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1
Sterphone, J. « The New Nationalism ? » German Politics and Society 38, no 4 (1 décembre 2020) : 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380402.
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This article examines the Alternative für Deutschland’s (AfD) racist, nationalist, and far-right discursive strategies in the lead-up to the 2017 federal election. Rather than taking the approach that this party constitutes a “new nationalism” that is out of touch with mainstream conceptions of German nationhood, the article depicts the ways in which the recognizability of the AfD’s anti-Muslim racism was predicated on mainstream civilizationist discursive repertoires and the rise of the populist-nationalist right. To do so, I compare themes presented by legal experts and mainstream politicians in favor of banning veiling in the mid-2000s to the civilizationist claims made by the AfD between 2015 and 2017. This article thus extends case analyses of contemporary right-wing nationalist and populist movements to Germany. It also emphasizes the antecedents of the “new nationalism” classification applied to such movements.
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IVANOVA, ELENA M. « RHETORICAL MODE OF DISCURSIVE PRACTICES OF MODERN RUSSIAN NATIONALISM ». Cherepovets State University Bulletin 4, no 103 (2021) : 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/1994-0637-2021-4-103-3.
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The article examines the rhetorical mode of discursive practices related to modern Russian nationalism as a set of all linguopragmatic methods and means of implementing the communicative strategy of a nationalist text; the author analyses the rhetorical architectonics of the nationalist text by the specific material (media texts by Egor Kholmogorov).
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Dawood, Mahmood Abbas, et Wasan Mahmood Abbas. « Discursive Strategies in Western Political Discourse : Nationalism and Immigration ». Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities 27, no 12 (22 décembre 2020) : 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/jtuh.27.12.2020.23.
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The current study is an attempt to reveal hidden nationalist attitudes in the political discourse of the American right-wing party in the USA using critical discourse analysis. The study aims at identifying the discursive strategies used in political discourse with regards to nationalism and immigration, investigating the construction of in-groups and out-groups, clarifying the positive self-presentation and negative others presentation, showing the most common warrants used to justify nationalist rhetoric against immigrants and, setting conclusions. In order to achieve the aims of the study, it is hypothesized that (i) Discursive strategies are used to construct immigrants as out-groups and political actors and their allies as in-groups (ii) Political actors use positive self image to present themselves and negative others to present immigrants. (iii) political actors use criminalization ideologies to justify their nationalist discourse against immigrants . In order to achieve the aims of the present study, the following procedures are followed (i) Data is selected from the YouTube which is a press conference for the American right-wing president, Donald Trump (ii) The data has been analyzed linguistically to show discursive strategies used by Trump with regards to nationalism and immigration (iii)The model adapted for this study is DHA to CDA; Reisigl and Wodak (2001,2009).The study comes up with these conclusions (i) Results of the study verify all the hypotheses set forward (ii) Trump names immigrants as part of out-group and his people as in-group (iii) Trump presents immigrants with negative others image and present himself with positive self-image(iv)Nationalism in the USA is a civic nationalism.
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Greenberg, Jessica. « Nationalism, Masculinity and Multicultural Citizenship in Serbia* ». Nationalities Papers 34, no 3 (juillet 2006) : 321–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600766628.
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Since the 5 October revolution that formally ushered Serbia into a democratic era, political commentators, scholars, civic activists and others have watched the country for signs of resurgent nationalism. Many perceived the primary threat to the new democratic order as the persistence of nationalism, particularly in the years after the 2003 assassination of Zoran Djindjić. Such nationalism, forged in the 1980s and 1990s, was subject to eruptions among unsavory politicians, pensioners, Mafiosi and denizens of Belgrade's suburbs and Serbia's “backward” countryside. The problem underlying this model of resurgent nationalism is that it assumes, and simultaneously constructs, nationalism as a static and unchanging arrangement of ideological and social factors that flare up and die down in response to political stimuli—the arrest of indicted war criminals, the outrageous rhetoric of populist politicians, negotiations over the status of Kosovo, or high-stakes sporting events. While there is no question that such events create discursive space for nationalist, sexist and racist agendas, the flare-up model presents a dangerous simplification of how nationalisms work.
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Nawaz, Dr Rafida, et Syed Hussain Murtaza. « Ethnic Nationalism or Uneven Development : A Subaltern Realist Analysis of Bengali Nationalism in Pakistan ». Journal of Law & ; Social Studies 4, no 1 (31 mars 2022) : 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.52279/jlss.04.01.113130.
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After a short span of achieving statehood on basis of religious identity, the Bengali Muslims redefined their identity and once again demanded a separate state on basis of linguistic identity. Hobsbawm believe that identity formation in terms of nationhood is a result of deliberate ideological engineering. Economic factors serve as tangible signposts to cultural subjugation. Though many historians owe the Bengali nationalism and claims of statehood to linguistic and cultural difference that proved detrimental for state and nation making in pre 1971 Pakistan, the prime argument of this paper is that nationalist discourse is a discursive formation and a sort of language game rooted in material socio economic phenomenon of inequality and disparity. The concept of inequality and disparity essentially employ that a binary exists, and a group is feeling excluded, marginalized and at disadvantageous position in respect to some other group. The feeling of victimhood is at base of the nationalist movements and (re)definition of identity. Employing the concept of Subaltern Realism given by Mohammed Ayoob and the toolkit of Foucauldian Discourse Analysis, and taking discourse as a combination of material and discursive formations, influencing human subjectivities and conditions of existence; the paper will examine the material economic conditions of existence in pre 1971 Pakistani federation and discursive responses as claims of self-determination and separatist nationalism. One of the key findings of paper is that ethnic Bengali nationalism was a derivative phenomenon of economic exclusion and uneven development.
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Patil, Tejaswini. « The Politics of Race, Nationhood and Hindu Nationalism ». Asian Journal of Social Science 45, no 1-2 (2017) : 27–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04501002.
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The discussion on Hindu-Muslim conflict in India has revolved around religious or ethno-nationalist explanations. Employing the Gujarat riots of 2002 as a case study, I argue that dominant (Hindu) nationalism is linked to the ideas of “race” and has its roots in Brahminical notions of Aryanism and colonial racism. The categories of “foreign, hypermasculine, terrorist Other” widely prevalent in the characterisation of the Muslim Other, are not necessarily produced due to religious differences. Instead, social and cultural cleavages propagated by Hindu nationalists have their origins in race theory that accommodates purity, lineage, classification and hierarchy as part of the democratic discourses that pervade the modern nation-state. It focuses on how the state and non-state actors create discursive silences and normalise violence against minority communities by embodying emotions of fear, hate and anger among its participants to protect Hindu nationalism.
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Boeva, Luc. « "Yet another book on nationalism." Enkele recente bijdragen tot de theorievorming ». WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 72, no 1 (1 avril 2013) : 68–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v72i1.15954.
