Bibliographies thématiques / Domestic reforms

Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Domestic reforms »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 11 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Domestic reforms"

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Husain, Ishrat. « Reforming the Government in Pakistan : Rationale, Principles and Proposed Approach ». LAHORE JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS 12, Special Edition (1 septembre 2007) : 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.35536/lje.2007.v12.isp.a1.

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Though government reforms are viewed as important for most developing countries, the rationale for these reforms must be clearly understood if they are to be correctly designed and implemented. From an international perspective, government reforms in Pakistan must be developed to integrate Pakistan into a larger global economy and should be based on the lessons learned from other developing countries. From the domestic perspective, reforms are necessary for the Pakistani government to adapt to the changing domestic environment. The reforms must focus broadly on the Federal, Provincial and District governments, on civil service reform and on business process re-engineering. This paper details the rationale for government reform in Pakistan, focuses on critical areas of reform, and provides a framework for the proposed reform approach.
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BASINGER, SCOTT J., et MARK HALLERBERG. « Remodeling the Competition for Capital : How Domestic Politics Erases the Race to the Bottom ». American Political Science Review 98, no 2 (mai 2004) : 261–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055404001133.

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This paper proposes and tests a new formal model of the competition for capital, using the analogy of a “tournament” as a substitute for the ”race-to-the-bottom” model. Our key insight is that political costs that accompany legislating have both direct and indirect effects on the likelihood and scale of reforms. While countries with higher political costs are less likely themselves to enact reforms, the presence of these costs also reduces competing countries' incentives to reform regardless of their own political costs. Domestic politics therefore mitigates the pressures for downward convergence of tax policy despite increased capital mobility. We examine the capital tax policies in OECD countries during the period from 1980 to 1997 and find that states are sensitive to tax reforms in competitor countries, although their responses to reforms are mediated by their own domestic costs to reform. We define two potential sources of political costs of reform: transaction costs, due to the presence of multiple veto players in the legislative process, and constituency costs, due to ideological opposition to policy changes that benefit capital. Our evidence reveals that a reduction in these costs either domestically or abroad increases the likelihood that a country enacts tax reforms.
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Erwin, Patricia E. « Exporting U.S. Domestic Violence Reforms ». Feminist Criminology 1, no 3 (juillet 2006) : 188–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1557085106290271.

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Demir, Fatih. « PUBLIC MANAGEMENT REFORMS IN TURKEY ». Public Administration Issues, no 6 (2021) : 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1999-5431-2021-0-6-63-83.

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This article focuses on public management reforms in Turkey and how the reform trajectory has changed over the past two decades. Reforms in Turkey represent a mixture of ideas and reform elements that are constantly evolving under the influence of foreign actors, especially the European Union, efforts to respond to global reform trends, and domestic political developments. The article is divided into three parts. The first part gives a brief picture of the political-administrative structure of the country. The second part provides a landscape of the reform initiatives in the last two decades. The third part examines the main challenges Turkey might face in the coming years in terms of implementing reforms and provides a discussion on how they can be addressed.
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Di Mascio, Fabrizio, Alessandro Natalini, Edoardo Ongaro et Francesco Stolfi. « Influence of the European Semester on national public sector reforms under conditions of fiscal consolidation : The policy of conditionality in Italy 2011–2015 ». Public Policy and Administration 35, no 2 (10 avril 2019) : 201–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952076718814892.

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This article applies the Schimmelfennig and Sedelmeier “governance by conditionality” framework to public sector reform in a European Union (EU) country subject to implicit rather than explicit conditionality in the context of severe fiscal consolidation. It analyses the reform programmes of the governments that alternated in power in Italy over 2011–2015, focusing on three major areas of public sector reform – fiscal consolidation, labour market reform and liberalization – in the context of the Country-Specific Recommendations–National Reform Plan (CSR-NRP) cycle. We show that the EU has influenced governance (budget institutions and the governance structure of the NRP process) as well as the content of reforms. These results are consistent with the Schimmelfennig and Sedelmeier framework regarding the importance of external incentives in explaining adoption and implementation of reforms. Our findings confirm not only the importance of material conditions and their credibility in explaining the fit between EU recommendations and domestic reforms, but also the significance of the strategic usage of Europe by domestic policy makers, which has become more important as the legitimacy of the EU has decreased among voters. We conclude with some reflections on the implications of our research for the ongoing debate on the reform of the European Semester, in particular with regard to the question of how to ensure a higher fit between EU recommendation and domestic policies.
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Polsby, Daniel D. « Suppressing Domestic Violence with Law Reforms ». Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology (1973-) 83, no 1 (1992) : 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1143833.

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Dai, Yanke, Shu Lin et Hanbo Zou. « Domestic financial reforms and crisis recoveries ». International Journal of Finance & ; Economics 25, no 2 (avril 2020) : 248–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ijfe.1749.

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Lavigne, Marie. « Intra-CMEA Relations and Domestic Reforms : Some Interactions ». Recherches économiques de Louvain 56, no 2 (1990) : 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0770451800031870.

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SummaryAlong with the domestic economic reforms going on in the Eastern European countries and in the USSR, a reform of the socialist economic integration framework, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) has been on the agenda for already many years. It has proved impossible to achieve integration through plan coordination. A unified socialist market has been contemplated since 1988. But after the Eastern European “revolution” of 1989 the prerequisites for such a market are politically not feasible. Prom the economic point of view, the domestic bases of market-type economic relations within the CMEA region are not yet created. Yet, it is argued, there is a need for some organization of these relations, as integration within Western Europe cannot be the solution.
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Lee, Da Yeun. « Hilary Appel and Mitchell A. Orenstein : From Triumph to Crisis : Neoliberal Economic Reform in Postcommunist Countries ». Czech Journal of International Relations 54, no 4 (1 décembre 2019) : 69–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv.1647.

