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1
Lamprecht, Jens. « Bargaining power in multilateral trade negotiations : Canada and Japan in the Uruguay Round and Doha development agenda ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/903/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis analyses the conditioning factors of Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power in the multilateral trade negotiations of the Uruguay Round and Doha Development Agenda (DDA). It deals with two related research questions. The central question of this research is: to what extent and why did Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power decrease from the Uruguay Round to the DDA? This question is related to the following auxiliary research question: what are the conditioning factors of Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power during the Uruguay Round and DDA, and to what extent have these factors changed from one round to the other? While the thesis includes a general overview of their negotiation profiles, it analyzes specific, detailed case studies of the profiles of these countries in anti-dumping and market access/NAMA negotiations in both rounds. The hypothesis of this research is that Japan and Canada have lost bargaining power from the Uruguay Round to the DDA because of changes in the following conditioning factors: economic power; activity in country coalitions and groups; interests groups and decision-making structures on the domestic level; ideational power; and foreign policy objectives. In addition, the importance of the position of the preferences a country in the spectrum of the overall membership of multilateral trade negotiations is examined. The thesis finds that this hypothesis is partially confirmed. Canada and Japan have mainly lost bargaining power owing to a relative decrease in their economic power, a lower profile in central negotiation groups as well as coalitions, and due to domestic politics. Ideational power and especially foreign policy objectives can be considered less relevant. The thesis also finds that especially Japan’s bargaining power in anti-dumping negotiations was affected by a change of the position of its preferences within the spectrum of the overall membership of the negotiations.
2
LEAL, ARCAS Rafael. « Theory and practice of EC external trade law and policy ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13171.
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Defence date: 11 March 2008Examining board: Prof. Bruno De Witte, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Francesca Martines, Faculty of Economics, University of Pisa ; Prof. Petros C. Mavroidis, Columbia Law School, NY and University of Neuchâtel ; Prof. Ernst-Ulrich Petersmann, European University Institute
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Both the European Community (EC) and its Member States agree that it is in their best interest to coordinate their action vis-à-vis the rest of the world in international trade agreements. Theory and Practice of EC External Trade Law and Policy looks at the intricacies of the institutional framework of EC trade law, and with special emphasis on services trade, examines the law and practice of EC external trade relations from a policy, economic, legal and an overarching European constitutional perspective. The objective of the author’s analysis is not only to find ways to nurture and preserve the unitary character of EC external trade relations in areas of shared competence between EU Member States and EU institutions, but also to understand the management of the EC’s external trade relations. The book begins with an analysis of the evolution of the EC common commercial policy, through which the author examines the checks and balances at the micro, meso and macro levels. The author then proceeds to analyse the problems faced by the EU in its external relations and the legal complexity of mixed agreements. This unique legal phenomenon is tackled from an intra-EC perspective as well as from an extra-EU perspective taking into account various implications for third parties. The major EU institutions are examined: the Commission as the negotiator of international trade agreements, the role of the EU Council and the European Parliament in concluding and ratifying of agreements and the European Court of Justice in relation to judicial enforcement. The EU’s decision-making process in the trade arena and its relation with national institutions are examined. The book concludes with an analysis of the EC’s contribution to the Doha Round in the area of services trade.
3
Poletti, Arlo <1977>. « The changing politics of preference formation in international trade negotiations : the European Union in the Doha Round ». Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1640/1/Arlo_Poletti_tesi.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research seeks to provide an explanation for variations of “politics” of preference formation in international trade negotiations. Building on the ‘policy determines politics’ argument, I hypothesize the existence of a causal relationship between issue-characteristics and their variations with politics dynamics and their variations. More specifically, this study seeks to integrate into a single analytical framework two dimensions along which variations in the “politics of preference formation” can be organized: configurations of power relationships among the relevant actors in the structures within which they interact as well as the logic and the motivations of the actors involved in the policy making process. To do so, I first construct a four-cell typology of ‘politics of preference formation’ and, then, I proceed by specifying that the type of state-society configurations as well as the type of actors’ motivations in the “politics of preference formation” depend, respectively, on the degree to which a policy issue is perceived as politically salient and on the extent to which the distributional implications of such an issue can be calculated by the relevant stakeholders in the policy making process. The empirical yardstick against which the validity of the theoretical argument proposed is tested is drawn from evidence concerning the European Union’s negotiating strategy in four negotiating areas in the context of the so-called WTO’s Doha Development Round of multilateral trade negotiations: agriculture, competition, environment and technical assistance and capacity building.