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Deze bijdrage bespreekt aan de hand van een aantal recente publicaties drie thema's uit het actuele theoretisch debat rond nationalisme: de moderniteit van naties en nationalisme, nationale identiteit en de comparatieve methode. Over het eerste verscheen een boek dat een nieuwe, op historische bronnen gebaseerde, start voor de studie van het nationalisme wil betekenen, tegen het modernistisch paradigma in. Volgens auteur Caspar Hirschi ligt de oorsprong van nationalisme in de late Middeleeuwen, vroege vormen van nationalisme kwamen reeds tijdens de Renaissance voor en modern nationalisme kon enkel dergelijke mobiliserende kracht verwerven omdat het reeds lang aanwezig was in politiek, geleerdheid en kunst. Niet de aantrekkingskracht voor de massa was belangrijk, maar wel de nabijheid van de nationalisten tot de macht. Het identiteitsdebat wordt steeds meer gevoerd, maatschappelijk maar ook in verschillende wetenschappelijke disciplines. Zoals in de discursieve benadering door Ludo Beheydt van de culturele identiteit van de Nederlanden langs taal en kunst, of in de verzamelbundel rond de spanningsrelatie met het internationale en het lokale bij de nationale legitimering in België en Nederland tijdens de 19de eeuw, bij literatuur- en taalbeschouwing, de geschiedschrijving en de productie van 'eigen' literatuur. Ten slotte passeren enkele bijdragen rond de methodologie voor de vergelijkende studie van het nationalisme alsmede enkele recente toepassingen de revue.___________
"Yet another book on nationalism". Some recent contributions to the generation of theories
This contribution discusses three themes from the current theoretical debate about nationalism on the basis of a number of recent publications: the modernity of nations and nationalism, national identity and the comparative method. In reference to the first theme, a book was published that hopes to provide a new beginning for the study of nationalism, based on historical sources, and contrary to the modernist paradigm. According to the author Caspar Hirschi, the origin of nationalism dates from the late Middle Ages. Early forms of nationalism already existed during the Renaissance whilst modern nationalism was only able to acquire such a mobilising power because it had been present for such a long time in politics, erudition and art. What was important was not its attractiveness for the masses, but the nationalists’ proximity to power. The identity debate is taking place more and more frequently, in society as well as in several scientific disciplines. For instance, it is found in Ludo Beheydt’s discursive approach to the cultural identity of the Netherlands via language and art, or in the collected works about the field of tension between the international and local level for the national legitimation in Belgium and the Netherlands during the 19th century, in debates about literature and language, the historiography and the production of the ‘own’ literature. Finally, some contributions are reviewed about the methodology for the comparative study of nationalism as well as some recent applications thereof.
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Grad Fuchsel, Hector, et Luisa Martín Rojo. « “Civic” and “ethnic” nationalist discourses in Spanish parliamentary debates ». Journal of Language and Politics 2, no 1 (31 décembre 2002) : 31–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.2.1.04gra.
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Parliamentary debates on the definition of the nation-state and national identities are a very revealing discursive domain of tracing the cues of the social construction of this category. Integrating social-psychological and discourse analyses, this article studies how Spanish nationalism interacts with the most influential regional (Catalonian and Basque) nationalisms in the Spanish Parliament in Madrid, and in the regional Parliaments of Catalonia and the Basque Country. The study is based on a two-dimensional framework, which characterises nationalist cultures in terms of their Institutional Status (“established” vs. “rising” nationalism), and in terms of the Basic Assumptions (“civic” vs. “ethnic” aspects in the social representation of the nation — Smith, 19986, 1991). According to the conceptual framework, each of these nationalisms represents a different combination of “established” (Spanish) or “rising” (Basque and Catalonian) Institutional Status as well as of “civic” (in Catalonia) or “ethnic” (Spanish and the Basque) Basic Assumptions (Grad, 1999). The study shows that, in these parliamentary contexts, the Institutional Status and the Basic Assumptions not only configure different nationalist positions, but also configure distinct “discursive formations” — reflected in interactional dynamics (of inclusion vs. exclusion, compatibility vs. incompatibility, and consensus vs. conflict relations) — between the different national projects and identities. These discourses belong to an “enunciative system” including systematic subject (the dominant national identity), system of references (or referential) terms to denote national categories or supra-regional — Spain, Spanish State, Basque Country, Catalonia — that serve to distinguish between national in-group and out-group, and clearly differ in extent and connotations in established and rising national codes), as well as associated fields (more ascriptive membership criteria, rigid group boundaries, requirement of internal homogeneity, restrictive referent and extension of the “us” in the ethnic than in civic codes), and materiality (strategies of discursive polarisation, especially salient in the Basque Country parliamentary discourse, which both indicate less compatibility between identities and aim to delegitimise dissent with regard to national referents and goals). Finally, in parliaments where ethnic codes are confronted (Spanish and Basque) politeness is impaired, there is a higher degree of controversy, and the strategies of delegitimisation constitute strong face-threatening acts which endanger the “tacit contract” of the parliamentary interactions. In this regard, ethnic centralist and independentist political positions make harder the compatibility between national identities than civic regional-nationalist and federal proposals. Recent confrontations between Spanish and Basque national positions seem to confirm the patterns found in this analysis.
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Bhagavan, Manu. « The Rebel Academy : Modernity and the Movement for a University in Princely Baroda, 1908–49 ». Journal of Asian Studies 61, no 3 (août 2002) : 919–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3096351.
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In recent analyses of nationalism in colonial South Asia, Partha Chatterjee and Tanika Sarkar, among others, have argued that as a result of colonial domination in the “public sphere”—the realm of the state and civil society—Indian male nationalists deployed the “private sphere”—the realm of the home—as the discursive site of anticolonial nationalist imaginaries. The internal space of the home was “the one sphere where improvement could be made through [Indian men's] own initiative, changes could be wrought, where education would bring forth concrete, manipulable, desired results” (Sarkar 1992, 224; Chatterjee 1989) and it therefore took on “compensatory significance” in the experience of modernity in India (Chakrabarty 2000, 215–18).
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Jovanović, Srđan Mladenov. « The Dveri Movement Through a Discursive Lens. Serbia’s Contemporary Right-Wing Nationalism ». Südosteuropa 66, no 4 (19 décembre 2018) : 481–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2018-0038.
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Abstract Twenty-first century Serbian nationalism has had little serious analysis. Most works concentrate heavily on the nineties and the wars of Yugoslav secession, which produced a wide variety of rampant forms of nationalism throughout former Yugoslavia. Since 5 October 2000, right-wingers have somewhat softened their line in public discourse and lost some of their popular appeal, but strong nationalist tendencies have remained, taking their place in Serbia’s social and political discourses. These tendencies have been concentrated around certain extreme right-wing groups, chief among them Dveri srpske, which has been active since the early nineties. After organizing itself politically, this movement has refurbished its image and discourse, and, in the April 2016 elections, has even succeeded in entering parliament. Here, the author analyses Dveri’s agenda and key convictions: antisemitism, an anti-EU stance, support for Putin’s Russia, clericalism, and homophobia. He also reviews Dveri’s change of image and discourse over time.