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The postcommunist countries were amongst the most fervent and committed adopters of neoliberal economic reforms. Not only did they manage to overcome the anticipated domestic opposition to 'shock therapy' and Washington Consensus reforms, but many fulfilled the membership requirements of the European Union and even adopted avant-garde neoliberal reforms like the flat tax and pension privatization. Neoliberalism in the postcommunist countries went farther and lasted longer than expected, but why? Unlike pre-existing theories based on domestic political-economic struggles, this book focuses on the imperatives of re-insertion into the international economy. Appel and Orenstein show how countries engaged in 'competitive signaling', enacting reforms in order to attract foreign investment. This signaling process explains the endurance and intensification of neoliberal reform in these countries for almost two decades, from 1989–2008, and its decline thereafter, when inflows of capital into the region suddenly dried up. This book will interest students of political economy and Eastern European and Eurasian politics.
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Bunce, Valerie. « Domestic reform and international change : the Gorbachev reforms in historical perspective ». International Organization 47, no 1 (1993) : 107–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300004720.

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Two rounds of stagnation and reform in Russia have occurred: from Nicholas I to Alexander II (1825–81) and from Brezhnev to Gorbachev (1964–90). A comparison between them reveals striking similarities in the sources of stagnation, the approach to reform, and the international and domestic consequences of the reforms. What emerges in particular is a pattern wherein international stability, Russian conservatism, and expanding Russian power in the international system (all of which describe developments during the regimes of Nicholas I and Brezhnev) give way to instability in Europe, liberalization of Russian politics, and Russian downward mobility in the international system (the pattern exhibited during the Alexandrine and Gorbachev eras). These similarities suggest at the very least that we should question the common assumptions about the unique properties of the postwar order, Soviet socialism, and Gorbachev's revolution. The parallels also imply certain revisions in our understanding of the relationship between domestic and international change, the nature of the European order in the nineteenth century, and the determinants of state power in the international system.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Domestic reforms"

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Peshkopia, Ridvan. « CONDITIONING DEMOCRATIZATION : EU MEMBERSHIP CONDITIONALITY AND DOMESTIC POLITICS IN BALKAN INSTITUTIONAL REFORMS ». UKnowledge, 2011. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/gradschool_diss/220.

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The uneven effects of EU membership conditionality on Eastern European reforms continue to puzzle the research community. Sometimes, the research focus has been too large, considering EU membership conditionality as a policy implemented uniformly across policy areas. Other efforts take a too narrow approach by trying to explain the effects of EU membership conditionality in single sectors. I suggest studying this phenomenon through a set of mid-level theories in a cross-country, cross-sectorial approach. I argue that both the intensity of EU membership conditionality and reform outcomes are contingent upon the policy sector context; hence, we should take a sectorial contextual approach in studying them. Reform outcomes result from the interplay between EU’s and domestic leaders’ interests in a particular sectorial reform. I assume domestic leaders to be rational, power driven actors. I argue that, since they act in some weakly institutionalized political environments such as Eastern European societies, they represent the principal actors in the power game. I assume the EU to be a rational actor as well; yet, differently from Eastern Europe, the role of individual leaders is less distinguishable in the highly institutionalized EU political theatre. In this case, EU institutions are the primary political agents. They are interested in maintaining and enlarging the Union as a stable democracy. Expanding an earlier argument that views the EU as established through consociational practices, I argue that EU membership conditionality is a tool to impose institutional reforms in the EU aspirant countries, so their institutions can be receptive to the EU consociational practices once they join the Union. In these countries, the consociational character of conditionality is more visible, since it seeks to impose in aspirant countries the same practices that have brought democratic stability in some member states. The EU does not impose consociational practices on unified societies, but simply seeks to make their institutions receptive to the EU consociational practices. I test these arguments with the cases of institutional reforms in postcommunist Albanian and Macedonia. I conclude that, generally, EU membership manages to change Eastern European leaders’ interests in institutional reforms, but when it cannot, the reforms are almost impossible.
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Sekáč, Martin. « Vývoj čínské ekonomiky na začátku 21. století ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-205684.

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This paper is focused on economic development of the People's Republic of China during the last decade. The aim of this paper is to analyse the economic transformation and identify key factors holding back the economic growth. In the theoretical part of this paper there will be a short introduction of China. Some Chinese social and economic specifics will also be explained. The end of this chapter will be focused on historical economic reforms and current goals for the economy. Next chapter will be focused on analysis of the economy in the last decade using the official available data. In the conclusion of this paper there will be presented findings and key factors holding back the economic growth of China.
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Larson, Aron N. « The Effects of NAFTA and Domestic Reforms on the Development of Mexico’s Agriculture Sector ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/926.

