Bibliographies thématiques / Discursive Nationalism

Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Discursive Nationalism »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 11 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Discursive Nationalism"

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Sterphone, J. « The New Nationalism ? » German Politics and Society 38, no 4 (1 décembre 2020) : 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380402.

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This article examines the Alternative für Deutschland’s (AfD) racist, nationalist, and far-right discursive strategies in the lead-up to the 2017 federal election. Rather than taking the approach that this party constitutes a “new nationalism” that is out of touch with mainstream conceptions of German nationhood, the article depicts the ways in which the recognizability of the AfD’s anti-Muslim racism was predicated on mainstream civilizationist discursive repertoires and the rise of the populist-nationalist right. To do so, I compare themes presented by legal experts and mainstream politicians in favor of banning veiling in the mid-2000s to the civilizationist claims made by the AfD between 2015 and 2017. This article thus extends case analyses of contemporary right-wing nationalist and populist movements to Germany. It also emphasizes the antecedents of the “new nationalism” classification applied to such movements.
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IVANOVA, ELENA M. « RHETORICAL MODE OF DISCURSIVE PRACTICES OF MODERN RUSSIAN NATIONALISM ». Cherepovets State University Bulletin 4, no 103 (2021) : 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/1994-0637-2021-4-103-3.

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The article examines the rhetorical mode of discursive practices related to modern Russian nationalism as a set of all linguopragmatic methods and means of implementing the communicative strategy of a nationalist text; the author analyses the rhetorical architectonics of the nationalist text by the specific material (media texts by Egor Kholmogorov).
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Dawood, Mahmood Abbas, et Wasan Mahmood Abbas. « Discursive Strategies in Western Political Discourse : Nationalism and Immigration ». Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities 27, no 12 (22 décembre 2020) : 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/jtuh.27.12.2020.23.

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The current study is an attempt to reveal hidden nationalist attitudes in the political discourse of the American right-wing party in the USA using critical discourse analysis. The study aims at identifying the discursive strategies used in political discourse with regards to nationalism and immigration, investigating the construction of in-groups and out-groups, clarifying the positive self-presentation and negative others presentation, showing the most common warrants used to justify nationalist rhetoric against immigrants and, setting conclusions. In order to achieve the aims of the study, it is hypothesized that (i) Discursive strategies are used to construct immigrants as out-groups and political actors and their allies as in-groups (ii) Political actors use positive self image to present themselves and negative others to present immigrants. (iii) political actors use criminalization ideologies to justify their nationalist discourse against immigrants . In order to achieve the aims of the present study, the following procedures are followed (i) Data is selected from the YouTube which is a press conference for the American right-wing president, Donald Trump (ii) The data has been analyzed linguistically to show discursive strategies used by Trump with regards to nationalism and immigration (iii)The model adapted for this study is DHA to CDA; Reisigl and Wodak (2001,2009).The study comes up with these conclusions (i) Results of the study verify all the hypotheses set forward (ii) Trump names immigrants as part of out-group and his people as in-group (iii) Trump presents immigrants with negative others image and present himself with positive self-image(iv)Nationalism in the USA is a civic nationalism.
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Greenberg, Jessica. « Nationalism, Masculinity and Multicultural Citizenship in Serbia* ». Nationalities Papers 34, no 3 (juillet 2006) : 321–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600766628.

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Since the 5 October revolution that formally ushered Serbia into a democratic era, political commentators, scholars, civic activists and others have watched the country for signs of resurgent nationalism. Many perceived the primary threat to the new democratic order as the persistence of nationalism, particularly in the years after the 2003 assassination of Zoran Djindjić. Such nationalism, forged in the 1980s and 1990s, was subject to eruptions among unsavory politicians, pensioners, Mafiosi and denizens of Belgrade's suburbs and Serbia's “backward” countryside. The problem underlying this model of resurgent nationalism is that it assumes, and simultaneously constructs, nationalism as a static and unchanging arrangement of ideological and social factors that flare up and die down in response to political stimuli—the arrest of indicted war criminals, the outrageous rhetoric of populist politicians, negotiations over the status of Kosovo, or high-stakes sporting events. While there is no question that such events create discursive space for nationalist, sexist and racist agendas, the flare-up model presents a dangerous simplification of how nationalisms work.
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Nawaz, Dr Rafida, et Syed Hussain Murtaza. « Ethnic Nationalism or Uneven Development : A Subaltern Realist Analysis of Bengali Nationalism in Pakistan ». Journal of Law & ; Social Studies 4, no 1 (31 mars 2022) : 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.52279/jlss.04.01.113130.