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Dikōtter, Frank. « Nationalism and Sexuality in China ». Itinerario 18, no 2 (juillet 1994) : 10–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300022464.
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Following the influential volumes of Benedict Anderson (Imagined communities) and Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (The invention of tradition), a number of recent publications have moved away from the more conventional focus on political nationalism to highlight the cultural expressions of national identities in East Asian history. From the manipulation of physical objects like flags, uniforms and monuments to symbolically represent the nation, to the discursive invention of identities in nationalist ideologies, cultural nationalism as an object of historical investigation has come into vogue. The emphasis on the interpretation of symbols like the Great Wall and the Yellow River no doubt contributes to our understanding of Chinese cultural history, but can it really account for the deeper changes wrought by the spread of nationalism? As I have pointed out elsewhere, the racialization of nationalist identities, with its myths of origins, ideologies of blood and narratives of descent, for instance, has been of great importance in China and remains significant to this day. Instead of explaining how ‘the Chinese’ have invented cultural symbols that represent the nation, it might be more fruitful to deconstruct the notion of ‘Chineseness’ itself as a nationalist invention that can be dated back to the first half of this century.
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Gray, Debra, Aislinn Delany et Kevin Durrheim. « Talking to ‘real’ South Africans : An Investigation of the Dilemmatic Nature of Nationalism ». South African Journal of Psychology 35, no 1 (mars 2005) : 127–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124630503500108.
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This study is a discursive analysis of how a group of South Africans, who are seriously contemplating emigration, talk about South Africa and their place in it. The primary aim was to investigate the discursive construction of national categories, in order to highlight the way in which context informs both the content and nature of nationalist accounting. The talk of emigrating South Africans showed the existence of a fundamental dilemma of nationalism, as evidenced by the existence of coexisting, contradictory themes of nationalism and anti-nationalism across the interviews. Participants attempted to resolve this dilemma by identifying and disidentifying with a ‘South African’ national category at various points. In particular, three rhetorical strategies are discussed that allowed participants to distance themselves from the national category, that is, collective versus personal, splintering the nation and refuting the collective. These findings are compared to those of Billig's (1995) work on banal nationalism and Condor's (2000) study of English national identity in order to draw parallels, or point to differences, in the way that people orient to national categories in different settings. These findings highlight that generalist studies of discourse may not be relevant across all national contexts. Instead, it is argued that an understanding of South African national accounting will very much depend on an understanding of the contexts in which these accounts are realised.
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Wang, Jiayu. « Representing Chinese nationalism/patriotism through President Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Dream” Discourse ». Journal of Language and Politics 16, no 6 (12 juin 2017) : 830–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.16028.wan.
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Abstract This paper analyzes the Chinese nationalism or patriotism embodied in Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Dream” discourse. It first reviews the “typological tradition” of categorizing nationalism into different types, for instance, banal, hot and cultural nationalism. Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Dream” discourse goes beyond the explanation of these distinct types of nationalism. Instead, it embodies a “hybrid” type of nationalism/patriotism that is at once banal, state, cultural, and “de-banalized”. This study adopts a dialectical-relational perspective by viewing the “Chinese Dream” discourse as representations of social practices through which politicians utilize a wide range of discursive resources including thematic, evaluative and cultural representations to evoke the imagination of a common identity in support of their governance. Through the analysis, this study advocates a holistic view of nationalism in real political practices; it also focuses on how nationalism is evoked and propagated through the integration of various discursive resources embodying a hybrid type of nationalism.
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Eversberg, Dennis. « Innerimperiale Kämpfe ». PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 48, no 190 (16 mai 2018) : 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v48i190.31.
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Dennis Eversberg: A conflict within the empire. Three theses on the relation between authoritarian nationalism and the imperial mode of living. The article analyses the success of authoritarian nationalist party „Alternative für Deutschland“ (AfD). Firstly, it is argued that voting for the AfD was not a ‘displaced’ form of reaction to actual or feared experiences of economic disadvantage or relegation. In fact, the AfD’s voter voted for the party because they support its authoritarian nationalist ideas. Secondly, authoritarian nationalism’s character as a vertical class alliance between parts of the elites on the one and segments of the middle and lower classes on the other hand is highlighted – an alliance that wants to reverse the transformation from post-war organized capitalism to the contemporary flexible capitalist regime. Thirdly, it is argued that the current conflict between “progressive neoliberalism” (Fraser) and authoritarian nationalism takes place on the firm ground of a shared consensus about the imperial mode of living. It is a conflict about the modernization of this mode of living and about how to best defend it. A critique of the global injustices it causes and perpetuates, or credible demands for overcoming it, can only be articulated from a globally solidary position that rejects this bipolar discursive constellation altogether.
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Guo, Yingjie. « From Marxism to nationalism : The Chinese Communist Party's discursive shift in the post-Mao era ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 52, no 4 (24 octobre 2019) : 355–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2019.10.004.
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The Chinese Communist Party's dramatic shift from Mao Zedong's Chinese Revolution to Xi Jinping's Chinese Dream remains under-examined and even misunderstood or mispresented despite its enormous impact on every aspect of national life in the People's Republic of China. There is a clear need for in-depth analysis of the extent to which the CCP has departed from the philosophical foundation of Marxism and Maoism, abandoned socialism and communism, inverted its long tradition of iconoclasm, transformed its own identity and altered its subject position. Part of the CCP's philosophical departure from Marxism and Maoism is its increasing conversion to nationalism. The new nationalism underpinning the Chinese Dream, in particular, operates against the grain of Marxism and Maoism, and vice versa, and is logically irreconcilable with the latter — so much so that the CCP cannot be nationalists and Marxists, Maoists or communists at the same time. The contradictory logics between nationalism and Marxism can be best seen from their respective conceptions of permanence and change, the unity and conflict of opposites, and conceptions of, and approaches to, tradition and the past, which have had major ramifications in political-cultural change in post-Mao China, especially in Xi's New Era.
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Teehankee, Julio C. « Duterte's Resurgent Nationalism in the Philippines : A Discursive Institutionalist Analysis ». Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 35, no 3 (décembre 2016) : 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341603500304.