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For my thesis, I analyze effects of recent political developments on the development of Mexico’s agriculture sector. In 1994, Mexico joined NAFTA, sparking major change in many of Mexico’s major industries as a result of lifted trade restrictions. In addition to joining NAFTA in 1994, Mexico has implemented domestic programs over the last thirty years with the goal of expanding its agriculture sector. While some of the effects of Mexico’s domestic policies are concurrent with the effects of NAFTA, I separately evaluate the effects of NAFTA and these domestic agriculture policies. Specifically, I analyze the effects of these political developments on Mexico’s agricultural sector by evaluating changes to the trade balances of four major categories of commodities: vegetables, fruits & nuts, dairy and cereals. I compare the changes to Mexico’s trade position with the changes to trade positions of a selected group of six countries, which I call the “comparison countries.” The trade data covers the time period of 1975-2012, enabling the analysis to adequately evaluate the changes to trade “before and after” these political developments intervened. I find that NAFTA had mixed effects on Mexico’s agriculture sector’s development. Some commodities experience growth and increased exports to NAFTA countries, suggesting that NAFTA effected these industries positively. On the other hand, I find that NAFTA marred the development of other commodities as a result of domestic policies in the US distorting trade. Finally, I find that the effects of Mexico’s domestic programs either aided in the growth of some commodities or simply enabled producers to remain in the competitive NAFTA markets.
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Hivon, Myriam. « Ploughing through the reforms : the domestic economy of rural households in post-Soviet Russia ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/271982.

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Soyeju, Olufemi Olugbemiga. « Public assets financing in Nigeria : the imperatives for legal reforms to unlock domestic financial resources and foreign capital for infrastructure development ». Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/24525.

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Infrastructure is one of the main parameters of economic growth and a country‘s competitiveness depends on the provision and maintenance of efficient and productive infrastructure assets. However, Nigeria, like most countries in Sub-Saharan Africa has the lowest quantity and poorest quality of stocks of infrastructure assets in the world and this phenomenally poor infrastructure has remained an impediment to development in the country. Decades of sub-optimal investment, poor maintenance culture and the fact that the required infrastructure investments could not be accommodated within the available fiscal space as a result of budgetary constraints have all contributed to the Nigeria‘s infrastructure deficit. The immediate outcome of this however is that the available infrastructure assets across the Nigerian landscape are in decrepit state and absurdly inadequate. Besides, the present demand for basic infrastructure services has grown astronomically out-stripping the supply capacity of the existing ones. Closing the infrastructure financing gap will however require increased investment by private investors through creative financing in an enabling legal and financial environment. Outside the budgetary constraints, the absence of efficient maintenance and management of infrastructure assets and quality service delivery by the public sector are some of the reasons why procurement of public infrastructure stocks by government through the traditional approach is no longer plausible and hence, the general appeal of the public-private partnership framework. However, despite all the potentials, the public private partnership technique in Nigeria has not made an appreciable impact in closing the infrastructure gaps due to lack of access to long-term financing. It is against this back-drop that this study has sought to investigate how reforms of the legal and financial infrastructure could widen access to financing through innovative financial resource mobilization in scaling-up infrastructure development and service delivery to the teeming Nigeria population. Therefore, the central thesis of this study is that the inadequacy of appropriate laws and inefficient financial system are partly responsible for the huge financing gaps in the Nigeria‘s infrastructure market and with the legal and financial reforms, an enabling legal and financial environment that would open up space for resource mobilization through innovative financing techniques and sources will be created thereby widening access to long-term financing and increasing the appetite for private investment in the nation‘s public infrastructure assets and services. So, the overarching objective of this thesis is to explore how legal and financial system reforms can facilitate the development of financial models and instruments that can help mobilize financial resources to fund infrastructure and bridge the huge infrastructure financing gaps in Nigeria in a sustainable fashion. Given the infrastructure poverty that constrains economic growth and development in Nigeria, the outcomes of this proposed study would help inform the need for the legal and financial system reforms to unlock resources in addressing the problems of financing gaps in infrastructure projects development in Nigeria. Besides, such outcomes based on the Nigerian experience in infrastructure financing and development may be turned into valuable knowledge for policy –making and further research in Nigeria. Copyright
Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2012.
Centre for Human Rights
unrestricted
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Radford, Mary Therese. « The law and domestic violence against women : the history of law reforms in relation to domestic violence against women from the 18th to the 20th century and an analysis of women victims' needs in contemporary socio-legal discourse ». Thesis, University of Bradford, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3875.

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The thesis is divided into two parts, Part I contains four chapters which map the pattern of legal changes relating to domestic violence against women from the 18th century to the 1980s. The history is written from the viewpoint of the legal interventions available to and used by women victims of domestic violence. Statutory enactments, case law and procedural changes in the relevant areas of criminal, family (ecclesiastical) and welfare law are described. Throughout Part I the discussion of the remedies available and reforms implemented is supplemented by the inclusion of case examples and statistical evidence showing local and national patterns of use. Chapter 1 describes the period from the start of the 18th century to the begining of the 20th; Chapter 2,1900 to the 1960s, Chapter 3 from 1969 to 1977 and Chapter 4 the more recent history in the 10 years between 1977 to 1987. Part II contains five chapters and is based upon an analysis of women victim's needs in contemporary socio-legal discourse. Part II grew out of a concern about the part played by the law in the secondary assault of women. The main aim of the discussion is to look at how women victims' self defined needs inform the practice of the law and how the legal approach contributes to the creation of violent relations between men and women in the social institution of heterosexuality. Part II emphasises the use of written and spoken language in interactional settings to define women's needs. The discussion is based upon the analysis of: 1. a survey of women involved in 54 legal cases concerning their partners' behaviour supplemented by interviews with legal advisors; 2. case records obtained from solicitors' offices with the womens' permission; 3. over 300 decisions traced from the published Law Reports; 4.105 press reports of cases of domestic violence against women. Chapter 5 describes the method employed in the research for Part II. Chapter 6 contains the analysis of the women's cases; Chapter 7 the reported decisions and Chapter 8 the press reports. Chapter 9 offers a summary of academic discourse and the abuse of women as well as a concluding discussion on some possibilities for the empowerment of women in law.
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Erdem, Engin I. « European Integration and Democratic Consolidation : Spain, Poland and Turkey in Comparative Perspective ». FIU Digital Commons, 2011. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/486.

