole fratte e laterizi di reimpiego venissero redistribuiti all’interno dell’edificio. La ripartizione delle tecniche edilizie nelle diverse porzioni murarie obbediva, infatti, a una razionale logica economica e strutturale.

For many centuries, sacral architecture was conceptualised as a multiple reflection of the Catholic spiritual teaching, traditions and a symbol of particular epoch. Moreover, it served as a link between experience, knowledge and values fulfilled by of both, the present and the future man. Catholic temples, like the religion itself, were based on the mystical image of the Body of Christ (Corpus Christi). Also, it can be found not only in liturgical practices, but also in architectural expression. Up until the Second Vatican Council (also known as the Vatican II), church buildings were usually referred to as the House of God (Domus Dei), however, in the midst of the 20th century, the Church has slowly shifted to the new paradigm – the People of God (Populus Dei). Therefore, churches as buildings have also changed and became referred to as the House of God's People (Domus Ecclesiae). These essential changes were strongly expressed in the development of the 20th century sacral architecture. This article is based on the analysis of historical changes in circumstances as well as expression methods in sacral architecture and contemporary church buildings. As a method of research, the comparative analysis is used, which enables to determine impact of contemporary paradigm to the Church and sacral architecture in Lithuania Santrauka Ilgus šimtmečius sakralinė architektūra buvo suvokiama kaip daugialypis Bažnyčios mokymo, tradicijos ir esamo laikotarpio atspindys, simbolis. Tai lyg tiltas, jungiantis praeities patirtį ir žinias su dabarties ir ateities žmogiškąja pilnatve. Katalikiškos šventovės, kaip ir pati religija, rėmėsi Kristaus mistinio kūno prasme (Corpus Christi) ir simbolika tiek liturgijos apeigose, tiek architektūrinėje bažnyčios sampratoje. Iki Vatikano II Visuotinio Bažnyčios susirinkimo buvo įprasta bažnyčios pastatą vadinti Dievo namais (Domus Dei), tačiau XX a. bažnyčios paradigma radikaliai pasikeitė, Bažnyčia imama suvokti kaip Dievo tauta (Populus Dei), o pastatas – Dievo žmonių namais (Domus Ecclesiae). Šie esmingi pokyčiai itin atsispindėjo sakralinės architektūros raidoje. Straipsnyje analizuojamos istorinės pokyčių aplinkybės ir jų raiška Vakarų sakralinėje architektūroje. Naudojantis šios tyrimo dalies įžvalgomis, lyginama, kaip XX a. liturginių reformų ir bažnyčios įvaizdžio paradigmos kaita veikė šiuolaikinės Lietuvos sakralinės architektūros raidą.

This article describes the discovery of an area of habitation of the domus of the Valerii, a family with yen ancient origins, said to descend from the first consul, Valerius Publicola. The excavation, undertaken in 2005, investigated deposits beneath the Ospedale dell'Addolorata where, in the early years of the twentieth century, the construction of the southeast block destroyed the upper levels and a complex row of structures along the northern side, towards via Santo Stefano Rotondo. Since the middle of the sixteenth century, uncontrolled excavation and research have recovered an important inheritance of knowledge and of high-quality finds — often sold or dispersed in some way. The excavation has revealed part of a frescoed corridor, 3.8 m wide and originally c. 3 m high, with a pavement in black mosaic, with windows opening onto a garden. Of this imposing structrure, datable to the late Hadrianic period, various phases of building activity, abandonment and reuse have been identified, amongst which the construction of a hidental is of particular interest.

This article seeks to highlight the doctrinal meanings enclosed in the representation of the house of Mary in the form of a palace or an aristocratic residence in seven images of the Annunciation of the 15th century. To justify our iconographic interpretations in this sense, we based on the analysis of many exegetical comments with which many Latin Fathers and theologians interpreted several metaphorical expressions with dogmatic projection, such as domus Sapientiae, domus Dei, aula regia, palatium Regis, domicilium Trinitatis, and other analogous terms. As a methodological strategy, we use here a double comparative analysis: in the first instance, analyzing a series of patristic and theological texts that exegetically interpret the metaphors above; secondly, relating these exegetical texts with the eight Annunciations explained here.

IL TRICLINIUM DELLA DOMUS FLAVIA: UNA NUOVA RICOSTRUZIONEQuesto articolo presenta una nuova ricostruzione del Triclinium della Domus Flavia sul Palatino, basato sul rilevamento delle strutturie murarie esistenti e degli ornamenti architettonici intrapreso da Sheila Gibson e John Ward-Perkins negli anni '60. Viene suggerito che il Triclinium avesse un soffitto a capriata di legno piuttosto che una volta a botte, mentre un'analisi degli ornamenti architettonici ha permesso di interpretare le decorazioni interne come il prodotto della sovrapposizione di tre ordini corinzi. Mentre è stato possibile ricostruire che le fiancheggianti corti con fontana fossero a due piani, dubbi rimangono sulla ricostruzione della corte principale del peristilio, tanto che sia la versione ad un piano che quella a due piani vengono proposte. Nella discussione finale viene spiegato l'impatto che il Triclinium doveva avere sulla contemporanea società romana, in termini di costruzione domestica convenzionale resa eccezionale dalle dimensioni colossali e dalle ricche decorazioni più normalmente associate alle case degli dei.

SCAVI NELLANOVA VIAPRE-NERONIANA A ROMAI risultati degli scavi effettuati per conto della Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma inconcomitanza con i programmi di restauro della Domus Tiberiana, indicano che la strada conosciuta come Via Nova potrebbe risalire al VI secolo a.C. Nel contesto delle discussionicorrenti sulla topografia di Roma, questa strada potrebbe essere identificata come lanova viaindicata nei testi antichi. La presunta creazione della strada era stata preceduta da resti interpretati come appartenenti ad un possibileaggere al fossato delle prime fortificazioni del Palatino; questa ipotesi deriva inoltre — e li reinterpreta — dai risultati dei sondaggi geologici effettuati nelle vicinanze. Nel corso degli scavi è stata inoltre riportata alla luce ulteriore evidenza archeologica relativa alla storia successiva della Via Nova e al prospetto degli edifici nell'area di scavo. Nell'articolo sono inoltre riportati i risultati preliminari dello studio della parte superiore dellaScalae Graecae.

Gli Autori, prendendo spunto da una casistica di pazienti oncologici in fase avanzata, ricoverati e deceduti nell’Hospice Domus Salutis di Brescia nel triennio 1994-96, affrontano il tema dell’accanimento terapeutico nei malati terminali. La casistica comprendente circa 800 pazienti, esamina oltre alla patologia dei singoli pazienti, la terapia farmacologica globale, comprendente sia le specialità farmaceutiche utilizzate, sia le trasfusioni, le infusioni, le pompe di infusione, l’uso di catetere vescicale, di catetere venoso centrale, di sondino naso-gastrico, di monitor cardiaco, di respiratore e l’effettuazione di manovre rianimatorie in fase terminale. Affrontando gli aspetti etici e deontologici dell’accanimento terapeutico, esso viene distinto dalla cosiddetta “continuità terapeutica”, in opposizione all’astensionismo terapeutico. Scopo del lavoro è approfondire l’atteggiamento culturale di fronte a tali problematiche e la sua attenzione nella pratica clinica, tenendo conto che la casistica esaminata riguarda uno dei tre soli Hospices esistenti nel nostro Paese.

Basato sull’esame sistematico delle fonti scritte e sul censimento e l’analisi archeologico-architettonica di tutta l’edilizia civile medievale, l’articolo illustra i patrimoni immobiliari e le forme di residenza sia dei vertici della aristocrazia romana, i cosiddetti baroni, sia del resto della nobiltà cittadina. L’esame di portici, domus magne, palatia, torri e fortezze mostra bene come dall’XI e, soprattutto, dal XII secolo si sia affermato con una forza prima sconosciuta un legame strutturale fra ricchezza e investimenti in costruzioni durature. Pietra, laterizi e malta si sono imposti come uno strumento fondamentale per manifestare l’identità aristocratica e come luogo di espressione dell'agency individuale e familiare.