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Early in his administration, Rodrigo Duterte, the controversial sixteenth president of the Philippines, did what no other Filipino president has done before – announce a separation from the geopolitical interests of its former colonial master, the United States of America. Beyond the personal slights caused by the US criticism of his anti-drug campaign lies a deeper sense of historical grievance that has been ingrained in Duterte's generation and his identity as a Mindanaoan. Not only does he represent Mindanao's resentment towards “imperial Manila,” but also a historical blowback against “US imperialism.” Duterte's nationalist exhortations can be traced to the cycle of regime narratives in the Philippines, which serves as a medium for institutional continuity and change through the mobilisation of ideas at a discursive level. By reviving the anti-US nationalism of his youth, Duterte is repudiating the liberal reformist, albeit elitist, narrative of the Aquino-to-Aquino regimes. Duterte's so-called “pivot to China” is also a dramatic reversal of his predecessors’ strong anti-China and rabidly pro-American foreign policy position. This paper blends Vivien A. Schmidt's discursive institutional analytical framework with Stephen Skowronek's concept of presidential leadership in political time to analyse how crafted narratives are transformed into governance scripts that bind together a coalition of interests within a particular institutional setting.
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Sharma, Nandita. « Against National Sovereignty : The Postcolonial New World Order and the Containment of Decolonization ». Studies in Social Justice 14, no 2 (8 janvier 2021) : 391–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v14i2.2286.
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In this paper, I examine the growing reliance on discourses of autochthony in nationalisms throughout the world. Native-ness (or indigeneity) is increasingly being made a key criterion for claiming national sovereignty over territory, as well as the more amorphous – but no less consequential – claim to national membership. By examining the crucial colonial genealogy of autochthonous discursive practices, I argue that claims to autochthony are metaphysical and, as such, deeply depoliticizing of the exclusions they produce. Drawing upon historical studies showing how imperial-states deployed autocthonous discourses to divide those they categorized as Natives and Migrants from one another in an effort to maintain their imperial rule, I show the continuities of such practices in the Postcolonial New World Order of nation-states. Despite their rhetoric, I argue that contemporary, nationalist discourses of autochthonies have not – and cannot – succeed in realizing decolonization, precisely because of their reliance on modes of political, economic, and social exclusion based on the separation of people categorized as either Native-Nationals or as Migrants. The material force of ideas of Native-Nationalism(s), because they are premised on territorial sovereignty and not on the end of practices of expropriation and exploitation across the planet, are part of the worldwide relations of ruling and not threats to it.
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Sharma, Nandita. « Against National Sovereignty : The Postcolonial New World Order and the Containment of Decolonization ». Studies in Social Justice 14, no 2 (8 janvier 2021) : 391–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v14i2.2286.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this paper, I examine the growing reliance on discourses of autochthony in nationalisms throughout the world. Native-ness (or indigeneity) is increasingly being made a key criterion for claiming national sovereignty over territory, as well as the more amorphous – but no less consequential – claim to national membership. By examining the crucial colonial genealogy of autochthonous discursive practices, I argue that claims to autochthony are metaphysical and, as such, deeply depoliticizing of the exclusions they produce. Drawing upon historical studies showing how imperial-states deployed autocthonous discourses to divide those they categorized as Natives and Migrants from one another in an effort to maintain their imperial rule, I show the continuities of such practices in the Postcolonial New World Order of nation-states. Despite their rhetoric, I argue that contemporary, nationalist discourses of autochthonies have not – and cannot – succeed in realizing decolonization, precisely because of their reliance on modes of political, economic, and social exclusion based on the separation of people categorized as either Native-Nationals or as Migrants. The material force of ideas of Native-Nationalism(s), because they are premised on territorial sovereignty and not on the end of practices of expropriation and exploitation across the planet, are part of the worldwide relations of ruling and not threats to it.
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Iveson, Mandie. « Gendered dimensions of Catalan nationalism and identity construction on Twitter ». Discourse & ; Communication 11, no 1 (22 janvier 2017) : 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481316683293.
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Support for independence in Catalonia has been rapidly increasing since 2010. Civil organisations have been instrumental in the secessionist movement and have used social media to mobilise the Catalan public and raise national consciousness. Drawing on theories of national identity, gender and nation, and the discursive construction of national identity, this article examines constructions of national identity and the gendered dimensions of these constructions in a Twitter corpus collected in the week up to the public consultation on independence held in Catalonia in November 2014. Analysis of the contrasting representations of men and women found in the data suggests that, among both the elites and the public, the contemporary Catalan nationalist project continues to be built on traditional gender normative models of nationalism. The study concludes that this type of nationalism has now become so banal that it has been naturalised and suggests that a more inclusive approach may be needed in future campaigns or in the Catalan nationalist project as a whole.
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Lee, Seul. « The Violent Homo, Nationization in Tomer Heymann's Paper Dolls and Arundhati Roy's The Ministry of Utmost Happiness ». QED : A Journal in GLBTQ Worldmaking 9, no 2 (1 juin 2022) : 113–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/qed.9.issue-2.0113.
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Abstract What if the discursive and political recognition of queer liberation colludes with a nationalist agenda to produce a unified statehood? Postcolonial and transnational feminists have critiqued the political mobilization of GLBTQ rights within the context of nation-state modernity. The politics of queer inclusion and its institutional, normative production of subjects deemed to be (un)acceptable promote the modernity of progressive nations, but also justify state violations of sexual, religious, and ethnic minorities. This article examines Tomer Heymann's documentary film Paper Dolls and Arundhati Roy's novel The Ministry of Utmost Happiness to articulate how the queer subjects in both texts play a role in and resist Israel's and India's optimization of Jewish and Hindu nations. I juxtapose the film and the novel to demonstrate that their focus on nonnormative, gender-variant subjects works differently: the film absorbs nationalist paradigms, whereas the novel critiques Hindu nationalism and anti-Muslim ideology. I argue that queer world-making intervenes in the paradoxical exercise of the recognition of queer rights in the service of the exclusionary policies of emerging nationalisms.
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Seligmann, Katerina Gonzalez. « Un-nationalisms of the Federated Archipelago ». Small Axe : A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 24, no 1 (1 mars 2020) : 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-8190589.
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The West Indies Federation, like the Confederación Antillana from the nineteenth century, was structured by a tension between the dream of a future Pan-Caribbean nation and the prospect of a sovereign archipelagic political body that would exceed the scope of the nation-state. Because of this tension, even if the vocabulary of “Caribbean nationalism” appears to determine debates about the drive to anticolonial sovereignty embedded in the project of federation, veritably “un-national” forms also abound in discourses around both federation projects. This essay highlights discursive forms pertaining to the West Indies Federation that often “pass” for nationalism while exceeding its bounds, arguing that these forms, ranging between an attachment to empire and the critique of empire, resist assimilation into nationalist frameworks.
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Isomae, Jun'ichi. « The discursive position of religious studies in Japan : Masaharu Anesaki and the origins of religious studies ». Method & ; Theory in the Study of Religion 14, no 1 (2002) : 21–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006802760198758.