4
Poletti, Arlo <1977>. « The changing politics of preference formation in international trade negotiations : the European Union in the Doha Round ». Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1640/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research seeks to provide an explanation for variations of “politics” of preference formation in international trade negotiations. Building on the ‘policy determines politics’ argument, I hypothesize the existence of a causal relationship between issue-characteristics and their variations with politics dynamics and their variations. More specifically, this study seeks to integrate into a single analytical framework two dimensions along which variations in the “politics of preference formation” can be organized: configurations of power relationships among the relevant actors in the structures within which they interact as well as the logic and the motivations of the actors involved in the policy making process. To do so, I first construct a four-cell typology of ‘politics of preference formation’ and, then, I proceed by specifying that the type of state-society configurations as well as the type of actors’ motivations in the “politics of preference formation” depend, respectively, on the degree to which a policy issue is perceived as politically salient and on the extent to which the distributional implications of such an issue can be calculated by the relevant stakeholders in the policy making process. The empirical yardstick against which the validity of the theoretical argument proposed is tested is drawn from evidence concerning the European Union’s negotiating strategy in four negotiating areas in the context of the so-called WTO’s Doha Development Round of multilateral trade negotiations: agriculture, competition, environment and technical assistance and capacity building.
5
Nyhodo, Bonani. « The impact of the Doha round of WTO agricultural negotiations on the South African economy ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1734.
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Thesis (MScAgric (Agricultural Economics)--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.The Doha Round of negotiations on the liberalisation of agricultural trade inherited complications from its predecessor - the Uruguay Round (UR). It needs to be noted, as one of the fundamental differences, that agriculture sectors in the developed countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) get support from their governments. In contrast to the situation, in the developing countries, agriculture is taxed to generate government revenue. The subsidies that farmers receive in the developed countries affect farmers globally through world prices (world prices depression). Therefore protection and greater subsidies should be not encouraged. As such, after a long time of preferential treatment, agriculture trade was tabled as a separate issue of negotiations at the UR and resulted to the round to be prolonged. However, one of the achievements of the UR was imposing of bound tariffs on agricultural products and determining tariff equivalence for non-tariff measures. Then, the Doha Round (DR) also known as the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) which is the first round to place development and focus strongly on agricultural liberalisation as a tool for development. International trade theory supports agricultural liberalisation, as negotiated in the DDA. Therefore, the DDA, in seeking more liberalised agricultural markets, continues a theoretically sound approach, as in the UR. The effects of liberalising agricultural trade in the DDA will differ across countries, whereas some will gain, others may loose, and the same situation is true for different sectors within an economy. The focus of the DDA on agriculture, as a tool of development, links well to the fact that agriculture in the developing countries accounts for a substantial share of their gross domestic products (GDPs) and exports. This situation, therefore, calls for a closer consideration of the possible impact of agricultural liberalisation in South Africa even though agricultural share of GDP is less than 4 percent.
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Vacchi, Alessandra <1995>. « The EU in International Trade Negotiations : Assessing the Role of the Single Voice through an Analysis of the Uruguay Round and the Doha Round ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/16050.
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The thesis focuses on the role of the single voice of the EU during two international trade negotiations: the Uruguay Round and the Doha Round. The assumption of EU policymakers and a first wave of EU scholars was that speaking with a single voice at the international level leads the EU to be effective. A second wave of scholars challenged this assumption. The aim of the thesis is to assess the actual role of the single voice using two different cases, through an analysis with institutional and external variables (the former referring to the internal EU rules and the latter to the external context of the negotiation). The combinations of these variables determine the role of the single voice in international trade negotiations. During the Uruguay Round the EU wanted to maintain the status quo. The analysis showed that the single voice was strong, and it led to a favorable outcome for the EU. The EU negotiator was constrained by rigid institutional rules, and the external variables strengthened the single voice. Instead, during the Doha Round the EU pushed for reform. The single voice was cohesive, but the external variables had a negative impact on the negotiation. This led to a weakening of the single voice. The research concluded that the degree of effectiveness of the single voice, and its role, depends on the combination of institutional and external variables, but it is not possible to claim that the single voice leads to effectiveness in absolute terms.
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Coskeran, Helen Mary. « Farm talks and the new quad : an analysis of agriculture negotiations in the Doha Round between the established and the rising powers ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608082.