The stage of growth and development of school-age children and preschoolers is a golden age stage. This age stage all development systems including the brain work optimally. Children receive sensory and motoric responses well and are interested in new things. But unfortunately there are some exposure that is not good that should not be done at this age, such as gadgets. Access to using a mobile phone that is felt to be increasingly easy to obtain, in fact it will hamper children's development. Children become lazy to move and just like to play mobile. Although on the other hand, not all applications on mobile phones have a bad impact on children, there are also learning applications that can be used by children. Parents need to be wise in dealing with this situation, so that children do not experience addiction to play mobile phones. The impact of gadget addiction on children can vary from unstable emotions or disturbances to social interaction damage. A variety of outdoor and indoor physical activities can be used to divert the attention of children on mobile phones, one of them by doing brain gymnastics or brain gym. Brain gymnastics is a simple exercise that can stimulate brain work activities and is easily done by children. This activity was introduced in the preschool and school age groups by the service team in the community of children who joined the Domus Dei prayer meeting. The children explained that this was their first experience and was an exciting and exciting activity. The children also explained that they would repeat it again at home with both their parents and their caregivers. The purpose of this activity is to increase the interaction of children with the same age as parents and caregivers, and to introduce brain exercise skills to children. The method of activities carried out is counseling and brain exercise training in children. The results of this activity are all children appear active and happy to do brain exercise activities together. Conclusion: Brain gym activity can improve children's interactions with peer groups, and also with parents and caregivers Keywords: Children, Brain Gymnastics

Presento al público el archivo antiguo del convento de La Aguilera en Burgos. Merece nuestra atención por ser el convento madre de la Custodia de seis-siete conventos denominada Domus Dei, de La Aguilera, que a comienzos del siglo xv llevó adelante la reforma de la Orden de San Francisco en tierras castellanas, siguiendo los impulsos de Fr. Pedro de Villacreces. Acompañan diversos materiales provinciales (tablas capitulares, cartas de ministros provinciales, etc.) de la extinta Provincia franciscana observante de La Concepción, dentro de la cual se integraron los conventos-eremitorios de la reforma, entre ellos el de La Aguilera. El archivo destaca así mismo por ofrecer los procesos de beatificación y canonización de San Pedro Regalado, morador que fue del citado convento.

SummarySymbolic perception of the church door in early English exegetical writings and in medieval liturgical practice is illustrated and discussed as the wider context of a proposal that the arched iron strip at the top of the twelfth-century church door at Stillingfleet, North Yorkshire, represents the rainbow of Noah's Flood, perceived as a reminder ofjudgement past and of judgement still to come, and as a symbol of the covenant between God and humanity. The possibility is considered that on other surviving early medieval church-doors too, the rainbow shape, even if primarily functional or dictated by the shape of the door-opening, and notwithstanding the absence of other figural imagery, may have been recognized as an emblem of the covenant, basis of all church-sanctioned contracts, aptly dislayed on the threshold—where various liturgical or other formal actions had their setting—of the sacred spaces of the domus dei.

Summary In 2014 the discovery of a Mithras' statue at Tarquinia occurred. This was due to the Comando Tutela Patrimonio Culturale dell'Arma dei Carabinieri, which informed the Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici dell'Etruria Meridionale about clandestine activities in May 2014 on the poggio della Civita – where the ancient city of Tarquinia stood – in a zone close to the Etruscan temple of the Ara della Regina (fig. 1). As soon as possible, the Soprintendenza carried out an archaeological excavation, focusing the effort on the need to find evidence for the place of origin of the magnificent sculptural group (fig. 2), which represents Mithras Tauroctonus. This sculpture was recovered by the Carabinieri after investigation by the police, directed by the Procura della Repubblica of the law court of Rome. Archaeological research since then has led to the discovery of another marble part of the same sculpture (fig. 3), i.e., the dog leaning on the knee of the bull and perfectly dovetailing with the Mithraic Tauroctony. The discovery of another fragment pertaining to the same sculpture is an irrefutable proof that the Mithras' statue came from the domus of the Civita of Tarquinia, which represents an important and new scientific result. The only other sculptural group depicting Mithras in Southern Etruria was one previously found in Vulci, discovered in 1975 after a clandestine excavation close to the domus del Criptoportico. This new finding proves the spread of this cult in Tarquinia, as well, and the style of the new sculpture suggests a chronological priority of the Tarquinian Mithraeum in respect to that in Vulci.

The essay explores the characteristics and themes of architecture related to Benedictine monastic life in the territories of Cilento and Vallo di Diano. The influences coming from the East and from beyond the Alps are adapted to local traditions without imitating early Christian models, as happens in other areas of Campania. The classical Greek elements acquire greater importance than the Roman universe. The previous buildings adapt to the western world and create heterogeneous hybrids that cannot be easily classified. The Carthusians introduce models that are consistent with a new formulation of the concept of the ideal city. The essay aims to analyze specifically the Certosa di Padula, in the heart of the Vallo di Diano, from the act of its foundation at the beginning of the fourteenth century until the impressive renovations during the eighteenth century. The monastic complex does not present itself as a safe haven from the perils of the world but becomes a spiritual place, the anticipation of Paradise on earth. On the one hand, respect for the strict rule of San Brunone and, on the other, constant interaction with the surrounding territory. The monastery constitutes a new type of polis. An ideality regulated by a rigid separation of the cloistered environments intended for the contemplation of the monks and those dedicated to community life. The boundary between the hermit's life in the upper domus and the cenobitic life in the lower domus is marked by the desertum, the large cultivated green space that gives access to the Civitas Dei, announced by the cartouche of the threshold "Felix coeli porta". The architectural structure of the Certosa di Padula, born on the basis of the models of Trisulti in Lazio and the motherhouse of Grenoble, reflects and embodies that ideal mystical city as declined by Thomas More who saw in monastic customs the foundation of Utopia.

Summary In the Greek world, the celebrations of Dionysus were different: the Rural Dionysia and the City Dionysia, the Lenee, the Antestèrie, the Oscofòrie, the Ascalia and the Bacchanalia. During the Bacchanalia, women ran, danced and screamed in the woods, and fell prey to Dionysian inebriation. In 186 BC, the Roman Senate issued a decree that limited the cult of Bacchus Dionysus in Rome and in Italy, because of sexual abuses (see Livy, Ab Urbe condita 39. 8 – 39. 18). The diffusion of Bacchanalia was a risk for people and for the dignitas of Rome. In 1640 in Tiriolo, Calabria, during the excavation for the foundations of the so-called Palazzo Cicala, a bronze inscription and fragments of columns were found; the inscription had the original text of Senatus Consultum de Bacchanalibus with which, in 186 BC, the Roman Senate forbade the Bacchanalia. In Latium, during the excavation of the so-called Domus delle Pitture in Bolsena, directed by the École Française de Rome, between 1964 and 1982, a fragment of a throne's base and a cherub's leg were found in a layer of ashes in an underground room. Another 150 pieces of the throne, including ribbons and fragments of a panther head, were recovered in a specific spot of the room. Fragments, carefully restored and reassembled, compose an object called Trono delle Pantere of Bolsena, datable between the end of the 3rd century BC and the early years of the 2nd century BC. The left and rear sides are better preserved. The first represents a panther sitting on a throne with a cherub on his knees while it grabs at the ears of beast; the rear side represents a pattern with wings blocked by ribbons. The front side is completely destroyed. The throne has different sets of problems on its religious meaning and its decoration, where the Dionysiac theme is clear. The panther, the cherubs and the ribbons recall the Dionysus sphere, during which he was hidden inside a cave. Indeed, the underground room of Bolsena was appropriated to Bacchanalia. This paper intends to link Tiriolo and Bolsena, through the specific cases of two cities; in the first we have a proof of the enforcement of the law in 186 BC, and in the second we have an evidence of its application, with the destruction of a throne and of a Bacchic shrine.

When considering the evolution of twentieth-century church-building, two topics are inescapable — the Liturgical Movement and developments in Modern architecture — and this article therefore argues that in order to appreciate the evolution of the twentieth-century Catholic parish church it is essential to take both liturgical and architectural developments into account. It focuses on such churches in Belgium because that country played a particularly important role in developing relevant theory, Belgian clergy having been founding members of the Liturgical Movement. However, the movement took more than half a century to develop fully there, during which time other initiatives also appeared, such as Domus Dei (the Belgian Diocesan organization for church-building, set up in 1952) and Pro Arte Christiana. Moreover, other factors — ecclesiastical, social, economic, political and cultural — also prove to be crucial in reaching a full appreciation of twentieth-century church-building, for instance, the impact of diocesan guidelines for church-building, and of bodies such as Catholic Action (Katholieke Actie) and Parish Action (Parochiale Actie). This article demonstrates that, despite few apparent formal similarities (if any) between churches built in Belgium before and after World War II, the developments of the inter-war period were fundamental to post-war developments in Belgian church-building.