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AbstractIn Japan today, the issue of religious cults is a frequent topic of discussion, particularly in the aftermath of the Aum Shinrikyo incident. However, at the time of the Aum incident, the views of scholars in religious studies were scarcely heeded. This can be attributed to the fact that for many people, religious studies was thought to lean too much toward a defense of religion. Focusing upon Masaharu Anesaki, the founder of religious studies in Japan, this article explores the fundamental characteristics of the discourse of religious studies as it has come down to the present day. It seeks to elucidate the close relationship of religious studies to the political situation in Japanese society during the Meiji period (1868-1912), and how this contributed to the development of the field. It further maintains that in conjunction with state policies for national education, the discourse of religious studies helped instantiate religion as an integral component of modern society, one defined particularly by the vacillation between individualism and nationalism. After World War II, there were few in Japan who would openly express admiration for nationalist ideology, but in religious studies a tendency toward nationalism remained evident in its yearning for the solidarity of religious groups and other kinds of communal bodies. Thus, even as its outward form underwent change, this tendency toward nationalism not only served as a defense of religion, but it also continued to uphold the existing discursive positionality of religious studies.
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Idris, Amir. « Historicizing Race, Ethnicity, and the Crisis of Citizenship in Sudan and South Sudan ». Middle East Journal 73, no 4 (1 décembre 2019) : 591–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/73.4.14.
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This article critically outlines the discursive construction of racial and ethnic identities in Sudan and South Sudan, arguing its legacy is essential to understand the entanglement of state-formation, nationalism, citizenship, and political violence in both countries. Race and ethnicity were central to the colonial, nationalist, and postcolonial projects of inventing the "North" and the "South" as self-contained entities, and the politicization of race and ethnicity after independence is largely a product of "Orientalizing" cultural differences through colonial administrative rules and postcolonial policies.
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Tomić, Đorđe. « On the ‘right’ side ? The Radical Right in the Post-Yugoslav Area and the Serbian Case ». Fascism 2, no 1 (2013) : 94–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00201012.
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The political transformation in the former Yugoslavia during the 1990s was marked by the establishment of a nationalist political mainstream. As a consequence of the Yugoslav wars, nationalism gained broad acceptance in most post-Yugoslav societies. This led to the emergence of many radical right groups, the majority of which support the nationalist policies of the Yugoslav successor states. Since the regime changes in most post-Yugoslav states around the year 2000, the nationalist paradigm has shifted towards a new mainstream, combining the promise of EU accession with neoliberal economic reforms, and slowly abandoning nationalism as a means of political mobilization/demobilization. The radical right groups in the post-Yugoslav area were generally on the right side during the 1990s, but they now face marginalization and even prosecution by state authorities. When pushed to the edge of the political field, however, these groups reorganize themselves. At the same time, several developments are fostering their existence and activities, namely the discursive normalization of nationalism, an unchallenged nationalist revisionism of history, and the reluctance of large parts of society to deal critically with the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s. Finally, due to the lack of strong left-wing parties and organizations, the radical right groups represent the only political alternative to the new pro-European mainstream. This article looks at the formation and development of radical right groups in the post-Yugoslav area, and situates this in the political context of the last two decades.
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Gupta, Arvind. « China's Discursive Nationalism : Contending in Softer Realmsby Bhavna Singh ». Strategic Analysis 37, no 1 (janvier 2013) : 136–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2013.737576.
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Lomagina, A. V. « The problem of nationalistic discourse in modern sociologic science ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 3(30) (28 juin 2013) : 160–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-3-30-160-166.
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The notion of discourse represents a major novelty in modern theory of nationalism. Discursive approach as a key method of social investigation continues to earn indisputable authority in modern science. The article is dedicated to study of nationalism as a specific social discourse and the way of cognizing and interpreting social reality.
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Jovanović, Srđan M. « The Discursive Creation of the ‘Montenegrin Language’ and Montenegrin Linguistic Nationalism in the 21st Century ». Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 13, no 1 (1 décembre 2018) : 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2018-0005.
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Abstract The Serbo-Croatian language was but one of the casualties of the wars of the Yugoslav secession, as it was discursively forcefully split into first two, then three, and recently four allegedly separate languages. The first line of division was promoted by Serbian and Croatian nationalist linguists during the early nineties, soon to be followed by the invention of a standalone Bosnian language, even though contemporary linguistics agrees that Serbo-Croatian, with its regional varieties (as a standardized polycentric language), is a single language. Coming late into the fray, nationally-minded linguists from Montenegro achieved the state-driven proclamation of Montenegrin as a separate language to be in official use within the state only in 2007. Backed by the state, a coterie of nationalist literary theorists and linguists started discursively promoting Montenegrin in academic and public spaces, mostly via the dubious quasi-academic journal titled Lingua Montenegrina. This article explores the manners in which Montenegrin nationalist linguists discursively created what they dub to be a language entirely separate from all variants of Serbo-Croatian, which are mostly contained in encomiastic texts about key nationalists, attempts to classify several allophones and phonemes as well as to assert the purported primordial character of the language.
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Rebello de Mendonça, Carlos Eduardo. « The Ambiguities of Nationalism ». Historical Materialism 24, no 3 (27 septembre 2016) : 217–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341464.
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In Communism and Nationalism in Portugal, José Neves is more concerned with the ideological history of the Portuguese Communist Party, that is to say with what discursive terms it concerned itself, than with the particular historical issues posed by its concrete development, and with the party’s actual history. In a nutshell, what we have in this work is an attempt to grasp the history of a Marxist party in non-Marxist terms. The whole outlook of the work is therefore concerned with looking at the intellectual history of Portuguese Communism from the outside, in terms of the development of a discourse that is not taken as true or false, but as a thing unto itself.
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Xenitidou, Maria. « National identity and otherness in Greek speakers’ talk about immigration : Methodological and transdisciplinary reflections ». MIGRATION LETTERS 8, no 2 (28 janvier 2014) : 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v8i2.160.
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The aim of the paper is to present the potential contribution of using Critical Discursive Psychology to study national identity and immigration. It draws upon a study on Greek national identity negotiations in relation to immigration. The study was guided by the perspective of banal nationalism which treats national identity as a form of life in a world divided into nation-states (Billig, 1995). In terms of Greek national identity and immigration, the study drew similarities between the perspective of banal nationalism and the critique of methodological nationalism (Wimmer and Schiller, 2002).
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Jovanović, Srđan. « Discursive Historical Continuities : Serbian Nationalist Discourse in the Printed Media on the Brink of the First Balkan War (1912) in Comparison with Today ». Supplement 9, no 1 (24 juillet 2021) : 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.37710/plural.v9i1s_4.