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After a short span of achieving statehood on basis of religious identity, the Bengali Muslims redefined their identity and once again demanded a separate state on basis of linguistic identity. Hobsbawm believe that identity formation in terms of nationhood is a result of deliberate ideological engineering. Economic factors serve as tangible signposts to cultural subjugation. Though many historians owe the Bengali nationalism and claims of statehood to linguistic and cultural difference that proved detrimental for state and nation making in pre 1971 Pakistan, the prime argument of this paper is that nationalist discourse is a discursive formation and a sort of language game rooted in material socio economic phenomenon of inequality and disparity. The concept of inequality and disparity essentially employ that a binary exists, and a group is feeling excluded, marginalized and at disadvantageous position in respect to some other group. The feeling of victimhood is at base of the nationalist movements and (re)definition of identity. Employing the concept of Subaltern Realism given by Mohammed Ayoob and the toolkit of Foucauldian Discourse Analysis, and taking discourse as a combination of material and discursive formations, influencing human subjectivities and conditions of existence; the paper will examine the material economic conditions of existence in pre 1971 Pakistani federation and discursive responses as claims of self-determination and separatist nationalism. One of the key findings of paper is that ethnic Bengali nationalism was a derivative phenomenon of economic exclusion and uneven development.
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Patil, Tejaswini. « The Politics of Race, Nationhood and Hindu Nationalism ». Asian Journal of Social Science 45, no 1-2 (2017) : 27–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04501002.

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The discussion on Hindu-Muslim conflict in India has revolved around religious or ethno-nationalist explanations. Employing the Gujarat riots of 2002 as a case study, I argue that dominant (Hindu) nationalism is linked to the ideas of “race” and has its roots in Brahminical notions of Aryanism and colonial racism. The categories of “foreign, hypermasculine, terrorist Other” widely prevalent in the characterisation of the Muslim Other, are not necessarily produced due to religious differences. Instead, social and cultural cleavages propagated by Hindu nationalists have their origins in race theory that accommodates purity, lineage, classification and hierarchy as part of the democratic discourses that pervade the modern nation-state. It focuses on how the state and non-state actors create discursive silences and normalise violence against minority communities by embodying emotions of fear, hate and anger among its participants to protect Hindu nationalism.
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Boeva, Luc. « "Yet another book on nationalism." Enkele recente bijdragen tot de theorievorming ». WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 72, no 1 (1 avril 2013) : 68–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v72i1.15954.