After the Second World War, economic development across Western Europe resulted in the spectacular transformation of cities into large and densely populated urban agglomerations. Although the underlying driving force of demographic change had already become apparent in the early days of the Industrial Revolution, it now manifested itself on an unprecedented scale and at an increasing speed. In most Western European countries the Roman Catholic Church’s leadership responded to this with massive church-building campaigns, suggesting that it viewed architecture as a critical means by which to re-establish a religious presence within these urban agglomerations. To this end, many dioceses established administrative structures dedicated to the planning, financing and designing of religious infrastructure.These bodies have been little studied hitherto, but this article argues that they played an instrumental role in the post-war Catholic revival, by establishing a dense pastoral network within the newly urbanized areas. Moreover, they fostered a new culture of ecclesiastical patronage, as the scale and urgency of the task required new operational and managerial structures for building, fund-raising and mobilizing congregations to support this massive undertaking.

Chi avesse percorso la Sacra via tra gli ultimi decenni del I sec. a.C. e l'estate del 64 d.C. si sarebbe trovato in un profano e lussuoso quartiere commerciale: ori, argenti, perle e pietre preziose, aromi e spezie, primizie e cibi ricercati, strumenti musicali, libri, corone di fiori, cortigiane e prostitute — tutte le delizie della vita (come già ai Greci era piaciuto immaginarle) fornite dalla plebe urbana che qui gestiva il sistema di vendite al minuto più famoso e organizzato della città. Anche nelle altre zone intorno al Foro lo scenario non sarebbe stato diverso; nelle botteghe della piazza, lungo le strade circostanti e nei vicini edifici continuava il commercio di dispendiose mercanzie per una clientela di gusti ambiziosi e grandi disponibilità. La tradizione commerciale del luogo era molto antica e risaliva all'età dei re; stando alla tradizione, Tarquinio Prisco aveva per primo utilizzato la valle per attività pubbliche, facendo costruire appositi vani per artigianato e commercio (tabernae circa forum). Quando alla fine del VI sec. a.C. si impiantarono i quartieri della Sacra via, sul fronte degli isolati furono costruite una serie di botteghe tra le quali si aprivano gli ingressi alle domus. Nel periodo più remoto era lo smercio di prodotti alimentari, soprattutto le carni, l'attività primaria forse anche per la presenza di un mercato del bestiame collegato al Foro Boario (beccherie e beccai sono ricordati dal V sec. a.C). Fu negli ultimi decenni del IV sec. a.C. che un aspetto più conveniente (forensis dignitas) si sarebbe affermato per gli interventi di C. Maenius e per la trasformazione delle botteghe da lanienae in argentariae, da macellerie cioè in banchi di cambiavalute, usurai e banchieri, destinati a dominare la piazza fin agli inizi dell'Impero. I commerci più ordinari o le rivendite specializzate non dovettero scomparire del tutto almeno fino alla metà del II sec. a.C: alle tabernae argentariae si mescolavano i negozi di beccai e speziali, chiamati alla greca myropolae, i primi ricordati da Plauto e da Livio nel luogo della basilica Sempronia, i secondi soltanto da Plauto.

Seismic envelope inversion (EI) uses low-frequency envelope data to recover long-wavelength components of the subsurface media. Conventional EI uses the same waveform Fréchet derivative as conventional full-waveform inversion. Due to linearization of the sensitivity operator (Born approximation), neither of these methods can yield good inversion results for media with strong preturbations, such as salt domes, when the source lacks low-frequency information. Because seismic envelope data contain large amount of ultra-low-frequency information and the direct envelope Fréchet derivative maps envelope data perturbation directly to velocity perturbation, the direct envelope inversion (DEI) method (based on the direct envelope Fréchet derivative) can handle such strong nonlinear inversion problems. However, this method is sensitive to source wavelet errors. We developed a source-independent DEI method. To achieve the source-independent objective function, we derive a convolution expression for the envelope data. We derive the gradient of the new objective function by using the direct envelope Fréchet derivative. Numerical tests conducted on a 2D salt model indicate that our method can achieve good reconstruction of salt bodies (strong velocity perturbations) and recover low-velocity background structures (weak velocity perturbations), despite using an inaccurate source wavelet.

Uno tra i doveri della vita religiosa si riferisce all’obbligo di residenza nella propria casa religiosa nella quale i membri della comunità osservano la vita comune dell’istituto. L’oggetto proprio della norma canonica del can. 665 § 1 è la permanenza abituale del religioso nella propria casa religiosa. Tuttavia, per esigenze dello stesso istituto, come pure per motivi personali, il religioso può assentarsi dalla propria casa religiosa, però con l’autorizzazione del competente superiore. Questo allontanamento potrebbe essere trattato come una semplice uscita quotidiana, o può diventare una vera assenza di breve termine, o un’assenza prolungata. Tutte queste uscite quotidiane per ragioni tanto ministeriali, quanto personali, devono essere regolate dai superiori locali, non dai superiori provinciali, per mezzo di permessi concessi secondo le usanze della rispettiva comunità, che possono essere ad actum o abituali, espressi o taciti, o anche impliciti e presunti. Il diritto comune, dopo aver stabilito l’obbligo di risiedere nella propria casa di assegnazione, determina che spetta al superiore maggiore, con il consenso del suo consiglio, concedere, per una giusta causa, a un religioso, di vivere fuori delle comunità dell’istituto (“extra domum instituti”) per un tempo che non superi la durata di un anno, a meno che non si tratti di malattia del religioso, tempo dei suoi studi, o di apostolato svolto in nome dell’istituto. È da osservare il fatto che la suddetta norma del diritto comune fa tacitamente una distinzione tra assenza prolungata dalla propria casa per dimorare in un’altra casa dell’istituto, dall’assenza prolungata dalla casa dell’istituto in genere. Considerando che il primo tipo di assenza non viene contemplato dal diritto comune, il diritto proprio potrà stabilire norme applicative più particolareggiate. Il superiore maggiore, con il consenso del proprio consiglio, può concedere, a norma del can. 665 § 1, la licenza di assenza dalla casa dell’istituto per un periodo superiore a un anno per motivo di malattia, di studio o di apostolato svolto a nome dell’istituto.

Accelerations (ACC) and decelerations (DEC) are important and frequent actions in soccer. We aimed to investigate whether ACC and DEC were good indicators of the variation of training loads in elite women soccer players. Changes in the training load were monitored during two different selected weeks (considered a “low week” and a “heavy week”) during the in-season. Twelve elite soccer women playing in the French first division wore a 10-Hz Global Positioning System unit recording total distance, distance within speed ranges, sprint number, ACC, DEC, and a heart rate monitor during six soccer training sessions and rated their perceived exertion (RPE). They answered the Hooper questionnaire (sleep, stress, fatigue, DOMS) to get an insight of their subjective fitness level at the start (Hooper S) and at the end of each week (Hooper E). A countermovement jump (CMJ) was also performed once a week. During the heavy week, the training load was significantly greater than the low week when considering number of ACC >2 m·s−2 (28.2 ± 11.9 vs. 56.1 ± 10.1, p < 0.001) and number of DEC < −2 m·s−2 (31.5 ± 13.4 vs. 60.9 ± 14.4, p < 0.001). The mean heart rate percentage (HR%) (p < 0.05), RPE (p < 0.001), and Hooper E (p < 0.001) were significantly greater during the heavy week. ACC and DEC showed significant correlations with most outcomes: HR%, total distance, distance per min, sprint number, Hooper index of Hooper E, DOMS E, Fatigue E, RPE, and session RPE. We concluded that, for elite women soccer players, quantifying ACC and DEC alongside other indicators seemed to be essential for a more complete training load monitoring. Indeed, it could lead to a better understanding of the reasons why athletes get fatigued and give insight into neuromuscular, rather than only energetic, fatigue.