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The study explored when, under what conditions, and to what extent did European integration, particularly the European Union’s requirement for democratic conditionality, contribute to democratic consolidation in Spain, Poland, and Turkey? On the basis of a four-part definition, the dissertation examined the democratizing impact of European integration process on each of the following four components of consolidation: (i) holding of fair, free and competitive elections, (ii) protection of fundamental rights, including human and minority rights, (iii) high prospects of regime survival and civilian control of the military, and (iv) legitimacy, elite consensus, and stateness. To assess the relative significance of EU’s democratizing leverage, the thesis also examined domestic and non-EU international dynamics of democratic consolidation in the three countries. By employing two qualitative methods (case study and process-tracing), the study focused on three specific time frames: 1977-1986 for Spain, 1994-2004 for Poland, and 1999-present for Turkey. In addition to official documents, newspapers, and secondary sources, face-to-face interviews made with politicians, academics, experts, bureaucrats, and journalists in the three countries were utilized. The thesis generated several conclusions. First of all, the EU’s democratizing impact is not uniform across different components of democratic consolidation. Moreover, the EU’s democratizing leverage in Spain, Poland, and Turkey involved variations over time for three major reasons: (i) the changing nature of EU’s democratic conditionality over time (ii) varying levels of the EU’s credible commitment to the candidate country’s prospect for membership, and (iii) domestic dynamics in the candidate countries. Furthermore, the European integration process favors democratic consolidation but its magnitude is shaped by the candidate country’s prospect for EU membership and domestic factors in the candidate country. Finally, the study involves a major policy implication for the European Union: unless the EU provides a clear prospect for membership, its democratizing leverage will be limited in the candidate countries.
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Salazar, Silvia. « Does time replace money ? : accounting for domestic production in households' welfare : evidence from Latin American countries ». Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010073.

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Matrakova, Marta. « Political transitions in EU-Russia shared neighbourhood : geopolitics and values as opportunities or challenges for the Quality of Democracy ». Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/204540.

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Thompson, Von. « Law reform, conciliation and domestic violence / ». Title page, contents and abstract only, 1998. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armt477.pdf.

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Livres sur le sujet "Domestic reforms"

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D, Lovejoy Charles, et Watson Bruce W, dir. China's military reforms : International and domestic implications. Boulder, Colo : Westview Press, 1986.

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B, Potter Pitman, et Association for Asian Studies. Meeting, dir. Domestic law reforms in post-Mao China. Armonk, N.Y : M.E. Sharpe, 1994.

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Serbia matters : Domestic reforms and European integration. Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2009.

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Burakovsky, Ihor, Lars Handrich et Lutz Hoffmann, dir. Ukraine’s WTO Accession : Challenge for Domestic Economic Reforms. Heidelberg : Physica-Verlag HD, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-7908-2709-5.

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Marios, Obwona, et Ogwapus Moses, dir. Tax reforms and domestic revenue mobilisation in Uganda. Kampala : Fountain Publishers, 2008.

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Institute of Development Studies (Jaipur, India), dir. Domestic market reforms : Should they precede agricultural liberalisation. Jaipur : Institute of Development Studies, 1999.

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Ayoki, Milton. Tax reforms and domestic revenue mobilisation in Uganda. Kampala : Fountain Publishers, 2008.

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Graziano, Paolo R., Sophie Jacquot et Bruno Palier, dir. The EU and the Domestic Politics of Welfare State Reforms. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230307629.

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Commission, Scottish Law. Family law : Pre-consolidation reforms. Edinburgh : The Commission, 1990.

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Commission, Scottish Law. Family law : Pre-consolidation reforms. Edinburgh : The Commission, 1990.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Domestic reforms"

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Dee, Philippa, et Anne McNaughton. « Promoting Domestic Reforms Through Regionalism ». Dans The Political Economy of Asian Regionalism, 105–42. Tokyo : Springer Japan, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-4-431-54568-2_6.

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Mahapatro, Meerambika. « Policy, Prevention and Reforms ». Dans Domestic Violence and Health Care in India, 183–226. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-6159-2_5.

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Salter, Richard. « Domestic Policies and Reforms 1868–80 ». Dans Peel, Gladstone and Disraeli, 58–76. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10721-6_6.

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Schmitz, Hans Peter. « From Repression to Democratic Reforms in Kenya and Uganda ». Dans Transnational Mobilization and Domestic Regime Change, 33–64. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230505254_3.

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Schmitz, Hans Peter. « Diverging Paths of Regime Change : Electoralist and Participatory Reforms ». Dans Transnational Mobilization and Domestic Regime Change, 99–122. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230505254_5.

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Ffrench-Davis, Ricardo. « Domestic Financial Liberalization and External Debt in the 1970s : Building a Major Crisis ». Dans Economic Reforms in Chile, 77–106. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230289659_3.

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Martin-Russu, Luana. « Towards a Theory of De-Europeanization, an Elite-Based Approach ». Dans Deforming the Reform, 19–90. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11081-8_2.