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Deze bijdrage bespreekt aan de hand van een aantal recente publicaties drie thema's uit het actuele theoretisch debat rond nationalisme: de moderniteit van naties en nationalisme, nationale identiteit en de comparatieve methode. Over het eerste verscheen een boek dat een nieuwe, op historische bronnen gebaseerde, start voor de studie van het nationalisme wil betekenen, tegen het modernistisch paradigma in. Volgens auteur Caspar Hirschi ligt de oorsprong van nationalisme in de late Middeleeuwen, vroege vormen van nationalisme kwamen reeds tijdens de Renaissance voor en modern nationalisme kon enkel dergelijke mobiliserende kracht verwerven omdat het reeds lang aanwezig was in politiek, geleerdheid en kunst. Niet de aantrekkingskracht voor de massa was belangrijk, maar wel de nabijheid van de nationalisten tot de macht. Het identiteitsdebat wordt steeds meer gevoerd, maatschappelijk maar ook in verschillende wetenschappelijke disciplines. Zoals in de discursieve benadering door Ludo Beheydt van de culturele identiteit van de Nederlanden langs taal en kunst, of in de verzamelbundel rond de spanningsrelatie met het internationale en het lokale bij de nationale legitimering in België en Nederland tijdens de 19de eeuw, bij literatuur- en taalbeschouwing, de geschiedschrijving en de productie van 'eigen' literatuur. Ten slotte passeren enkele bijdragen rond de methodologie voor de vergelijkende studie van het nationalisme alsmede enkele recente toepassingen de revue.___________ "Yet another book on nationalism". Some recent contributions to the generation of theories This contribution discusses three themes from the current theoretical debate about nationalism on the basis of a number of recent publications: the modernity of nations and nationalism, national identity and the comparative method. In reference to the first theme, a book was published that hopes to provide a new beginning for the study of nationalism, based on historical sources, and contrary to the modernist paradigm. According to the author Caspar Hirschi, the origin of nationalism dates from the late Middle Ages. Early forms of nationalism already existed during the Renaissance whilst modern nationalism was only able to acquire such a mobilising power because it had been present for such a long time in politics, erudition and art. What was important was not its attractiveness for the masses, but the nationalists’ proximity to power. The identity debate is taking place more and more frequently, in society as well as in several scientific disciplines. For instance, it is found in Ludo Beheydt’s discursive approach to the cultural identity of the Netherlands via language and art, or in the collected works about the field of tension between the international and local level for the national legitimation in Belgium and the Netherlands during the 19th century, in debates about literature and language, the historiography and the production of the ‘own’ literature. Finally, some contributions are reviewed about the methodology for the comparative study of nationalism as well as some recent applications thereof.
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Grad Fuchsel, Hector, et Luisa Martín Rojo. « “Civic” and “ethnic” nationalist discourses in Spanish parliamentary debates ». Journal of Language and Politics 2, no 1 (31 décembre 2002) : 31–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.2.1.04gra.

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Parliamentary debates on the definition of the nation-state and national identities are a very revealing discursive domain of tracing the cues of the social construction of this category. Integrating social-psychological and discourse analyses, this article studies how Spanish nationalism interacts with the most influential regional (Catalonian and Basque) nationalisms in the Spanish Parliament in Madrid, and in the regional Parliaments of Catalonia and the Basque Country. The study is based on a two-dimensional framework, which characterises nationalist cultures in terms of their Institutional Status (“established” vs. “rising” nationalism), and in terms of the Basic Assumptions (“civic” vs. “ethnic” aspects in the social representation of the nation — Smith, 19986, 1991). According to the conceptual framework, each of these nationalisms represents a different combination of “established” (Spanish) or “rising” (Basque and Catalonian) Institutional Status as well as of “civic” (in Catalonia) or “ethnic” (Spanish and the Basque) Basic Assumptions (Grad, 1999). The study shows that, in these parliamentary contexts, the Institutional Status and the Basic Assumptions not only configure different nationalist positions, but also configure distinct “discursive formations” — reflected in interactional dynamics (of inclusion vs. exclusion, compatibility vs. incompatibility, and consensus vs. conflict relations) — between the different national projects and identities. These discourses belong to an “enunciative system” including systematic subject (the dominant national identity), system of references (or referential) terms to denote national categories or supra-regional — Spain, Spanish State, Basque Country, Catalonia — that serve to distinguish between national in-group and out-group, and clearly differ in extent and connotations in established and rising national codes), as well as associated fields (more ascriptive membership criteria, rigid group boundaries, requirement of internal homogeneity, restrictive referent and extension of the “us” in the ethnic than in civic codes), and materiality (strategies of discursive polarisation, especially salient in the Basque Country parliamentary discourse, which both indicate less compatibility between identities and aim to delegitimise dissent with regard to national referents and goals). Finally, in parliaments where ethnic codes are confronted (Spanish and Basque) politeness is impaired, there is a higher degree of controversy, and the strategies of delegitimisation constitute strong face-threatening acts which endanger the “tacit contract” of the parliamentary interactions. In this regard, ethnic centralist and independentist political positions make harder the compatibility between national identities than civic regional-nationalist and federal proposals. Recent confrontations between Spanish and Basque national positions seem to confirm the patterns found in this analysis.
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Bhagavan, Manu. « The Rebel Academy : Modernity and the Movement for a University in Princely Baroda, 1908–49 ». Journal of Asian Studies 61, no 3 (août 2002) : 919–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3096351.