Dielectric elastomer (DE) technology opens up the possibility of constructing novel lightweight and energy-efficient mechatonic systems, whose design can be tailored to several applications. Numerous types of DE actuator (DEA) configurations, capable of high-force, high-speed, and high-stroke, have been presented in the recent literature. One relevant example is represented by membrane DEAs. This type of actuator consists of a DE film pre-loaded with a mechanical bias. In case the biasing element shows a negative slope (i.e., stiffness) in its force-displacement characteristic, the stroke of the resulting DEA can be significantly magnified. Conventional negative-stiffness biasing systems are based on pre-compressed metal beams, thus they appear as unsuitable for miniaturization to the meso- or micro-scale, as well as for the design of completely flexible actuators for wearable and soft robotics applications. To overcome those issues, a new, novel, full polymer-based DEA configuration is introduced in this work. The core element is the biasing system, which is based on a compliant silicone dome. This type of bias presents a negative stiffness region within its mechanical characteristic; thus, it can serve as a flexible alternative to metal-based biasing systems. It will be shown how the force-displacement characteristic of the dome can be geometrically tuned to match the ones of the DE. In this way, a large actuation stroke can be achieved with a full polymer-based design. After discussing system design and manufacturing, the actuator element is assembled. Finally, experimental stroke characterization is performed.

Due to their unique combination of features such as large deformation, high compliance, lightweight, energy efficiency, and scalability, dielectric elastomer (DE) transducers appear as highly promising for many application fields, such as soft robotics, wearables, as well as micro electro-mechanical systems (MEMS). To generate a stroke, a membrane DE actuator (DEA) must be coupled with a mechanical biasing system. It is well known that nonlinear elements, such as negative-rate biasing springs (NBS), permit a remarkable increase in the DEA stroke in comparison to standard linear springs. Common types of NBS, however, are generally manufactured with rigid components (e.g., steel beams, permanent magnets), thus they appear as unsuitable for the development of compliant actuators for soft robots and wearables. At the same time, rigid NBSs are hard to miniaturize and integrate in DE-based MEMS devices. This work presents a novel type of soft DEA system, in which a large stroke is obtained by using a fully polymeric dome as the NBS element. More specifically, in this paper we propose a model-based design procedure for high-performance DEAs, in which the stroke is maximized by properly optimizing the geometry of the biasing dome. First, a finite element model of the biasing system is introduced, describing how the geometric parameters of the dome affect its mechanical response. After conducting experimental calibration and validation, the model is used to develop a numerical design algorithm which finds the optimal dome geometry for a given DE membrane characteristics. Based on the optimized dome design, a soft DEA prototype is finally assembled and experimentally tested.

LE SCALAE (EX-GRAECAE) SULLA NOVA VIALo studio, iniziato dalla Soprintendenza alle Antichità di Roma, fornisce una ricognizione dettagliata delle mura in elevato e della pianta della scalinata che dalla Nova Via conduceva al cosiddetto Clivus Victoriae nell'angolo nord-ovest del colle Palatine Questa superfrcie fu per la prima volta esposta nel 1880 e fu vista da Lanciani come parte di una via cha andava dal tempio di Vesta al sito della Porta Romanula; più recentemente questa è stata identificata con le Scalae Graecae note dai testi antichi. L'attuale gradinata si data all'epoca adrianea e da accesso agli ambienti situati lungo il suo lato orientale, incluso un probabile mulino ad acqua alimentato dall'acqua proveniente da un canale della Domus Tiberiana. Quasi certamente esso non fornisce un collegamento alia parte superiore del colle Palatine Sono stati rinvenuti anche resti precedenti di epoca imperiale, probabilmente risalenti al periodo augusteo, insieme con una massiccia struttura probabilmente spoliata al livello della Nova Via, che potrebbe costituire un resto della Porta Romanula.

Chang’e-5, China’s first sample return lunar mission, will be launched in 2019, and the planned landing area is near Mons Rümker in Oceanus Procellarum. High-resolution and high-precision mapping of the landing area is of great importance for supporting scientific analysis and safe landing. This paper proposes a systematic method for large area seamless digital orthophoto map (DOM) generation, and presents the mapping result of Chang’e-5 landing area using over 700 LROC NAC images. The developed method mainly consists of two stages of data processing: stage 1 includes subarea block adjustment with rational function model (RFM) and seamless subarea DOM generation; stage 2 includes whole area adjustment through registration of the subarea DOMs with thin plate spline model and seamless DOM mosaicking. The resultant seamless DOM coves a large area (20&amp;deg; longitude &amp;times; 4&amp;deg; latitude) and is tied to the widely used reference DEM &amp;ndash; SLDEM2015. As a result, the RMS errors of the tie points are all around half pixel in image space, indicating a high internal precision; the RMS errors of the control points are about one grid cell size of SLDEM2015, indicating that the resultant DOM is tied to SLDEM2015 well.

Kontekstem badań było stwierdzenie, że różni komentatorzy Księgi Ezechiela proponują różne struktury badanego tekstu. Przykładowo: D.I Block w tekście Ez 24,15-27 proponuje strukturę: (w. 15) – formuła wydarzenia słowa; ww. 16-24 oraz 25-27 – główne części; kończy się formułą poznania (ww. 24.27). M. Greenberg dzieli tekst na dwie części: A (ww. 15-24) z podczęściami: A1 (ww. 16-17) – Bóg przemawia do proroka; A2 (ww. 18-24) – prorok przemawia do ludu; część B (ww. 25-27) – zapowiedź końca stanuniemówienia proroka. B. Tidiman widzi strukturę paralelno-koncentryczną: A (w. 16a) – zapowiedź śmierci żony; B (ww. 16b-17) – zakaz żałoby dany Ezechielowi; C (w. 18) – wypełnienie się zapowiedzi śmierci żony; D (w. 19) – pytanie zesłańców; C’ (ww. 20-21) – wypełnienie losu Jerozolimy; B’ (ww. 22-23) – zakaz żałoby po upadku Jerozolimy; A’ (w. 24) – postępowanie proroka przykładem dla ludu. Dlatego celem badań stało się odkrycie struktury, którą zamieścił autor natchniony. Zastosowano metodę retoryki hebrajskiej, którą opracował Roland Meynet. Osiągnięto wynik: A (w. 16ab – „przedmiot pożądania oczu twoich”), B (w. 19b – pytanie), C (w. 21cd – „rozkosz oczu waszych”), B’ (w. 24abc – odpowiedź), A’ (w. 25bc – „rozkosz oczu ich”). Obraz Boga, jaki wyłania się z badanego tekstu, to jest Bóg Wszechmogący. Bóg, który dla swoistej pedagogii jest gotów zniszczyć jedyne sanktuarium Jemu poświęcone. Robi to ze względu na niewierność „domu Izraela”, który uprawiał w tej świątyni bałwochwalstwo.