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AbstractMartin-Russu offers a critical analysis of the existing scholarship, focusing in particular on enlargement-led Europeanization studies and locating them in the wider context of European Integration research. She identifies two major gaps in the literature: the lack of a theoretically grounded model of de-Europeanization substantiated through fine-grained analyses of domestic transposition; and the lack of sufficient empirical research on the relevance of domestic political elites for the success and stability of EU-led reforms. This chapter illustrates how her study bridges these gaps. It proposes a theoretical framework that explains Romania’s selective backsliding—its reversing of reforms in some domains much more than in others—and links this reform reversal with the pursuit of narrow personal interests by the domestic political elite.
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Krizsán, Andrea, et Conny Roggeband. « Mapping Gendered Meanings of Domestic Violence Legal and Policy Reforms ». Dans The Gender Politics of Domestic Violence, 41–70. New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series : Gender and comparative politics ; 3 : Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315618951-3.

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Pleines, Heiko. « Opposition to the Washington Consensus : The IMF and Social Policy Reforms in Post-Soviet Russia ». Dans International Impacts on Social Policy, 275–85. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86645-7_22.

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AbstractFinancial collapse forced Russia into an agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in 1998. As part of its conditionality the IMF demanded severe cuts to the country’s social security system, which led to a public backlash against the agreement. However, six years later, after Russia had repaid all its debts to the IMF and started pursuing its economic policy independently, it re-introduced the monetisation of in-kind social benefits—one of the key reforms it had failed to implement as part of the earlier IMF agreement. The analysis of a similar reform attempt with and without IMF involvement shows that domestic policy-makers can genuinely subscribe to neoliberal reforms. It also helps to assess the IMF’s “mixed” approach to domestic opposition against its conditionality.
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Carens, Timothy L. « Portions Wholly Savage : Ongoing Reforms at Home and Abroad ». Dans Outlandish English Subjects in the Victorian Domestic Novel, 142–61. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230501614_6.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Domestic reforms"

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Yao, L. « Energy security in China : the impact of domestic policies and reforms ». Dans ENERGY QUEST 2014. Southampton, UK : WIT Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2495/eq140231.

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Nikač, Željko, et Branko Leštanin. « LEGISLATIVNI OKVIR ZA RAD POLICIJE REPUBLIKE SRBIJE U FUNKCIJI VLADAVINE PRAVA ». Dans XV Majsko savetovanje : Sloboda pružanja usluga i pravna sigurnost. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Law, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/xvmajsko.681n.

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In the first decade of the new millennium, the Republic of Serbia, like the other states of the former socialist bloc, started out through reforms and the transition of society, which affected all areas of social life. The purpose of the announced and partially implemented changes was to democratize society, develop a stable political system, create conditions for economic development, and overall progress. An important element of the initiated reforms of the socio-political and economic system is the professional and rational organization of state authorities. From the point of view of legal security and the rule of law, the judicial and internal affairs bodies have the primary place, especially in creating the environment of legal security and access to justice equally for all. Part of the reform process is the transformation of the administration and the police as an integral part that must be complementary to the needs of the community, businesses and citizens. The paper presents the most important international and domestic legal sources of importance for the reform of the MoI – police, problems and challenges in the way of achieving this goal and the rule of law. In the final part there are also some suggestions de lege ferenda for improvement of the current legislative framework and police-legal practice, especially in the context of Serbia's application for admission to the EU.
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Hontvari, Tamas. « Price Controls Then and Now : a Comparison of Diocletians’ Edictum de Pretiis Rerum Venalium and the Pricestop Introduced by the Hungarian Government ». Dans Mezinárodní konference doktorských studentů oboru právní historie a římského práva. Brno : Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0156-2022-4.

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To mitigate the domestic effects of the inflationary pressures arising in the global economy as a result of the coronavirus pandemic and Russio-Ukranian war, the Government of Hungary maximised the price of several goods essential to the population. An early example of this direct intervention into the price-setting mechanism of the markets was the Edict on Maximum Prices (Edictum de Pretiis Rerum Venalium) issued by Diocletian in 301 AD, which-together with Diocletian’s currency reform-tried to solve the enormous inflation that plagued the third-century Roman Empire. The Diocletian edict and the Hungarian government decrees introducing price caps are very similar, both in their root causes, their legal policy aims, their technical solutions, as well as in the sanctions that they impose on those breaching the law. The failure of the Diocletian reforms provides useful lessons for policy-makers today.
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Fazil Hamadi, Fazil. « Economic reform as a tool to diversify the Iraqi economy ». Dans 11th International Conference of Economic and Administrative Reform : Necessities and Challenges. University of Human Development, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/icearnc/35.

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Many countries have followed economic reform policies as a result of the debt problem in 1982. Many countries have shifted from a planned economy towards a free economy by following economic reform programs with the help of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Iraq introduced some aspects of economic reform in the nineties of the last century. But without the intervention of any of the two international institutions, and these reforms were very simple, but the political change in (2003) and the rise in foreign debts on Iraq as a result of wars and economic siege led Iraq to follow economic reform programs with the help of the two international organizations in (2004), now and after ( 18) years to follow these policies, Iraq still did not achieve the desired goals of these reforms, especially with regard to economic diversification, so the study’s goal came to show the reasons that led to the failure of economic reforms to achieve their goals with regard to diversifying the Iraqi economy and what are the measures that must be taken to solve this is the problem. The study assumed that the main reason for not achieving economic diversification is the incorrect application of economic reform policies and the failure to benefit from its returns in improving the structure of the economy. The study used the analytical method by analyzing the data of the oil and non-oil economic sectors and the extent of their contribution to the gross domestic product (GDP), public revenues and exports. The study reached conclusions, the most important of which is that one of the reasons for the lack of economic diversification is the weakness of internal security and the lack of attention to infrastructure, especially in the agricultural sector, which led to high production costs and thus the exit of many producers from the production cycle and their search for government jobs with high returns for them if compared to the returns of their products of high cost. As for the most important proposals, they are concerned with providing internal security in Iraq by providing opportunities for workers in the private sector by encouraging the private sector to produce by creating a spirit of competition between private sector companies by licensing the public sector to carry out privatization processes and leaving the private sector to produce with higher efficiency. These measures are enough to achieve economic diversification and work to reduce prices and improve production technology.
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Fazil Hamadi, Fazil. « Economic reform as a tool to diversify the Iraqi economy ». Dans 11th International Conference of Economic and Administrative Reform : Necessities and Challenges. University of Human Development, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicearnc/35.