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In recent analyses of nationalism in colonial South Asia, Partha Chatterjee and Tanika Sarkar, among others, have argued that as a result of colonial domination in the “public sphere”—the realm of the state and civil society—Indian male nationalists deployed the “private sphere”—the realm of the home—as the discursive site of anticolonial nationalist imaginaries. The internal space of the home was “the one sphere where improvement could be made through [Indian men's] own initiative, changes could be wrought, where education would bring forth concrete, manipulable, desired results” (Sarkar 1992, 224; Chatterjee 1989) and it therefore took on “compensatory significance” in the experience of modernity in India (Chakrabarty 2000, 215–18).
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Jovanović, Srđan Mladenov. « The Dveri Movement Through a Discursive Lens. Serbia’s Contemporary Right-Wing Nationalism ». Südosteuropa 66, no 4 (19 décembre 2018) : 481–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2018-0038.

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Abstract Twenty-first century Serbian nationalism has had little serious analysis. Most works concentrate heavily on the nineties and the wars of Yugoslav secession, which produced a wide variety of rampant forms of nationalism throughout former Yugoslavia. Since 5 October 2000, right-wingers have somewhat softened their line in public discourse and lost some of their popular appeal, but strong nationalist tendencies have remained, taking their place in Serbia’s social and political discourses. These tendencies have been concentrated around certain extreme right-wing groups, chief among them Dveri srpske, which has been active since the early nineties. After organizing itself politically, this movement has refurbished its image and discourse, and, in the April 2016 elections, has even succeeded in entering parliament. Here, the author analyses Dveri’s agenda and key convictions: antisemitism, an anti-EU stance, support for Putin’s Russia, clericalism, and homophobia. He also reviews Dveri’s change of image and discourse over time.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Discursive Nationalism"

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Ma, Yiben. « The discursive construction of online Chinese nationalism ». Thesis, University of Leeds, 2014. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/9502/.

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The year 2008 witnessed an explosion of online Chinese nationalism, triggered by a series of incidents relating to the Beijing Olympics. In this thesis, I mainly examine the significance and relevance of the internet to the studies of Chinese nationalism, and investigate the extent to which the internet can contribute to the shaping of Chinese nationalism in contemporary Chinese society. I treat online Chinese nationalism as discursive, because the production of online nationalist information, the construction of online nationalist identities and the discussion of online nationalist actions, are all discursive practices which are intrinsically related to the political use of language. Therefore, I argue that the study of online Chinese nationalism should entail critical linguistic analysis of the online texts that discuss Chinese nationalism. Rather than seeing nationalist texts as sheer expressions of nationalist concerns or claims, I am interested in how nationalist texts are made linguistically, and see linguistic features, structures and organisations of the texts as clues for unveiling the underlying nationalist ideologies and power relations. I mainly focus on the online popular discourse of Chinese nationalism, however, since research on nationalism can hardly avoid the power relations between the state and popular nationalist players, I also shed significant light on the official nationalist discourse. To carry out the research, I examine the official newspaper The People’s Daily and the non-official online media the Tianya Forum. By doing this, I intend to find out how the official and online popular nationalist players shaped and reshaped Chinese nationalism through media discourses during the time of the international torch relay of the Beijing Olympics. Moreover, by taking both the official and online popular nationalist discourses into consideration, it also allows me to examine the possible tension and co-optation between both nationalist players, and investigate to what extent online Chinese nationalism as an alternative nationalist discourse, challenges the domination of the state over the politics of Chinese nationalism. To analyse the discourses of Chinese nationalism, I employ Norman Fairclough’s approach to critical discourse analysis as the ultimate research method of the thesis.
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Danero, Iglesias Julien. « La Construction discursive de la Nation République de Moldavie, 2001-2009 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209802.