La institución romana del domicilium convierte al sujeto en residente. Suele designar el lugar de residencia prolongada del incola o habitante que ha emigrado a una comunidad, por contraposición al municeps; por lo tanto, es un vínculo jurídico entre la ciudad y la persona que ha emigrado a ella. Frente a la expresión de la origo en los textos epigráficos, que es muy abundante, la manifestación del domicilo solo se hace de forma excepcional, en atención al escaso número de referencias conservadas, y su enunciación es muy similar a la que marca el origen. Palabras clave: domicilium, origo, ciudadano, epigrafía, latina.Topónimos: Imperio Romano.Periodo: Principado (27 a. C. – 284 d. C.) ABSTRACTThe Roman institution of the domicilium turns the subject into a resident. It usually designates the place of prolonged residence of the incola or inhabitant who has emigrated to a community, as opposed to the municeps. 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Casimir the Great’s Flying Circus presents: ‘The narrowest house in the world – an event on a global scale’. Historical re-enactment on the occasion of the 70th anniversary of the Aktion ReinhardtThe article provides a multifaceted analysis of the Keret House as an artistic installation and a cultural event. The construction is placed in the analytical context of Jeremy Bentham’s panopticon, Le Corbusier’s machine for living, Krzysztof Wodiczko’s Pojazd dla bezdomnych (Vehicle for the Homeless), Big Brother and XTube. Other interpretative contexts are: the history of the Warsaw ghetto, the Aktion Reinhardt as well as the ensemble of issues connected with the third phase of the Holocaust (i.e. “the margins of the Holocaust”): the history of Jewish hideouts, the hunt for the Jews (Judenjagd), the plunder of Jewish mobile and immobile property, the Polish part of the biography of Etgar Keret’s parents. From such a perspective, the Keret House takes the form of a macabre historical re-enactment. The analytical framework comprises Erving Goffman’s stigma theory as well as the history of the attitude of the Polish majority towards the Jewish minority. With increasing frequency, anti-Semitic symbolic violence assumes the form of philosemitic symbolic violence. The poetics of gift and the category of “a Jewish writer with a sense of humour” function as an instrument of blackmail that place the individual subjected to it in a situation with no way-out. In Polish majority culture, the image of Jews as guests, which corresponds to the representation of Poland as home and Poles as hospitable hosts, heirs of the myth of King Casimir the Great, plays the same role. The Keret House proves to be a machine for the reproduction of the Polish majority narrative about the majority attitude of Poles towards Jews, also during the Holocaust. What is at stake within this narrative is the image of Poland and the Poles.[The project was prepared with a financial support of the National Science Centre; decision no DEC-2011/03/B/HS2/05594] Latający Cyrk im. Kazimierza Wielkiego przedstawia: „Najwęższy dom świata – wydarzenie na skalę globu”. Rekonstrukcja historyczna w 70. rocznicę Akcji ReinhardtArtykuł zawiera wieloaspektową analizę Keret House jako instalacji artystycznej i wydarzenia kulturalnego. Obiekt sytuowany jest w kontekście idei panoptikonu Jeremy’ego Benthama, maszyny do mieszkania Le Corbusiera, Pojazdu dla bezdomnych Krzysztofa Wodiczki, Big Brothera czy XTube. Kolejne konteksty interpretacyjne to historia warszawskiego getta, Akcja Reinhardt i zespół problemów związanych z trzecią fazą Zagłady (the margins of the Holocaust): historia żydowskich kryjówek, polowanie na Żydów (Judenjagd), rabunek żydowskich ruchomości i nieruchomości, polska biografia rodziców Etgara Kereta. W tej perspektywie Keret House przybiera postać makabrycznej rekonstrukcji historycznej. Ramy analizy wyznacza teoria piętna Ervinga Goffmana oraz historia stosunku polskiej większości do żydowskiej mniejszości. Antysemicka przemoc symboliczna coraz częściej przybiera postać symbolicznej przemocy filosemickiej. Poetyka daru i kategoria „żydowskiego pisarza z poczuciem humoru” pełnią funkcję narzędzia szantażu, stawiając poddaną mu jednostkę w sytuacji bez wyjścia. Taką samą rolę odgrywa dominujące w polskiej kulturze większościowej wyobrażenie Żydów jako gości, któremu odpowiada obraz Polski jako domu i Polaków jako gościnnych gospodarzy, spadkobierców mitu króla Kazimierza Wielkiego. Keret House okazuje się maszyną do reprodukcji większościowej polskiej opowieści o stosunku Polaków do Żydów, także w okresie Zagłady. Stawką tej opowieści jest wizerunek Polski i Polaków.[Projekt został sfinansowany ze środków Narodowego Centrum Nauki przyznanych na podstawie decyzji numer DEC-2011/03/B/HS2/05594]

Abstract Introduction and objectives Estrogen receptor positive (ER+) tumors are the most common form of breast cancer and are responsible for most of the deaths from the disease. Treatment of ER+ breast cancer comprises interventions that suppress estrogen production and/or target the ER directly. While endocrine therapy has considerably reduced recurrence and mortality from breast cancer, de novo and acquired resistance to this treatment remains a major challenge. In this context, patient-derived organoids (PDOs), 3D structures composed of epithelial cells, are changing our understanding of cancer heterogeneity and its implications for personalized medicine. Our aim was to establish and characterize a PDO platform of ER+ breast cancer as preclinical tool to decipher and target this heterogeneity in order to tailor effective treatments based on the precise molecular makeup of the tumor. Material and Methods Surgical resections were collected from patients diagnosed with ER+ breast cancer. Organoid generation from patient material were divided in three main steps: 1) mechanical fragmentation of tissue pieces; 2) digestion of fragments into single-cell suspension; and 3) plating of cell preparations into matrigel domes to mimic the extracellular matrix. Organoids were passaged every 7–21 days based on confluency. Each newly organoid line was cryopreserved for further expansion. Results We have successfully achieved an outgrowth efficiency of almost 50% for PDOs from patients diagnosed with breast cancer. Characterization of PDO cultures is essential to validate its predictive potential. To asses that PDOs represent the tumor of the patient, for each organoid line, expression levels of the main histological markers (ER, PR, HER2, Ki67) were evaluated and correlated with the tissue of origin. In parallel, we have performed immunofluorescence on paraffin-embedded organoid samples with routinely used cancer stem cell markers. Potential contamination with normal cells (present in the resection used to establish the culture) should be considered. To address the tumor purity of the culture we have performed targeted DNA sequencing in both the original tissue and established PDOs. Conclusions PDOs represent a superior preclinical system compared to previous models due to their inherent heterogeneity, long-term stability, applicability for high-throughput screens and enhanced capacity to capture tumor characteristics. Therefore, the implementation of a well-annotated patient-derived organoid biobank will be of great interest for drug discovery and personalized therapy. Understanding the sources and implications of tumor heterogeneity will undoubtedly improve our evolving definition of cancer and aid in the design of effective patient-specific treatment strategies. Citation Format: Maria A Dominguez-Cejudo, Raquel Chapresto, Ana Gil-Torralvo, Francisco Javier Salvador Bofill, Sonia Molina-Pinelo. Establishment of an in vitro preclinical platform: A living biobank of patient-derived organoids with ER+ breast cancer [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the 2022 San Antonio Breast Cancer Symposium; 2022 Dec 6-10; San Antonio, TX. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2023;83(5 Suppl):Abstract nr P2-26-17.

Questo contributo intende presentare le attività di studio e di catalogazione dei reperti rinvenuti nella Domus Aurea. Si tratta di un intervento che rientra in un progetto più complessivo del Parco archeologico del Colosseo, finalizzato, in primo luogo, a ricontestualizzare i reperti conservati nei depositi. Il progetto, nella prima fase, ha riguardato lo studio e l’analisi dei frammenti marmorei rinvenuti nella Domus Aurea allo scopo, in prima istanza, di ritrovare quanto resta delle sontuose sculture e delle decorazioni architettoniche che dovevano ornare la reggia di Nerone. E “scavando” nei depositi si è individuato un raffinato capitello di colonna di tipo corinzieggiante in marmo proconnesio, recentemente restaurato e che, insieme ad alcune sculture, sempre pertinenti alla Domus Aurea, è stato posizionato lungo il rinnovato percorso di visita. Il capitello rientra nel gruppo con motivo a lira, che, a partire dall’età augustea, si diffonde su larga scala a Roma e si inserisce nella vasta produzione destinata a soddisfare le esigenze di ostentazione del lusso delle committenze aristocratiche e imperiali. Riveste inoltre un particolare interesse il fatto che se ne conoscano i dati di rinvenimento e un’indicazione cronologica certa, in quanto coerente con il periodo di costruzione della Domus Aurea (64-68 d.C.).

Abstract: 1. The axis mundi and the Paleolithic topical. 2.- The Paleolithic goddesses and ovoid canon 3.- The hopscotch and sacred geometry. 4.- The heavenly spheres from Pythagoras to Ptolemy. The “matrioshka” model.Key words: Paleolithic cosmogony, sacred geometry, “matrioshka”, temple.

A partir del concepto de Iglesia Catedral se deducen las notas que definen su naturaleza y sus funciones, y que orientarán las intervenciones arquitectónicas de creación o de conservación. La catedral, casa de Dios, es casa de la Iglesia diocesana que es conducida por el Obispo: en ella resplandece la Belleza de las obras artísticas. En cuanto templo, domus Dei, es lugar de presencia, de encuentro y de adoración. Como domus Ecclesiae es espacio de la asamblea litúrgica. La presidencia del obispo en la cátedra, domus Episcopi, visibiliza a Cristo cabeza y pastor de la Iglesia. El Cabildo acompaña al obispo en la liturgia. Las bellas artes expresan la sublimidad del culto y de la adoración. Una oportunidad excepcional para la creación arquitectónica será la futura catedral de la diócesis de Huelva.

Resumen: 1.- El axis mundi y la tópica paleolítica. 2.- Las diosas paleolíticas y el canon ovoide. 3.- El juego de la rayuela y la geometría sagrada. 4.- Las esferas celestes de Pitágoras a Ptolomeo. El modelo “matriuska”. Palabras clave: Cosmogonía paleolítica, geometría sagrada, “matriuska”, templo.

Resumen: 1.- El axis mundi y la tópica paleolítica. 2.- Las diosas paleolíticas y el canon ovoide. 3.- El juego de la rayuela y la geometría sagrada. 4.- Las esferas celestes de Pitágoras a Ptolomeo. El modelo “matriuska”.