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This article explores the 1912 print media in Serbia in their relation to the Balkan Wars, comparing the nationalist topoi with the contemporary age and contemporary national groups. It analyzes the content of several articles printed in papers such as Illustrated War Chronicle (Ilustrovana ratna kronika) and the Serbian newspaper (Srpske novine), juxtaposing their discourse with contemporary Serbian nationalism. The primary sources from 1912 have not been discussed in scholarship, except a few mentions. It shows that after a century since the Balkan Wars has passed, the nationalist discourse has remained more than similar, using the same historical pathos of victimhood and “othering” of the Enemy
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Khosravi, Jamal, Hossein Aghapouri et Loghman Hamehmorad. « The Islamist Maktab-Quran in Iran and Its Challenges for Kurdish Nationalism ». Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 3, no 1 (28 juin 2016) : 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/52.
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Maktab Quran (MQ), or School of Quran, is the oldest Sunni Islamic political ideology in Iranian Kurdistan. Throughout the forty years of its existence it has gone through many semantic changes. These changes ranged from its cooperation with the Iranian Islamic movements in the 1960s, which represented a departure from Kurdish nationalism, to a divergent approach in more recent years as a result of the compromise with Kurdish nationalism on the part of the Iranian central government.This paper analyzes the discourse formation of the MQ under development within the broader domain of the Kurdish nationalist movement. Moreover, these discursive changes were mostly in response to certain developments in regard to mainstream Iranian Islamist ideology, and also the Iranian central government’s changing approach to Kurdistan. The paper provides a conceptual explanation of the MQ’s discourse. It discusses the way the discourse has changed over the years and relates the changes to various external factors, specifically, the social and political macro-changes in Kurdistan and in Iran.Studying the social acts of the MQ’s discourse from the perspective of the dominant discourse of Kurdish nationalism reveals the dialectic relationship between these two phenomena. In fact, as a result of the presence and expansion of Kurdish nationalism, which diverged from the approach of the central government, a broader social action emerged which has provided a ground for the discourse analysis of the MQ’s practices.
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Framke, Maria. « Shopping Ideologies for Independent India ? Taraknath Das’s engagement with Italian Fascism and German National Socialism ». Itinerario 40, no 1 (29 mars 2016) : 55–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511531600005x.
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While looking at the world’s politics and ideologies for a vision of the future nation state, India’s anti-British freedom activists and intellectuals remained deeply ambivalent about drawing lessons from Europe’s experience of Fascism and National Socialism. Indian nationalists cautiously admired elements of National Socialist and Fascist ideology and expressed their distress with imperialist expansionism, racism, and anti-Semitism that accompanied the two regimes. This article draws on the exemplary “global biography” of one such Indian internationalist thinker, Taraknath Das, to investigate interwar Indian preoccupation with Fascism and National Socialism in articulating the discursive ground of Indian nationalism.
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Dan Motaung, Tlhabane Mokhine. « The African Nationalist Idea of Africa ». Thinker 93, no 4 (25 novembre 2022) : 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/the_thinker.v93i4.2203.
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This paper probes the impact of colonial designs in the fabrication of native subjectivities, which eventuated in toxic political identities that would later undermine the post-colonial nationalist project. African history was shaped by three discursive periods: pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial. The colonisation period deformed, distorted and adulterated Africa’s pre-colonial cultural landscape—its sense of selfhood. African nationalism was a response to this ontologically debilitated condition of African personhood resulting from the violence of self-serving European colonial modernity, which created a structured subjugation of the African ‘other.’ African colonial elites at once defined and epitomised various forms of African nationalism against European incursion. However, these African modernisers failed to grasp the historicity of such enduringly baneful identity politics, and were thereby often themselves cast into the vortex of social contradictions reflective of this history. Mamdani made this observation when he stated that in kick-starting the nation-building project after independence, post-colonial elites turned their backs on the history of colonialism and thus on their own history.Instead, they modelled their political imagination on the modern European state, the result being the nationalist dream was imposed on the reality of colonially imposed fragmentation, leading to new rounds of nation-building by ethnic cleansing. Consequently, African nationalism has invariably spread across large swathes of postcolonial Africa as it degenerated into odious ethnonationalism and chauvinism. Only through a deeper historical understanding of these colonial processes of African political identification can an we begin to understand how this once glorious African nationalism regressed into a dystopian one. This article draws on history to dissect this legacy of subjective forms of African self-understanding.
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Moen-Larsen, Natalia. « Brothers and barbarians : Discursive constructions of ‘refugees’ in Russian media ». Acta Sociologica 63, no 2 (9 janvier 2019) : 226–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001699318817597.
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This article maps the unexplored terrain of representations of refugees in Russian media, using discourse theory and the concepts of subject positions and symbolic boundaries to analyse these representations. The research questions are: Who are the refugees? What discourses do they feature in? What kinds of symbolic boundaries do these representations maintain? This study analyses the three Russian newspapers Izvestija, Novaya gazeta and Rossiiskaya gazeta, focusing on how, between 1 January 2014 and 31 December 2015, these newspapers came to employ the term ‘refugee’ for persons from Ukraine and for those from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Analysis of the subject position of ‘refugee’ in discourses about security, humanitarianism, integration and nationalism reveals contrasting images of refugees from Ukraine and MENA refugees. The latter are represented as ‘threatening’ and ‘alien’: symbolic boundaries are maintained between Russians and these refugees as well as between ‘superior’ Russia and ‘inferior’ Europe. In contrast, refugees from Ukraine are often presented as similar to Russians. Nationalist discourse merges with security, humanitarian and integration discourses, creating contrasting symbolic boundaries between these two groups of refugees and Russians. Refugees are classed as ‘preferred’ or ‘non-preferred’ migrants on the basis not of their situation, but their ethnicity.
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Rubin, Abraham. « Zionism, Pan-Asianism, and the Postcolonial Predicament in the Interwar Writings of Eugen Hoeflich ». AJS Review 45, no 1 (avril 2021) : 120–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009420000446.
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In the early 1920s, the Viennese writer and journalist Eugen Hoeflich promoted a unique vision of Zionism that aligned Jewish nationalism with a set of anticolonial ideologies collectively known as Pan-Asianism. This article explores the poetic and political strategies Hoeflich employed in order to affiliate Zionism with the Pan-Asian idea in general, and the Indian anticolonial struggle in particular. I read Hoeflich's turn to Pan-Asianism as an attempt to work through a conceptual problem that theorist Partha Chatterjee calls the “postcolonial predicament.” That is, how might the Jews assert their collective identity without reproducing the Eurocentric discourses that presuppose their inferiority? Hoeflich's vision of Indian-Jewish solidarity constitutes an imaginative effort to de-Europeanize Jewish nationalism and disentangle Zionism from British imperial designs. On a broader level, this study sheds light on the transnational solidarities that informed central European Zionists in the interwar era, and points to the discursive continuities that linked Jewish nationalists in Europe to anticolonial thinkers in Asia.