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Le nationalisme peut-il être envisagé comme un simple instrument de légitimation ?Cette thèse répond à cette question en se penchant sur un nationalisme particulier à une époque donnée, celui du moldovénisme du Parti des Communistes de République de Moldavie au pouvoir dans ce pays entre 2001 et 2009.

Sur base d’un cadre théorique mettant en avant les théories de Hermet, Greenfeld, Brass, Breuilly, Hobsbawm, Calhoun et Brubaker, le nationalisme est envisagé comme un discours et la réponse à la question centrale de recherche a été donnée suivant une méthode influencée par l’Analyse critique de Discours, telle qu’élaborée notamment par Wodak. Après une mise en contexte problématisée, reprenant les divers projets nationaux ayant été historiquement mis en place en Moldavie, une recherche empirique a été effectuée :la construction discursive de la nation a été étudiée, premièrement, dans les discours des présidents de la république, Vladimir Voronine entre 2001 et 2009 et Mihai Ghimpu entre 2009 et 2010 ;deuxièmement, dans les discours des partis politiques à l’occasion d’une campagne électorale en 2009 ;et troisièmement, dans les articles de presse qui traitent de la participation du pays au Concours Eurovision de la Chanson entre 2004 et 2010.

Cette recherche montre empiriquement que le nationalisme est principalement une affaire de « politique », selon l’expression de Breuilly, qu’il est utilisé par les acteurs en fonction d’un intérêt de préserver ou de conquérir le pouvoir. Les acteurs créent une nation ad hoc et en usent en fonction du contexte dans lequel leur lutte s’inscrit et en fonction de l’électorat à convaincre. Néanmoins, cet usage politique de la nation n’est pas le fait de l’ensemble des acteurs étudiés :les journalistes, même proches des acteurs politiques étudiés, esquissent une conception « primordiale » de la nation. Par ailleurs, la recherche montre empiriquement que le moldovénisme, comme tout nationalisme, est forcément exclusif, le « nous » se construisant implicitement et explicitement contre un « autre ».

Can nationalism be seen as a mere instrument of legitimation? The dissertation addresses this issue by focusing on a particular nationalism in a given period, the ‘Moldovanism’ of the Party of the Communists of the Republic of Moldova in power in this country between 2001 and 2009.

The theoretical framework of the research takes into account the theories of Hermet, Greenfeld, Brass, Breuilly, Hobsbawm, Calhoun, and Brubaker. Following these authors, nationalism is considered as a discourse, and the answer to the main research question has been given by using a methodology inspired by the Vienna School of Critical Discourse Analysis. Before proceeding to the empirical research, the dissertation shows the various national projects that have historically been implemented in Moldova. On this basis, the discursive construction of nationhood has been studied among three different sources :first, the speeches of two presidents of the republic, Vladimir Voronin between 2001 and 2009 and Mihai Ghimpu between 2009 and 2010 ;second, the speeches of political parties during an election campaign in 2009 ;and third, press articles dealing with the country's participation to the Eurovision Song Contest between 2004 and 2010.

The dissertation shows empirically that nationalism is primarily a matter of ‘politics’, to quote Breuilly. Nationalism is used by actors trying to preserve or gain power. These actors create an ad hoc nation and make use of it depending on the context in which they struggle and depending on the need to convince an electorate. Nevertheless, all the actors taken into consideration in the research do not exhibit this political use of the nation: the journalists, even close to the political actors who were studied, prove a ‘primordial’ conception of the nation. Moreover, the research shows empirically that Moldovanism, like any other nationalism, is necessarily exclusive. ‘We’ is indeed implicitly and explicitly constructed against an ‘other’.


Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Wu, Chengqiu. « The Discursive Construction of Taiwanese National Identity ». Diss., Virginia Tech, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/37918.