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Many countries have followed economic reform policies as a result of the debt problem in 1982. Many countries have shifted from a planned economy towards a free economy by following economic reform programs with the help of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Iraq introduced some aspects of economic reform in the nineties of the last century. But without the intervention of any of the two international institutions, and these reforms were very simple, but the political change in (2003) and the rise in foreign debts on Iraq as a result of wars and economic siege led Iraq to follow economic reform programs with the help of the two international organizations in (2004), now and after ( 18) years to follow these policies, Iraq still did not achieve the desired goals of these reforms, especially with regard to economic diversification, so the study’s goal came to show the reasons that led to the failure of economic reforms to achieve their goals with regard to diversifying the Iraqi economy and what are the measures that must be taken to solve this is the problem. The study assumed that the main reason for not achieving economic diversification is the incorrect application of economic reform policies and the failure to benefit from its returns in improving the structure of the economy. The study used the analytical method by analyzing the data of the oil and non-oil economic sectors and the extent of their contribution to the gross domestic product (GDP), public revenues and exports. The study reached conclusions, the most important of which is that one of the reasons for the lack of economic diversification is the weakness of internal security and the lack of attention to infrastructure, especially in the agricultural sector, which led to high production costs and thus the exit of many producers from the production cycle and their search for government jobs with high returns for them if compared to the returns of their products of high cost. As for the most important proposals, they are concerned with providing internal security in Iraq by providing opportunities for workers in the private sector by encouraging the private sector to produce by creating a spirit of competition between private sector companies by licensing the public sector to carry out privatization processes and leaving the private sector to produce with higher efficiency. These measures are enough to achieve economic diversification and work to reduce prices and improve production technology.
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Tan, Sibel, Mehmet Hasdemir et Bengü Everest. « Agricultural Support Policies in Turkey ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01444.

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Agriculture is the leading strategic sector of Turkey as it was in entire world. Despite this strategic significance, risks and uncertainties because of the dependency on natural conditions turn agriculture into a disadvantaged sector. Just because of those disadvantages, agriculture is protected with various support policies throughout the world. Agricultural policies of Turkey have initiated with institutionalization policies of the Republican period and progressed through product supports, input supports and low-interest credit implementations of the planned period. These policies experienced serious reforms at the beginning of 2000s. Within the scope of Agricultural Reforms Implementation Project (ARIP), agricultural supports were tried to be gathered under a single roof and Direct Income Support (DIS) implementations have started. The DIS implementations lasted for 8 years and terminated in 2008. Current agricultural policy tools are implemented as area-based supports, subsidiary payments, rural development and agricultural insurance supports. The budget allocated to agriculture and the share of agricultural supports in Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of Turkey did not exhibit much change in years. Considering the policies and supports provided in developed countries and especially in European Union (EU) countries, it is recommended for Turkey that share of agricultural supports in total budget should be increased to levels in those countries.
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Talipova, Amina. « Recently Announced Reforms in the Russian Domestic Gas Market : Impact on the Market Players' Value in New Realities of International Gas Trading ». Dans SPE Russian Petroleum Technology Conference. Society of Petroleum Engineers, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/191647-18rptc-ms.

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Tan, Sibel, Şermin Atak, Ümran Şengül et Sabri Sami Tan. « The Evaluation of the Changes in the Agricultural Sector with Common Economic Indicators in Turkey in the Last Decade ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01005.

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Agriculture is an important sector in the Turkish economy in terms of population and employment, nutrition, agricultural production, domestic consumption, its contribution to industry, national income and balance of payments. By current economic indicators in Turkey, while its share in national income is 9.0%, its share in employment is 23.6%. Although the share of agriculture in GDP decreased in Turkey in the last decade, the rate of growth of agricultural sector increased. Whereas cultivated fields and the number of livestock declined, vegetative production and animal production increased significantly. Moreover, the rate of total employment increased, but the rate of agricultural employment decreased. In addition, the use of machine in agriculture increased and the wage of employees in agriculture increased considerably, as well. On the other hand, agricultural support policies in the last decade witnessed with major reforms and important support policies were implemented in many areas. In 2013, the share of agricultural subsidies in gross domestic product increased compared to the previous year and an increase in the 2014 budget was targeted. In this study, agriculture-related indicators in Turkey in the last ten years will be evaluated and the last ten-year change and the reasons of this change will be examined. In the light of these changes, agricultural recommendations in terms of future oriented agricultural plans and programs will be presented.
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Fynchina, Khicheza. « The Tax Burden as a Criterion for the Reform in Tax System of the Kyrgyz Republic ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00613.