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Djemilou, Mohamed. « The impact of the Bali agreement on the Doha round stalemate with particular reference to the interests of developing and least developed countries ». Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5122.
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Magister Philosophiae - MPhilThe problem that this Research Paper is aiming to examine is whether the Bali Agreement has successfully impacted on the consensus pitfalls and the Doha Round stalemate as shown in the background to the study.
National Bursary and Grants Agency (ANBG)
9
Runick, Alah Fru. « Agricultural trade under the multilateral trade system in sub-Saharan Africa : a South African perspective with lessons from Brazil ». Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_9444_1367481569.
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Meepiarn, Worakamol. « Bargaining strategies for Developing Countries at the WTO : the case of Thailand and the Agreement on Agriculture in the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2232/.
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The central research question of the thesis concerns the bargaining and negotiating strategy, as well as the negotiating process, at the GATT and the WTO in relation to developing countries. The key questions this study set out to answer were: considering the vast power disparity developing countries face in multilateral trade negotiations in the GATT/WTO institution and among a number of available strategies, what is, then, the most effective bargaining strategy, under what conditions? The thesis has sought to make a principal argument corresponding to the research question of this study, based on the findings of the case of Thailand’s participation at the Uruguay Round negotiations. Firstly, the thesis shows that Thailand, along with other developing countries with the same level of economic development and a similar level of experience in multilateral trade negotiations, has not been able to rely on merely one negotiating strategy in order to attain the sought after outcomes. The thesis then illustrates that bargaining strategies have to be exercised in all channels. To further systemise, bargaining strategies could possibly be grouped into three levels: (1) international, where coalition building and mixed strategy of distributive and integrative tactics can be utilised; (2) regional, where regional agreements/regional-based coalitions can be utilised as a springboard for bargaining; and (3) domestic, where the role of individual officials and ministers can feed into the effectiveness of the bargaining strategies being conducted. Therefore, the thesis argues that the limited bargaining power of developing countries makes coalition-building an especially crucial and most appealing tool for their effective diplomacy. The thesis also argues that the most effective bargaining tactics are those of a mixture of distributive and integrative tactics, as stipulated by Odell. The thesis contends that Thailand’s experience seems to throw light on the inadequacies of the conventional accounts of domestic-driven negotiation analysis that assume the great role of domestic institutional inputs in the trade policy formulation process. They assume that trade negotiators and officials arrive at the negotiating position after having calculated and balanced inputs from diverse interests within the state. It is believed that negotiation alternatives for any country are direct outcomes of the particular alignment of domestic actors and interests. However, the finding suggests that a very different dynamic is at work in Thailand. Finally, the thesis has maintained that the driving force in trade policy and negotiating strategy in Thailand remains in the hands of the state, mainly via bureaucratic officials. Therefore, new development in negotiation analysis is needed that is of relevance to developing countries’ experiences, since many developing countries with very different political structures and societies have reacted in very similar ways at the international level.
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Reis, Magnus dos. « Ensaios acerca dos impactos da abertura multilateral sobre os fluxos de comércio e bem-estar dos países ». reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/172472.