Una sintesi di quasi due decadi di scavi archeologici a Nora (CA) permette di riconsiderare alcuni dei problemi storici e urbanistici dell’insediamento dell’antica città. Le ricerche si sono incentrate sull’area centrale, già parzialmente indagata nel secondo dopoguerra: sono emersi nuovi dati relativi soprattutto ad abitazioni private, alle loro articolazioni stratigrafiche e planimetriche, e ai loro apparati decorativi, tra cui mosaici e pareti affrescate.

Sunto: Le orazioni funerarie per Valentiniano II e Teodosio I, così come due lettere che il vescovo Ambrogio mandò a Teodosio I, subito dopo aver ricevuto da lui la notizia della vittoria al fiume Frigidus, mostrano che il vescovo parlò degli imperatori e agli imperatori senza dimenticare la sua nascita e il suo rango senatorio nel nuovo ruolo vescovile. Dal momento che egli conosceva i principali motivi, che utilizzavano i senatori per suscitare l’opposizione alla politica teodosiana (vittoria in una guerra civile, falso trionfo, principi elevati al trono da fanciulli), egli fu abile a cambiarli in altrettanti motivi di sostegno per Teodosio e la sua dinastia. Lo fece utilizzando il tema classico della vittoria dovuta all’intervenento divino, che egli trasformò cristianamente in quello della vittoria incruenta garantita dalla pietas imperiale. Dopo il Frigido, l’idea che gli usurpatori erano empii, indipendentemente dalla religione professata, per il semplice fatto di essersi opposti al pius imperator, divenne un corollario essenziale del tema della vittoria incruenta. Il vescovo legittimò il potere dei principes pueri invocando la loro pietas, e valorizzò la clementia verso gli oppositori trasformando in virtù tipicamente cristiana una tradizionale virtù politica. L’adesione di Ambrogio alla politica di Valentiniano I e di Teodosio produsse alcune innovazioni: egli inserì i membri di due domus augustae tra i nomi dei defunti da ricordare durante l’offerta sacrificale e offrì sull’altare la lettera imperiale, che annunciava la vittoria, durante la celebrazione eucaristica. Teodosio, assicurando la sua indulgentia non solo a coloro che avevano parteggiato per Eugenio ma pure a quanti si erano rifugiati nella chiesa di Milano ed erano protetti dal vescovo, fece un’importante concessione in tema di asilo ecclesiastico. Varie testimonianze, però mostrano che il diritto all’asilo nelle chiese ebbe conferma legislativa solo dopo alcuni anni.

Background: Intermittent bouts of heavy activity at greater than normal exercise intensity can cause delayed onset muscle soreness (DOMS). Several products are commercially available, all alleging to reduce DOMS. In the present investigation, 40 subjects (average age 27.0+/-4.4 years, average BMI 26.8) were assessed to determine the effect of 4 of these products on skin and muscle temperature and blood flow during 2 hours of application. These included ThermaCare Dry Heat Wraps, ThermaCare Moist Heat Wraps, Icy Hot Patches, and hydrocollator heat packs. Methods; Blood flow was measured (by laser doppler flow meter) over and in the quadriceps muscle and tissue temperature was measured (by thermistors and thermocouples) in these same areas. Results: The results of the study indicated that only ThermaCare Dry and Moist Heat Wraps both heated the muscle and increased muscle blood flow. The menthol and methyl salicylate compounds in Icy Hot cooled muscle. Skin blood flow increased 300% after the moist heat was applied after 45 minutes, low level continuous dry heat almost 256% but it took 105 minutes to reach this flow, hydrocollator heat wraps increased by 201% but only for only first 45 minutes and then back to baseline, a slight reduction in skin blood flow was seen with Icy Hot gel applied to the skin. Moist heat caused muscle temperature to increase by an average of 3.1 Deg C. Dry heat caused muscle temperature to increase by 2.2 Deg C, while hydrocollator packs increased temperature by 0.4 Deg C. Icy hot had no effect on muscle temperature. Conclusion: Continuous low level heat products had better penetration into muscle and increased blood flow the best compared to hydrocollator heat packs and Icy Hot patches.

Abstract Fluid loading within an intracranial aneurysm is difficult to measure but can be related to the shape of the flow passage. The outcome of excessive loading is a fatal hemorrhage, making it necessary for early diagnosis. However, arterial diseases are asymptomatic and clinical assessment is a challenge. A realistic approach to examining the severity of wall loading is from the morphology of the aneurysm itself. Accordingly, this study compares pulsatile flow (Reynolds number Re = 426, Womersley number Wo = 4.7) in three different intracranial aneurysm geometries. Specifically, the spatio-temporal movement of vortices is followed in high aspect ratio aneurysm models whose domes are inclined along with angles of 0, 45, and 90 deg relative to the plane of the parent artery. The study is based on finite volume simulation of unsteady three-dimensional flow while a limited set of particle image velocimetry experiments have been carried out. Within a pulsatile cycle, an increase in inclination (0–90 deg) is seen to shift the point of impingement from the distal end toward the aneurysmal apex. This change in flow pattern strengthens helicity, drifts vortex cores, enhances spatial displacement of the vortex, and generates skewed Dean's vortices on transverse planes. Patches of wall shear stress and wall pressure shift spatially from the distal end in models of low inclination (0–45 deg) and circumscribe the aneurysmal wall for an inclination angle of 90 deg. Accordingly, it is concluded that high angles of inclination increase rupture risks while lower inclinations are comparatively safe.

Monday Dec. 26. 1927. Arrived in Moscow at 2:15 and met by M. Rozinsky. Went to Hotel Bristol Trevokaya [sic] 39.1 Had dinner in hotel with R- and went for a walk, sending cable home. Picturesque costumes in streets—streets crowded—most people on foot—weather sharp—Maine-ish—no. of people selling things on sidewalks.—Good buses—fast trams—search out conductor to pay.—fined one rouble if go beyond punched ticket. Golden domes of churches in late sun. Had tea off the Theatre Square. Evening movie in large hall of the Music Academy to see a film Moscow-Leningrad. (Revolution. Strike in steel mills—rebellion of troops [side note]: End of St. Petersburg)2 Propaganda not necessarily a hindrance to artistic production. Film very good. Excelleration of human action unhinged by interpolating mechanist scenes in same tempo. Engines—steem rushing out of whistles, smoke pouring from factory chimnies. Photography excellent. Cousichealle broken photography (cut in of different scenes on one plate—not much double printing—Reaccuring [sic] motifs used symphonically. The statue of Peter the great occuring at intervals, the machinery in the mill, whistles. Owner caricature—superb elevation scene. Dignity of picture—no hysteria of movement. The frequent use of the camera at an angle. The excellence of the group scenes. No. of well composed shots surpassed those in majority of American and German films.