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The most revealing criterion of effectiveness of tax reforms is the level of the tax burden. Optimal way to estimate sectoral tax burden is to use tax burden coefficient for a newly created value. Other indicators of tax burden differ because of over detailing which doesn’t allow making right accentuation in analytical conclusion. This idea is supported by Chick:“in complicated system, the results gained by detailed investigation of particular aspects can’t be generalized over the whole issue of the research…” (Chick, 1864). Based on this, the analysis of structure and the level of tax burden in different branches of economics of the Kyrgyz Republic for the period of 2005 through 2011 was conducted. It was found that main tax burden carries the industry with big inequality. The main tax burden in Kyrgyzstan falls on mineral resource industry (coefficient of tax burden an average of 30), while in manufacturing industry it is one of the lowest indexes (0,68) and in health care (0,63). The structure of tax burden has changed in relation to the introduction of sales tax. In addition there is a big portion in tax burden among almost all sectors of economics and VAT (for domestic products). The ways to reform the tax system are: the harmonization of indirect taxes (for example through the cancellation of the sales tax while increasing the rate of VAT), review of tax exemptions, conditions and methods of supply, the list of taxable supplies, as well as the principles for determining excise goods.
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Talipova, Amina. « Recently Announced Reforms in the Russian Domestic Gas Market : Impact on the Market Players' ; Value in New Realities of International Gas Trading (Russian) ». Dans SPE Russian Petroleum Technology Conference. Society of Petroleum Engineers, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/191647-18rptc-ru.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Domestic reforms"

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Durand-Lasserve, Olivier, Hossa Almutairi, Abdullah AlJarboua, Frederic Murphy, Shreekar Pradhan et Axel Pierru. Sectoral and Economy-Wide Effects of Domestic Energy Price Reforms in Saudi Arabia. King Abdullah Petroleum Studies and Research Center, août 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30573/ks--2020-dp16.

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Manzano, Osmel, et José Luis Saboin. Investment Booms and Institutions : Implications for the Andean Region. Inter-American Development Bank, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004260.

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This paper provides evidence of a positive effect of institutions and reforms in initiating investment booms. We constructed an unbalanced panel of 178 countries for the period 19502019 that considered institutions and reforms at different levels and dimensions. We analyzed the effects of these variables on 159 carefully estimated investment boom episodes, controlling for the standard determinants of investment and using a battery of estimation techniques and robustness checks. Overall, marketoriented and democratic institutions favor the advent of investment booms. Structural reforms present mixed effects and in some cases these are nonlinear. While trade and capital account reform have negative effects, domestic finance, product, and labor market reforms have the opposite. Beyond institutions and reforms, we find different effects regarding external, macro, and structural variables.
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Cantens, Thomas, et Gaël Raballand. Taxation and Customs Reforms in Fragile States : Between Bargaining and Enforcement. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), mai 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2021.009.

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In the last decade, African authorities and the international community have called for support to increase taxation capacity in order to reduce reliance on aid flows. This commitment to support tax administrations was reflected in the 2015 Addis Tax Initiative (ATI), which advocated ‘to double assistance to developing countries in order to strengthen their tax systems and administrations’ by the year 2020 (IMF 2017: 6). Increasing domestic resource mobilisation is even more salient for state-building in fragile states, in terms of providing costly services to citizens, including security, across national territory. There is a rich literature (Acemoglu and Robinson 2012; Besley and Persson 2009) arguing that robust and inclusive fiscal institutions are essential for state-building and economic growth. This is not the situation in fragile states.
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Haider, Huma. Political Settlements : The Case of Moldova. Institute of Development Studies, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.065.

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The new elite in post-1991 independent Moldova gradually captured state institutions, while internal drivers of reforms have generally been weak. Civil society has had limited effectiveness; and the media is largely dominated by political and business circles (BTI, 2022). The Moldovan diaspora has emerged in recent years, however, as a powerful driver of reform. In addition, new political parties and politicians have in recent years focused on common social and economic problems, rather than exploiting identity and geopolitical cleavages. These two developments played a crucial role in the transformative changes in the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2020 and 2021, respectively.1 The new Moldovan leadership has experienced many challenges, however, in achieving justice and anti-corruption reforms—the primary components of their electoral platform—due to the persistence of rent-seeking and corruption in the justice sector (Minzarari, 2022). This rapid review examines literature—primarily academic and non-governmental organisation (NGO)-based—in relation to the political settlement of Moldova. It provides an overview of the political settlement framework and the political history of Moldova. It then draws on the literature to explore aspects of the social foundation and the power configuration in Moldova; and implications for governance and inclusive development. The report concludes with recommendations for government, domestic reformers, Moldovan society, and donors for improving inclusive governance and development in Moldova, identified throughout the literature. This report does not cover political settlement in relation to Transnistria.
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Beuermann, Diether, Henry Mooney, Elton Bollers, David Rosenblatt, Maria Alejandra Zegarra, Laura Giles Álvarez, Gralyn Frazier et al. Caribbean Quarterly Bulletin 2020 : Volume 9 : Issue 4, December 2020. Inter-American Development Bank, décembre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0002948.

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For most Caribbean countries, the COVID-19 pandemic will translate into the deepest single-year contraction of real GDP on record in 2020. With the exception of Guyana, countries have experienced deep recessions, severe increases in unemployment, and long-lasting damage to many corporate and household balance sheets. The social consequences of the crisis continue to mount, and despite governments best efforts to buffer the shock to families, enterprises, and domestic markets, there remains a dire need for continued and more broad-based stimulus to ensure that economic capital both human and other wise remains intact. This edition of the Caribbean Quarterly Bulletin briefly reflects on notable economic developments in 2020, then shifts to longer-term issues, including a summary of an upcoming IDB publication, Economic Institutions for a Resilient Caribbean, as well as summaries of the book's key diagnostics and recommendations for each country. In some cases, country sections focus on specific areas of institutional reforms. For example, the Suriname section focuses on fiscal institutions, given the public debt distress there.
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Research Institute (IFPRI), International Food Policy. Developed country policies : Domestic farm policy reform and global food security. Washington, DC : International Food Policy Research Institute, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2499/9780896292970_07.