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Utilizando o modelo gravitacional, estimado através da Pseudo Máxima Verossimilhança de Poisson com a inclusão de efeitos fixos, esta tese de doutorado fornece evidências de que a OMC teve um profundo impacto sobre o comércio internacional. Entretanto, esse impacto ocorreu de forma assimétrica entre os setores, países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento, membros e não membros. Considerando as importações agregadas, os países em desenvolvimento foram os mais favorecidos pela atuação da OMC, porém com dados desagregados de produtos primários, têxteis e industrializados, os países desenvolvidos foram os que mais se beneficiaram do aumento do comércio mundial promovido pela OMC. Muito embora as nações desenvolvidas também tiveram seus fluxos de comércio ampliados pela OMC nos setores têxtil e industrial, o maior crescimento ocorreu no setor primário. Além disso, esses países não discriminaram os não membros da instituição. Diferentemente, a abertura comercial dos países em desenvolvimento foi discriminatória e o crescimento do comércio foi observado apenas em produtos primários e industriais, mas em menor magnitude que as nações desenvolvidas. Alternativamente, utilizando o Modelo de Equilíbrio Geral Computável do GTAP, foram avaliados os impactos de uma hipotética conclusão da Rodada de Doha sobre os países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento, membros e não membros da OMC. Os resultados sugerem que, ao incorporar a redução de barreiras não tarifárias nas reformas, além das tarifas de importação e subsídios à exportação, os ganhos, em termos de PIB e bem-estar, ampliam-se para os seus membros, sugerindo que seus efeitos são claramente dominantes em relação às tarifas de importação e aos subsídios à exportação. Considerando o cenário de maior liberalização comercial, os países desenvolvidos teriam um crescimento de bem-estar de aproximadamente US$ 572 bilhões, enquanto os em desenvolvimento aumentariam US$ 441 bilhões. O custo de não ser membro da OMC, em termos de bem-estar, pode chegar até US$ 34 bilhões.Using the gravitational model, estimated through the Pseudo Maximum Likelihood of Poisson with the inclusion of fixed effects, this doctoral thesis provides evidence that the WTO had a profound impact on international trade. However, this impact occurred asymmetrically between the developed and developing countries, members and non-members. Considering aggregate imports, developing countries were the ones most benefited by the WTO, but with disaggregated data on primary, textile and industrialized products, developed countries benefited most from the increase in world trade promoted by the WTO. Although developed nations also had their trade flows expanded by the WTO in the textile and industrial sectors, the largest growth occurred in the primary sector. In addition, these countries did not discriminate against non-members of the institution. In contrast, trade liberalization in developing countries was discriminatory and trade growth was observed only in primary and industrial products, but to a lesser extent than developed nations. Also, using the GTAP General Computable Equilibrium Model, the impacts of a hypothetical conclusion of the Doha Round on the developed and developing countries, members and non-members of the WTO, were evaluated. The results suggest that, by incorporating the reduction of non-tariff barriers in the reforms, in addition to import tariffs and export subsidies, gains in terms of GDP and welfare increase for its members, suggesting that its effects Are clearly dominant in relation to import tariffs and export subsidies. Considering the scenario of increased trade liberalization, developed countries would have a welfare growth of approximately US$ 572 billion while developing countries would increase US$ 441 billion. The cost of not being a member of the WTO in terms of welfare can reach up to US$ 34 billion.
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Balúnová, Slávka. « Perspektívy Katarského kola : postoje veľkých ázijských ekonomík ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-199787.
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India, China and Indonesia are among the six largest and fastest growing economies in the world (BRIICS). Rich countries are still reluctant to accept the fact that developing countries are becoming stronger and that the balance of economic power is shifting. The international community therefore seeks to find the way how to deal with this situation and the answer is to involve developing countries in the international trade. The main objective of the WTO is to involve developing countries in world trade and to create better conditions for them. Therefore, in 2001, the Doha Development Agenda has commenced and its aim is to achieve the goals of the WTO. The main objective of this paper is to evaluate the success of the Doha round and its prospects with the focus on the attitudes and interests of the major Asian economies, namely China, India and Indonesia.
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Woodland, Stephen J. « Agriculture and the macro-economy : a case study of the European Community market for common wheat with reference to the current round of multilateral trade negotiations / ». Title page, contents and introduction only, 1988. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09EC/09ecW891.pdf.
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Bhatanacharoen, Pojanath. « Assessing the influence of small EU member states on WTO global trade negotiations on agricultural policy in the Doha Round : a comparative analysis of Denmark and Ireland through a multi-level game perspective ». Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.500902.
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This thesis assesses the implications of multilateralism on state behaviour and the ability to shape the negotiation outcomes. More specifically, this thesis examines the small European Union (EU) states' strategy, motivation and influence on the agricultural trade negotiations. Small states face greater challenge as the European Council decides trade issues by Qualified Majority Voting which generally favours bigger member states with heavier voting weight. In the current Doha Round negotiations of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) (2000 - 2006), the increasing pressures from within the EU and WTO continue to challenge the viability of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). In particular, the United States and the CAIRNS group countries criticised heavily the EU's protectionist approach to CAP.
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Kozáková, Michaela. « Vývoj, výsledek, budoucnost a hrozby aneb multilaterální systém v otázkách ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-261824.