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Statenkov, Artem. « The concept of a "special path" ; in the context of thinking about "East" ; and "West" ; ». nauka.me, no 4 (2021) : 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s241328880018131-8.
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This article attempts to analyze the concept of a “official nationalism” not only as a marker of civilizational development, but also as a discursive technique that produces knowledge in the context of categories such as “West” and “East”.
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Go, Julian, et Jake Watson. « Anticolonial Nationalism From Imagined Communities to Colonial Conflict ». European Journal of Sociology 60, no 01 (avril 2019) : 31–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000397561900002x.
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AbstractNationalism in the modern world began in European metropoles but spread throughout the world system in the form of anticolonial nationalism. While many studies have explored the former, this essay systematically examines the latter. Based upon an original database of 124 cases, we test multiple theories that might account for the origins and spread of anticolonial nationalism. We adjudicate between cultural-cognitive approaches emphasizing the discursive bases for national imaginings on the one hand and, on the other, theories that emphasize political-economic dynamics and elite conflict. Our time-series regression analysis suggests that while cultural-cognitive approaches best account for the initial wave of anticolonial nationalism, from 1700 to 1878, theories stressing political-economic dynamics and elite conflict explain anticolonial nationalism in the later wave, from 1879 to 1990. The analysis suggests that theories of nationalism need to be attentive to the historical specificity of their claims.
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Gidişoğlu, Sercan, et Kerem Rızvanoğlu. « Nationalism on the Internet : A discursive analysis of the Turkish c ». Bogazici Journal 25, no 2 (1 juillet 2011) : 83–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.21773/boun.25.2.5.
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Santoso, Didik Haryadi. « New Media and Nationalism in Indonesia : An Analysis of Discursive Nationalism in Online News and Social Media after the 2019 Indonesian Presidential Election ». Jurnal Komunikasi : Malaysian Journal of Communication 37, no 2 (30 juin 2021) : 289–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/jkmjc-2021-3702-18.
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Nationalism is an issue that is often contested in a political rally in various countries. Nationalism is generally used to describe two phenomena: first, the attitude of members of the nation when they care about their national identity. Second, it can be defined as any action performed by members of the nation to sustain their self-determination or political sovereignty. In the era of conventional media, nationalism was created from the dynamics of physical interaction, human to human. However, in the new media era, nationalism has turned into "human to technology to human". This leads to a dynamic that never happened before. To capture this, online news and social media data were captured using the SNA (Social Network Analysis) method, in collaboration with astramaya.id that saw 19 online news items listed. Data were also collected from Facebook (3,376 mentions), Instagram (3,417 mentions), Twitter (160,432 mentions), and YouTube (1,699 mentions). The time frame, July 2019 to July 2020, takes into account the high level of discussion on nationalism after the presidential election and Covid-19. This research found that: first, Indonesia’s Nationalism has divided into two caps; second, a non-human social media account gives a significant contribution to these cleavages; third, primordial sentiments take determining effect for every actor in generating cleavage. Keywords: Nationalism, online news, social media, social network analysis, Indonesia.
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Batiashvili, Nutsa. « Power/Memory : New Elite, Old Intelligentsia, and Fixing of the Georgian Mind ». Nationalities Papers 47, no 6 (novembre 2019) : 1083–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.29.
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AbstractThis article examines an ideological and a narrative rift between two elitist formations and two forms of nationalism that a practice of memory-making embodies. In the subterranean polemic where Soviet generation intelligentsia and liberal intellectuals animate the past on Russian–Georgian relations in two distinct ways, past becomes a critical terrain where the struggle over Georgia’s geopolitical belonging and the resulting disputes on national identity take place. This analysis not only flashes out recent discursive rifts, linking them to the broader political processes, but traces the genealogies of the narrative practices that enable two idioms of nationalist discourse. It is both an analysis of post-socialist class formations and of the semantic fields within which their idioms are embedded.
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Khan, Mahmud Hasan, et Ishtiaq Hossain. « The Rift Within An Imagined Community : Understanding Nationalism(s) in Bangladesh ». Asian Journal of Social Science 34, no 2 (2006) : 324–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853106777371229.
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AbstractThe continuing debate in Bangladesh over the national identity of its people — whether one is a Bangali or Bangladeshi — is a post-1975 phenomenon. One of the main themes of the independence war (1971) was 'Bangali nationalism'. However, it was replaced with 'Bangladeshi nationalism' by a military government following a bloody military coup in 1975. This major change in the label of the national identity of the people of Bangladesh requires explanation. A sharp distinction in the nature of politics in Bangladesh between the pre- and post-1975 era offers an explanation of the politics of identity in Bangladesh. This study shows that the manifestations of these political identities have been represented discursively, according to the political ideologies adopted by the successive regimes in Bangladesh. This paper studies the material representations of national identity, specifically the discursive construction of national identity in Bangladesh. It investigates also whether national identity discourse is a creation of the political rhetoric during different eras or it is "over-determined" in Althusserian terms. In other words, this paper questions the ontological basis of national identity in Bangladesh.
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Losich, Zhanna. « The symbolic role of Nagorno-Karabakh for the Armenian and Azerbaijani nationalism in the post-Soviet period ». Polylogos 5, no 4 (18) (2021) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s258770110017821-5.
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The article examines the symbolic meaning of Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) in the context of Armenian and Azerbaijani nationalism in the post-Soviet period. The author sets himself the task of identifying the key discursive elements constructed in the myths about Karabakh in the studied “nationalizing” states. The formation of Azerbaijani and Armenian identities, despite the common Soviet past, is conditioned by different internal and external conditions. Nevertheless, the mythical role of the Karabakh region has become an equally mobilizing core for the strengthening of Armenian and Azerbaijani nationalism. The author sees the conceptual components of the symbolic narrative about Artsakh for Armenian nationalism in such principles as the historical heritage, the image of the victim and the struggle for historical justice. For Azerbaijani nationalism, the author defines the place and role of Nagorno-Karabakh in the symbolism of territorial and state integrity.
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Rabeya, Sumaiya, et Mohammad Hossain. « Critique of ethnic nationalism in the teachings of Said Nursi : A study of nationalism and the question of Islam in Bangladeshi identity ». IIUC Studies 14, no 2 (20 décembre 2017) : 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/iiucs.v14i2.39881.
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Bediuzzaman Said Nursi, a strong proponent of Muslim unity, was always against what he called negative nationalism in Muslim societies. While he believed that nationalism could play a positive role in arousing compassion of Muslims, he also warned of its potential drawbacks and adverse consequences as a tool for domination and causing harm. Ethnic nationalism is primarily seen in highly homogenous societies throughout the world today. Bangladeshi nationalism, as developed by its proponents, has however, failed to be inclusive, and instead works within a framework which tends towards exclusion. This paper, through a discursive discussion of historical narratives and aspects of identity formation, argues that recent manifestations of the ills of Bangladeshi nationalism, stems from deeper issues related to failure of resolving the place of religious identity, mainly Islamic identity, within the Bangladeshi identity. This has led to aspects of negative nationalism, such as deeply polarized society, and aided in maintaining the divisive dichotomy of the secular and religious within the nation state in Bangladesh.