Perhaps nothing in media culture today makes clearer the connection between people’s bodies and their homes than the Emmy-winning reality TV program Extreme Makeover: Home Edition. Home Edition is a spin-off from the original Extreme Makeover, and that fact provides in fundamental form the strong connection that the show demonstrates between bodies and houses. The first EM, initially popular for its focus on cosmetic surgery, laser skin and hair treatments, dental work, cosmetics and wardrobe for mainly middle-aged and self-described unattractive participants, lagged after two full seasons and was finally cancelled entirely, whereas EMHE has continued to accrue viewers and sponsors, as well as accolades (Paulsen, Poniewozik, EMHE Website, Wilhelm). That viewers and the ABC network shifted their attention to the reconstruction of houses over the original version’s direct intervention in problematic bodies indicates that sites of personal transformation are not necessarily within our own physical or emotional beings, but in the larger surround of our environments and in our cultural ideals of home and body. One effect of this shift in the Extreme Makeover format is that a seemingly wider range of narrative problems can be solved relating to houses than to the particular bodies featured on the original show. Although Extreme Makeover featured a few people who’d had previously botched cleft palate surgeries or mastectomies, as Cressida Heyes points out, “the only kind of disability that interests the show is one that can be corrected to conform to able-bodied norms” (22). Most of the recipients were simply middle-aged folks who were ordinary or aged in appearance; many of them seemed self-obsessed and vain, and their children often seemed disturbed by the transformation (Heyes 24). However, children are happy to have a brand new TV and a toy-filled room decorated like their latest fantasy, and they thereby can be drawn into the process of identity transformation in the Home Edition version; in fact, children are required of virtually all recipients of the show’s largess. Because EMHE can do “major surgery” or simply bulldoze an old structure and start with a new building, it is also able to incorporate more variety in its stories—floods, fires, hurricanes, propane explosions, war, crime, immigration, car accidents, unscrupulous contractors, insurance problems, terrorist attacks—the list of traumas is seemingly endless. Home Edition can solve any problem, small or large. Houses are much easier things to repair or reconstruct than bodies. Perhaps partly for this reason, EMHE uses disability as one of its major tropes. Until Season 4, Episode 22, 46.9 percent of the episodes have had some content related to disability or illness of a disabling sort, and this number rises to 76.4 percent if the count includes families that have been traumatised by the (usually recent) death of a family member in childhood or the prime of life by illness, accident or violence. Considering that the percentage of people living with disabilities in the U.S. is defined at 18.1 percent (Steinmetz), EMHE obviously favours them considerably in the selection process. Even the disproportionate numbers of people with disabilities living in poverty and who therefore might be more likely to need help—20.9 percent as opposed to 7.7 percent of the able-bodied population (Steinmetz)—does not fully explain their dominance on the program. In fact, the program seeks out people with new and different physical disabilities and illnesses, sending out emails to local news stations looking for “Extraordinary Mom / Dad recently diagnosed with ALS,” “Family who has a child with PROGERIA (aka ‘little old man’s disease’)” and other particular situations (Simonian). A total of sixty-five ill or disabled people have been featured on the show over the past four years, and, even if one considers its methods maudlin or exploitive, the presence of that much disability and illness is very unusual for reality TV and for TV in general. What the show purports to do is to radically transform multiple aspects of individuals’ lives—and especially lives marred by what are perceived as physical setbacks—via the provision of a luxurious new house, albeit sometimes with the addition of automobiles, mortgage payments or college scholarships. In some ways the assumptions underpinning EMHE fit with a social constructionist body theory that posits an almost infinitely flexible physical matter, of which the definitions and capabilities are largely determined by social concepts and institutions. The social model within the disability studies field has used this theoretical perspective to emphasise the distinction between an impairment, “the physical fact of lacking an arm or a leg,” and disability, “the social process that turns an impairment into a negative by creating barriers to access” (Davis, Bending 12). Accessible housing has certainly been one emphasis of disability rights activists, and many of them have focused on how “design conceptions, in relation to floor plans and allocation of functions to specific spaces, do not conceive of impairment, disease and illness as part of domestic habitation or being” (Imrie 91). In this regard, EMHE appears as a paragon. In one of its most challenging and dramatic Season 1 episodes, the “Design Team” worked on the home of the Ziteks, whose twenty-two-year-old son had been restricted to a sub-floor of the three-level structure since a car accident had paralyzed him. The show refitted the house with an elevator, roll-in bathroom and shower, and wheelchair-accessible doors. Robert Zitek was also provided with sophisticated computer equipment that would help him produce music, a life-long interest that had been halted by his upper-vertebra paralysis. Such examples abound in the new EMHE houses, which have been constructed for families featuring situations such as both blind and deaf members, a child prone to bone breaks due to osteogenesis imperfecta, legs lost in Iraq warfare, allergies that make mold life-threatening, sun sensitivity due to melanoma or polymorphic light eruption or migraines, fragile immune systems (often due to organ transplants or chemotherapy), cerebral palsy, multiple sclerosis, Krabbe disease and autism. EMHE tries to set these lives right via the latest in technology and treatment—computer communication software and hardware, lock systems, wheelchair-friendly design, ventilation and air purification set-ups, the latest in care and mental health approaches for various disabilities and occasional consultations with disabled celebrities like Marlee Matlin. Even when individuals or familes are “[d]iscriminated against on a daily basis by ignorance and physical challenges,” as the program website notes, they “deserve to have a home that doesn’t discriminate against them” (EMHE website, Season 3, Episode 4). The relief that they will be able to inhabit accessible and pleasant environments is evident on the faces of many of these recipients. That physical ease, that ability to move and perform the intimate acts of domestic life, seems according to the show’s narrative to be the most basic element of home. Nonetheless, as Robert Imrie has pointed out, superficial accessibility may still veil “a static, singular conception of the body” (201) that prevents broader change in attitudes about people with disabilities, their activities and their spaces. Starting with the story of the child singing in an attempt at self-comforting from Deleuze and Guattari’s A Thousand Plateaus, J. MacGregor Wise defines home as a process of territorialisation through specific behaviours. “The markers of home … are not simply inanimate objects (a place with stuff),” he notes, “but the presence, habits, and effects of spouses, children, parents, and companions” (299). While Ty Pennington, EMHE’s boisterous host, implies changes for these families along the lines of access to higher education, creative possibilities provided by musical instruments and disability-appropriate art materials, help with home businesses in the way of equipment and licenses and so on, the families’ identity-producing habits are just as likely to be significantly changed by the structural and decorative arrangements made for them by the Design Team. The homes that are created for these families are highly conventional in their structure, layout, decoration, and expectations of use. More specifically, certain behavioural patterns are encouraged and others discouraged by the Design Team’s assumptions. Several themes run through the show’s episodes: Large dining rooms provide for the most common of Pennington’s comments: “You can finally sit down and eat meals together as a family.” A nostalgic value in an era where most families have schedules full of conflicts that prevent such Ozzie-and-Harriet scenarios, it nonetheless predominates. Large kitchens allow for cooking and eating at home, though featured food is usually frozen and instant. In addition, kitchens are not designed for the families’ disabled members; for wheelchair users, for instance, counters need to be lower than usual with open space underneath, so that a wheelchair can roll underneath the counter. Thus, all the wheelchair inhabitants depicted will still be dependent on family members, primarily mothers, to prepare food and clean up after them. (See Imrie, 95-96, for examples of adapted kitchens.) Pets, perhaps because they are inherently “dirty,” are downplayed or absent, even when the family has them when EMHE arrives (except one family that is featured for their animal rescue efforts); interestingly, there are no service dogs, which might obviate the need for some of the high-tech solutions for the disabled offered by the show. The previous example is one element of an emphasis on clutter-free cleanliness and tastefulness combined with a rampant consumerism. While “cultural” elements may be salvaged from exotic immigrant families, most of the houses are very similar and assume a certain kind of commodified style based on new furniture (not humble family hand-me-downs), appliances, toys and expensive, prefab yard gear. Sears is a sponsor of the program, and shopping trips for furniture and appliances form a regular part of the program. Most or all of the houses have large garages, and the families are often given large vehicles by Ford, maintaining a positive take on a reliance on private transportation and gas-guzzling vehicles, but rarely handicap-adapted vans. Living spaces are open, with high ceilings and arches rather than doorways, so that family members will have visual and aural contact. Bedrooms are by contrast presented as private domains of retreat, especially for parents who have demanding (often ill or disabled) children, from which they are considered to need an occasional break. All living and bedrooms are dominated by TVs and other electronica, sometimes presented as an aid to the disabled, but also dominating to the point of excluding other ways of being and interacting. As already mentioned, childless couples and elderly people without children are completely absent. Friends buying houses together and gay couples are also not represented. The ideal of the heterosexual nuclear family is thus perpetuated, even though some of the show’s craftspeople are gay. Likewise, even though “independence” is mentioned frequently in the context of families with disabled members, there are no recipients who are disabled adults living on their own without family caretakers. “Independence” is spoken of mostly in terms of bathing, dressing, using the bathroom and other bodily aspects of life, not in terms of work, friendship, community or self-concept. Perhaps most salient, the EMHE houses are usually created as though nothing about the family will ever again change. While a few of the projects have featured terminally ill parents seeking to leave their children secure after their death, for the most part the families are considered oddly in stasis. Single mothers will stay single mothers, even