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Henry, Peter Blair, et Peter Lombard Lorentzen. Domestic Capital Market Reform and Access to Global Finance : Making Markets Work. Cambridge, MA : National Bureau of Economic Research, novembre 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w10064.

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Kira, Beatriz, Rutendo Tavengerwei et Valary Mumbo. Points à examiner à l'approche des négociations de Phase II de la ZLECAf : enjeux de la politique commerciale numérique dans quatre pays d'Afrique subsaharienne. Digital Pathways at Oxford, mars 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-dp-wp_2022/01.

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Realities such as the COVID-19 pandemic have expedited the move to online operations, highlighting the undeniable fact that the world is continuing to go digital. This emphasises the need for policymakers to regulate in a manner that allows them to harness digital trade benefits while also avoiding associated risk. However, given that digital trade remains unco-ordinated globally, with countries adopting different approaches to policy issues, national regulatory divergence on the matter continues, placing limits on the benefits that countries can obtain from digital trade. Given these disparities, ahead of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Phase II Negotiations, African countries have been considering the best way to harmonise regulations on issues related to digital trade. To do this effectively, AfCFTA members need to identify where divergencies exist in their domestic regulatory systems. This will allow AfCFTA members to determine where harmonisation is possible, as well as what is needed to achieve such harmonisation. This report analyses the domestic regulations and policies of four focus countries – South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya and Senegal – comparing their regulatory approaches to five policy issues: i) regulation of online transactions; ii) cross-border data flows, data localisation, and personal data protection; iii) access to source code and technology transfer; iv) intermediary liability; and v) customs duties on electronic transmissions. The study highlights where divergencies exist in adopted approaches, indicating the need for the four countries – and AfCFTA members in general – to carefully consider the implications of the divergences, and determine where it is possible and beneficial to harmonise approaches. This was intended to encourage AfCFTA member states to take ownership of these issues and reflect on the reforms needed. As seen in Table 1 below, the study shows that the four countries diverge on most of the five policy issues. There are differences in how all four countries regulate online transactions – that is, e-signatures and online consumer protection. Nigeria was the only country out of the four to recognise all types of e-signatures as legally equivalent. Kenya and Senegal only recognise specific e-signatures, which are either issued or validated by a recognised institution, while South Africa adopts a mixed approach, where it recognises all e-signatures as legally valid, but provides higher evidentiary weight to certain types of e-signatures. Only South Africa and Senegal have specific regulations relating to online consumer protection, while Nigeria and Kenya do not have any clear rules. With regards to cross border data flows, data localisation, and personal data protection, the study shows that all four focus countries have regulations that consist of elements borrowed from the European Union (EU) General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). In particular, this was regarding the need for the data subject's consent, and also the adequacy requirement. Interestingly, the study also shows that South Africa, Kenya and Nigeria also adopt data localisation measures, although at different levels of strictness. South Africa’s data localisation laws are mostly imposed on data that is considered critical – which is then required to be processed within South African borders – while Nigeria requires all data to be processed and stored locally, using local servers. Kenya imposes data localisation measures that are mostly linked to its priority for data privacy. Out of the four focus countries, Senegal is the only country that does not impose any data localisation laws. Although the study shows that all four countries share a position on customs duties on electronic transmissions, it is also interesting to note that none of the four countries currently have domestic regulations or policies on the subject. The report concludes by highlighting that, as the AfCFTA Phase II Negotiations aim to arrive at harmonisation and to improve intra-African trade and international trade, AfCFTA members should reflect on their national policies and domestic regulations to determine where harmonisation is needed, and whether AfCFTA is the right platform for achieving this efficiently.
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Pritam, Banerjee, Chattopadhyay Soumya, Sinha Deepankar et Sharma Prashant. Technology Framework for India's Road Freight Transport : Compliance and Enforcement Architecture Reform. Asian Development Bank, août 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/wps210271-2.

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In India, different agencies conduct inspections on road freight in transit, which can cause unscheduled stoppages that result in delays and add to operational costs. Compliance and enforcement architecture reform involving road freight transport in the country involves the application of data-based and integrated digital tools that can enable inspection facilities and units to immediately identify potential noncompliance and minimize multiple physical inspections that the current enforcement model entails. This paper presents an alternative model for enforcement agencies with regulatory mandates on the on-road movement and conveyance of cargo. The importance of road freight transport in India can benefit from a technology-based reform, which has become critical to improving the efficiency of domestic trade facilitation.
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Javid, Muhammad, Fakhri Hasanov, Carlo Bollino et Marzio Galeotti. Sectoral Investment Analysis for Saudi Arabia. King Abdullah Petroleum Studies and Research Center, août 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30573/ks--2021-dp011.

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This study aims to investigate the determinants of short- and long-run investment behavior in Saudi Arabia for eight non-oil sectors. Saudi Arabia is currently proceeding with its historic Vision 2030 reform plan, which aims to significantly increase the private sector’s contribution to the country’s gross domestic product. Thus, analyzing investments at the sectoral level is important for Saudi Arabia. Such an analysis can provide policymakers with a deeper understanding of potential opportunities for boosting private sector growth.
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