IIUC Studies Vol.14(2) December 2017: 71-84
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Klymenko, Lina. « “My Grandparents Are Separatists” : How Young Ukrainians Perceive Their National Community ». East/West : Journal of Ukrainian Studies 7, no 2 (26 octobre 2020) : 117–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/ewjus614.
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Based on focus group discussions with young people in Ukraine, this article analyzes how young Ukrainians conceptualize their national community. The understanding of nationalism in the study rests upon the concept of a discursive formation of a nation. In line with this concept, nationalism is viewed as a certain mode of discourse that reflects citizens’ interpretations of who constitutes a nation. The analysis of the focus group discussions reveals how young Ukrainians perceive the Ukrainian nation in terms of a community with a specific socio-political order, culture, and mentality.
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Ural, Haktan. « Turkishness on the stage : Affective nationalism in the Eurovision Song Contest ». International Journal of Cultural Studies 22, no 4 (20 décembre 2018) : 519–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367877918820335.
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This study examines the Eurovision stage as a cultural space that cultivated an affective-discursive terrain forging Turkish national identity. It draws upon the media texts as a heuristic to examine how an image of ‘Turkishness’ was created and negotiated. Focusing in particular on four specific cases (Semiha Yankı in 1975, Çetin Alp in 1983, Şebnem Paker in 1997 and Sertab Erener in 2003), this study suggests that the Eurovision stage was a space where ‘Turkishness’ encountered an imagined ‘Europeanness’. In these cases, affective discourses gave meanings of national allegories of ‘Turkishness’ to performing bodies on the Eurovision stage. The affective registers generated a discursive formation shaping the contours of ‘Turkishness’ in relation to Europe. Yet these discourses did not generate fixed and stable meanings. In particular, the construction of national success was negotiated and contested in terms of the appropriateness of the national embodiment.
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Callahan, Kevin. « “Performing Inter-Nationalism” in Stuttgart in 1907 : French and German Socialist Nationalism and the Political Culture of an International Socialist Congress ». International Review of Social History 45, no 1 (avril 2000) : 51–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000000031.
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The emphasis on ritual, political symbolism and public display at international socialist congresses highlights important cultural dimensions of the Second International that historians have, until now, left unexplored. From 1904 until the International Socialist Congress of Stuttgart in 1907, French and German socialists articulated – in both symbolic and discursive forms – a socialist nationalism within the framework of internationalism. The Stuttgart congress represented a public spectacle that served a cultural function for international socialism. The international performance at Stuttgart was, however, undermined by the inability of the SFIO and the SPD to reconcile their conflicting conceptions of “inter-nationalism”.
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IVANOVA, ELENA M. « LINGUOPRAGMATIC PARAMETERS OF THE OWN - ALIEN OPPOSITION IN THE CONTEMPORARY DISCOURSE OF RUSSIAN NATIONALISM (ON THE MATERIAL OF E.KHOLMOGOROV’S TEXTS) ». Cherepovets State University Bulletin 5, no 98 (2020) : 38–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/1994-0637-2020-5-98-3.
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The article examines the representation issues regarding the basic opposition of the political discourse OWN - ALIEN in the discursive practices of modern Russian nationalism, gives a general description of the opposition OWN - ALIEN in the space of political communication, presents linguistic and pragmatic parameters of this opposition in the texts byEgorKholmogorov.
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Pershái, Alexander. « Minor Nation ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 24, no 3 (11 mai 2010) : 379–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409360553.
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In the twentieth century, nationalism has become an unwritten yet strong hegemonic rule that prescribes and defines cultural configurations of statehood. In the context of post-socialist and post-colonial transformations in “expanding” Eastern Europe, nation building is a complicated and incoherent process: the nation’s canonic attributes may contradict the cultural and historical “circumstances” of the development of a particular nation. This article questions a complicated dynamic between theoretical frameworks of nationalism and their applications in Eastern European states, such as in Belarus. More specifically, it argues against the discursive conceptualization of Belarus as a “nonexistent” or “undeveloped” nation. This article suggests rethinking nation building in Belarus in relation to the notion of major/minor developed by Deleuze and Guattari. The author implies that the unusual mode of Belarusian nationalism is not only a part of a struggle for domination between different intellectual groups in Belarus; it is also an issue of relying on traditional scholarly paradigms of nationalism that may no longer suffice.
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Berkwitz, Stephen C. « Resisting the Global in Buddhist Nationalism : Venerable Soma's Discourse of Decline and Reform ». Journal of Asian Studies 67, no 1 (février 2008) : 73–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002191180800003x.
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This article examines Buddhist nationalism as an effort to resist the intrusion of globalizing forces into local religious and cultural heritage. By analyzing the discourse, persona, and life of Venerable Gangodawila Soma (1948–2003), a renowned and controversial Buddhist monk from Sri Lanka, the author demonstrates that Buddhist nationalism is largely a discursive formation that affirms an essential relationship between Buddhism and nation over against external forces that threaten their existence. A charismatic and skillful preacher, Venerable Soma employed a variety of media to reverse the perceived decline of Buddhism and the nation in the face of what he saw as immoral and hostile interests—including corrupt politicians, Tamil separatists, Evangelical Christians, and nongovernmental organizations. Venerable Soma's discourse, which privileges local forms of knowledge and morality, shows how globalization stimulates both new possibilities and new contradictions in contemporary forms of Buddhist nationalism.
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Miller, Benjamin. « A. B. Original's “Dumb Things” : Decolonizing the Postcolonial Australian Dream ». ab-Original 4, no 1-2 (décembre 2020) : 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/aboriginal.4.1-2.0103.
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ABSTRACT In 2016, Aboriginal hip-hop duo A. B. Original joined Paul Kelly live on radio to cover his iconic song “Dumb Things” (1987). Kelly's original version presented a critique of nationalist rhetoric in the lead up to the Australian bicentenary celebrations. Kelly's development of an itinerant counter-dreamer as a voice against nationalism, however, fashioned a brand of innocent, postcolonial whiteness and, thereby, remained complicit with colonial domination of Indigenous people. This article explores A. B. Original's commentary on institutional, systemic, and discursive racism, and their criticism of postcolonial whiteness through a close reading and contextualization of their music output in 2016. With particular emphasis on “Dumb Things” in its original context and its most recent context, this article argues that A. B. Original issues a call for, and demonstrates, the decolonization of postcolonial narratives of the Australian dream.