children with conditions with severe prognoses will continue to live, the five-year-old will sleep forever in a fire-truck bed or dollhouse room, the occasional grandparent installed in his or her own suite will never pass away, and teenagers and young adults (especially the disabled) will never grow up, marry, discover their homosexuality, have a falling out with their parents or leave home. A kind of timeless nostalgia, hearkening back to Gaston Bachelard’s The Poetics of Space, pervades the show. Like the body-modifying Extreme Makeover, the Home Edition version is haunted by the issue of normalisation. The word ‘normal’, in fact, floats through the program’s dialogue frequently, and it is made clear that the goal of the show is to restore, as much as possible, a somewhat glamourised, but status quo existence. The website, in describing the work of one deserving couple notes that “Camp Barnabas is a non-profit organisation that caters to the needs of critically and chronically ill children and gives them the opportunity to be ‘normal’ for one week” (EMHE website, Season 3, Episode 7). Someone at the network is sophisticated enough to put ‘normal’ in quotation marks, and the show demonstrates a relatively inclusive concept of ‘normal’, but the word dominates the show itself, and the concept remains largely unquestioned (See Canguilhem; Davis, Enforcing Normalcy; and Snyder and Mitchell, Narrative, for critiques of the process of normalization in regard to disability). In EMHE there is no sense that disability or illness ever produces anything positive, even though the show also notes repeatedly the inspirational attitudes that people have developed through their disability and illness experiences. Similarly, there is no sense that a little messiness can be creatively productive or even necessary. Wise makes a distinction between “home and the home, home and house, home and domus,” the latter of each pair being normative concepts, whereas the former “is a space of comfort (a never-ending process)” antithetical to oppressive norms, such as the association of the home with the enforced domesticity of women. In cases where the house or domus becomes a place of violence and discomfort, home becomes the process of coping with or resisting the negative aspects of the place (300). Certainly the disabled have experienced this in inaccessible homes, but they may also come to experience a different version in a new EMHE house. For, as Wise puts it, “home can also mean a process of rationalization or submission, a break with the reality of the situation, self-delusion, or falling under the delusion of others” (300). The show’s assumption that the construction of these new houses will to a great extent solve these families’ problems (and that disability itself is the problem, not the failure of our culture to accommodate its many forms) may in fact be a delusional spell under which the recipient families fall. In fact, the show demonstrates a triumphalist narrative prevalent today, in which individual happenstance and extreme circumstances are given responsibility for social ills. In this regard, EMHE acts out an ancient morality play, where the recipients of the show’s largesse are assessed and judged based on what they “deserve,” and the opening of each show, when the Design Team reviews the application video tape of the family, strongly emphasises what good people these are (they work with charities, they love each other, they help out their neighbours) and how their situation is caused by natural disaster, act of God or undeserved tragedy, not their own bad behaviour. Disabilities are viewed as terrible tragedies that befall the young and innocent—there is no lung cancer or emphysema from a former smoking habit, and the recipients paralyzed by gunshots have received them in drive-by shootings or in the line of duty as police officers and soldiers. In addition, one of the functions of large families is that the children veil any selfish motivation the adults may have—they are always seeking the show’s assistance on behalf of the children, not themselves. While the Design Team always notes that there are “so many other deserving people out there,” the implication is that some people’s poverty and need may be their own fault. (See Snyder and Mitchell, Locations 41-67; Blunt and Dowling 116-25; and Holliday.) In addition, the structure of the show—with the opening view of the family’s undeserved problems, their joyous greeting at the arrival of the Team, their departure for the first vacation they may ever have had and then the final exuberance when they return to the new house—creates a sense of complete, almost religious salvation. Such narratives fail to point out social support systems that fail large numbers of people who live in poverty and who struggle with issues of accessibility in terms of not only domestic spaces, but public buildings, educational opportunities and social acceptance. In this way, it echoes elements of the medical model, long criticised in disability studies, where each and every disabled body is conceptualised as a site of individual aberration in need of correction, not as something disabled by an ableist society. In fact, “the house does not shelter us from cosmic forces; at most it filters and selects them” (Deleuze and Guattari, What Is Philosophy?, qtd. in Frichot 61), and those outside forces will still apply to all these families. The normative assumptions inherent in the houses may also become oppressive in spite of their being accessible in a technical sense (a thing necessary but perhaps not sufficient for a sense of home). As Tobin Siebers points out, “[t]he debate in architecture has so far focused more on the fundamental problem of whether buildings and landscapes should be universally accessible than on the aesthetic symbolism by which the built environment mirrors its potential inhabitants” (“Culture” 183). Siebers argues that the Jamesonian “political unconscious” is a “social imaginary” based on a concept of perfection (186) that “enforces a mutual identification between forms of appearance, whether organic, aesthetic, or architectural, and ideal images of the body politic” (185). Able-bodied people are fearful of the disabled’s incurability and refusal of normalisation, and do not accept the statistical fact that, at least through the process of aging, most people will end up dependent, ill and/or disabled at some point in life. Mainstream society “prefers to think of people with disabilities as a small population, a stable population, that nevertheless makes enormous claims on the resources of everyone else” (“Theory” 742). Siebers notes that the use of euphemism and strategies of covering eventually harm efforts to create a society that is home to able-bodied and disabled alike (“Theory” 747) and calls for an exploration of “new modes of beauty that attack aesthetic and political standards that insist on uniformity, balance, hygiene, and formal integrity” (Culture 210). What such an architecture, particularly of an actually livable domestic nature, might look like is an open question, though there are already some examples of people trying to reframe many of the assumptions about housing design. For instance, cohousing, where families and individuals share communal space, yet have private accommodations, too, makes available a larger social group than the nuclear family for social and caretaking activities (Blunt and Dowling, 262-65). But how does one define a beauty-less aesthetic or a pleasant home that is not hygienic? Post-structuralist architects, working on different grounds and usually in a highly theoretical, imaginary framework, however, may offer another clue, as they have also tried to ‘liberate’ architecture from the nostalgic dictates of the aesthetic. Ironically, one of the most famous of these, Peter Eisenman, is well known for producing, in a strange reversal, buildings that render the able-bodied uncomfortable and even sometimes ill (see, in particular, Frank and Eisenman). Of several house designs he produced over the years, Eisenman notes that his intention was to dislocate the house from that comforting metaphysic and symbolism of shelter in order to initiate a search for those possibilities of dwelling that may have been repressed by that metaphysic. The house may once have been a true locus and symbol of nurturing shelter, but in a world of irresolvable anxiety, the meaning and form of shelter must be different. (Eisenman 172) Although Eisenman’s starting point is very different from that of Siebers, it nonetheless resonates with the latter’s desire for an aesthetic that incorporates the “ragged edge” of disabled bodies. Yet few would want to live in a home made less attractive or less comfortable, and the “illusion” of permanence is one of the things that provide rest within our homes. Could there be an architecture, or an aesthetic, of home that could create a new and different kind of comfort and beauty, one that is neither based on a denial of the importance of bodily comfort and pleasure nor based on an oppressively narrow and commercialised set of aesthetic values that implicitly value some people over others? For one thing, instead of viewing home as a place of (false) stasis and permanence, we might see it as a place of continual change and renewal, which any home always becomes in practice anyway. As architect Hélène Frichot suggests, “we must look toward the immanent conditions of architecture, the processes it employs, the serial deformations of its built forms, together with our quotidian spatio-temporal practices” (63) instead of settling into a deadening nostalgia like that seen on EMHE. If we define home as a process of continual territorialisation, if we understand that “[t]here is no fixed self, only the process of looking for one,” and likewise that “there is no home, only the process of forming one” (Wise 303), perhaps we can begin to imagine a different, yet lovely conception of “house” and its relation to the experience of “home.” Extreme Makeover: Home Edition should be lauded for its attempts to include families of a wide variety of ethnic and racial backgrounds, various religions, from different regions around the U.S., both rural and suburban, even occasionally urban, and especially for its bringing to the fore how, indeed, structures can be as disabling as any individual impairment. That it shows designers and builders working with the families of the disabled to create accessible homes may help to change wider attitudes and break down resistance to the building of inclusive housing. However, it so far has missed the opportunity to help viewers think about the ways that our ideal homes may conflict with our constantly evolving social needs and bodily realities. References Bachelard, Gaston. The Poetics of Space. Tr. Maria Jolas. Boston: Beacon Press, 1969. Blunt, Alison, and Robyn Dowling. Home. London and New York: Routledge, 2006. Canguilhem, Georges. The Normal and the Pathological. New York: Zone Books, 1991. Davis, Lennard. Bending Over Backwards: Disability, Dismodernism & Other Difficult Positions. New York: NYUP, 2002. ———. Enforcing Normalcy: Disability, Deafness, and the Body. New York: Verso, 1995. Deleuze, Gilles, and Felix Guattari. A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Tr. B. Massumi. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987. ———. What Is Philosophy? Tr. G. Burchell and H. Tomlinson. London and New York: Verso, 1994. Eisenman, Peter Eisenman. “Misreading” in House of Cards. 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Macgregor. “Home: Territory and Identity.” Cultural Studies 14.2 (2000): 295-310. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Roney, Lisa. "The Extreme Connection Between Bodies and Houses." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/03-roney.php>. APA Style Roney, L. (Aug. 2007) "The Extreme Connection Between Bodies and Houses," M/C Journal, 10(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/03-roney.php>.