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This diploma thesis aims to set a complex view on the current process of multilateral trade agreements under the World Trade Organization and point out the direction of DOHA negotiations. The emphasis is put on the Tenth Ministerial Conference, which took place in Nairobi in December 2015. Stances and demands of the WTO member are analysed step by step. The thesis considers threats that possibly come from plurilateral, bilateral and regional agreements and evaluate a potential risk for the multilateral trading system. For this purpose, the thesis is divided into four chapters. First chapter examine theoretical introduction to WTO and particularly to Development Doha Agenda, which is important for subsequent understanding of actual issues. Second part analyses in detail the negotiations in main negotiating parts of DDA before and after a summer break. Following chapter fluently continues with analyse of the progress after summer break and points out some current questions about preparations for MC10 and expectations. Space is also given to the MC10 and its outcomes. Finally, the last chapter gives a thought to future scenarios concerning function of the WTO.
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Ngom, Abdoulaye. « L'OMC et l'accès des pays en développement au marché agricole de l'Union Européenne : entre traitement spécial et différencié et statut particulier de l'agriculture ». Thesis, Rennes 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017REN1G003.
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L’adoption par l’OMC de mesures de TSD utiles pour promouvoir l’agriculture des PED par le commerce agricole a favorisé l’accès des PED au marché rémunérateur de l’UE par des schémas multiples qui ne sont pas encore répartis équitablement entre les PED. Les préférences tarifaires de l’UE accordées aux PED figurent parmi les plus importants instruments de développement commercial utilisés par les pays développés. Cependant, l’effectivité des mesures de TSD reste relative à cause des limites inhérentes à leur contenu influencé par le statut particulier de l’agriculture à l’OMC. L’UE continue de bénéficier d’arrangements spéciaux et pratique un protectionnisme agricole très complexe et très décrié sur le plan externe. Les politiques commerciales, agricoles, sociales, environnementales et sécuritaires en vigueur dans le marché agricole européen neutralisent les efforts consentis par les PED, plus particulièrement les PMA et les pays ACP, pour exploiter les préférences. L’avenir de l’accès des PED au marché agricole de l’UE est actuellement lié à l’aboutissement incertain des négociations du Cycle Doha sur le TSD et l’agriculture. Les Conférences ministérielles de Bali (décembre 2013) et de Nairobi (décembre 2015) ont permis de mettre sur pied des accords partiels et a minima qui semblent maintenir le déséquilibre subtil entre un TSD peu contraignant et un statut particulier de l’agriculture toujours résistant à l’OMC, sans apporter une solution définitive au statu quo de l’accès des PED aux marchés agricoles des pays développés. Les enjeux et les perspectives de l’accès des PED au marché agricole de l’UE dépendent de la direction que prendront les travaux en cours pour répondre aux questions de développement et de libéralisation agricole dans le cadre d’un vrai cycle de développementThe adoption by the WTO of special and differential treatment (SDT) measures that are useful for promoting the agriculture of developing countries through agricultural trade has favored the access of developing countries to the remunerative market of the EU through multiple schemes that are not yet evenly distributed between developing countries. EU tariff preferences for developing countries (DCs) are among the most important trade development instruments used by developed countries. However, the effectiveness of SDT measures remains relative because of the limitations inherent in their content influenced by the special status of agriculture in the WTO. The EU continues to benefit from special arrangements and practices agricultural protectionism that is very complex and highly criticized externally. The commercial, agricultural, social, environmental and security policies in force in the European agricultural market neutralize the efforts made by developing countries, in particular least developed countries (LDCs) and ACP countries, to exploit preferences.The future access of developing countries to the agricultural market of the EU is currently linked to the uncertain outcome of the Doha Round negotiations on SDT and agriculture. The Ministerial Conferences in Bali (December 2013) and Nairobi (December 2015) have led to the establishment of partial and minimum agreements that seem to maintain the subtle imbalance between a non-constraining SDT and a particular status of agriculture that is still resistant to The WTO without providing a definitive solution to the status quo of DCs access to agricultural markets in developed countries. The challenges and prospects of developing countries' access to the EU agricultural market depend on the direction of work in progress to address agricultural development and liberalization issues within a real development cycle
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Peng, Tingjun. « A study of imperfect competition of the Asian dairy markets : the impacts of DOHA round agricultural negotiations and further trade liberalization / ». 2006. http://www.library.wisc.edu/databases/connect/dissertations.html.
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Fru, Runick Alah. « Agricultural trade under the multilateral trade system in Sub-saharan Africa : a South African perspective with lessons from Brazil ». Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/3485.
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Mogomotsi, Goemeone Emmanuel Judah. « Exclusive greenroom meetings of the WTO : an examination of the equality principle in the decision-making process of the multilateral trading system ». Thesis, 2013. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_1427_1380713184.
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