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Since the early 1990s, more and more people in Taiwan have come to view Taiwan itself as a country independent of China. They consider themselves Taiwanese rather than Chinese. Drawing on a social constructionist perspective to nationalism and Laclau and Mouffeâ s theory of discourse, this dissertation attempts to analyze the discursive mechanisms that have constructed this new collective imagination by many people in Taiwan that now regard themselves as members of an independent Taiwanese nation. The research questions of this dissertation are: how has the post-1949 national identity of Taiwan been discursively transformed since the early 1990s? What are the discursive and institutional mechanisms that have reproduced the Taiwanese national identity? What challenges is the Taiwanese national identity facing? To answer these questions, this dissertation outlines three nationalist discourses and five representations that have been derived from them regarding Taiwanâ s status, its relationship with mainland China, and the national identity of people in Taiwan. It examines the changes in Taiwanâ s discursive regime and symbolic economy since the early 1990s, showing how the rise of Taiwanese national identity has been closely related to political leadersâ identification with Taiwanese nationalism. I argue that the rise of Taiwanese national identity in Taiwan has been an effect of a discursive contestation among the three major nationalist discourses and the polarization of the discursive field. This dissertation also explores the provincial origin issue---which has been closely related to ethnic tension in Taiwan---and the relations between the nationalist discourses and democratization. In addition, to explore the possibility for a deconstruction of the Taiwanese national identity, I examine the challenges that the Taiwanese national identity faces, focusing on democracy, the Democratic Progressive Partyâ s performance as the ruling party, and the cross-Strait economic integration and political interactions.
Ph. D.
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Skoog, Lisa. « Gendered Ethnicity : On the Discursive Limits of National Identity ». Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6348.

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This thesis provides a feminist perspective on the inter-ethnic conflict between Uzbeks and Kyrgyz in the city of Osh in southern Kyrgyzstan. The empirical data for the analysis consists of reports describing the conflict and from interviews conducted in the region in the spring of 2016. The concept discourse is used both as theory and method, in order to analyze how hegemonic identities related to ethnicity and gender can be both reiterated and challenged. The thesis recommends alternative methodological approaches including the object of research, in order to construct knowledge relevant to local conditions. This field study suggests that a feminist perspective on the inter-ethnic conflict in the southern region of Kyrgyzstan is necessary for obtaining a perspective on security which is valid for both men and women. Moreover, women’s passive position in the nationalist narrative may provide a valuable perspective on conflict prevention and reconciliation processes due to inter-ethnic conflict.
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Evered, Kyle Thomas. « Romancing the region : mapping the discursive terrains in Turkish constructs of a "Türk Dünyasi" / ». view abstract or download file of text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3072581.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2002.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 221-234). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Clark, Deanna Jacqueline Perry. « American Nationalism in the Early Twenty-first Century : A Discursive Analysis of the Politics of Immigration and National Security ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/82151.

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This thesis uses Benedict Anderson's theoretical contributions on the topic of national identity and Michel Foucault's contributions toward discourse analysis to perform a discursive analysis of Donald Trump's campaign speeches in which he exploits pre-existing anti-immigration sentiments among certain voters to gain political power. The research question addressed herein is: How has Donald Trump invoked the issue of national security to single out groups of immigrants as threats to U.S. national security, and what conditions exists so that he is able to do so in a way that enlists the support of a sizeable portion of the American public? First, this thesis works to put into context what drove post-World War II immigration in the U.S. to provide insight into what conditions lead to certain groups being encouraged or discouraged from immigrating. Second, I contrast Anderson's concept of nationalism with that of Samuel Huntington, whose idea of nationalism more closely aligns with Trump's nativist sense of national identity. Third, having put the history of U.S. immigration and the concept of national identity into context, I perform a discursive analysis of three of Trump's campaign speeches and tweets that focus on immigration and make problematic his racist, far-right ideology and its purpose toward the de-politicization and de-historicization of immigration as a national security and economic issue. I conclude by reminding the reader that allowing anti-immigrant discourse to become normalized without the burden of proof can lead to curbed freedoms under an authoritarian regime, a direction toward which Trump appears ready and willing to lead the American electorate.
Master of Arts
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Li, Juan. « Discursive construction of nationalist idologies in times of crisis : a comparative analysis of the news media in the United States and China / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9489.

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Fitzpatrick, Lesley Maria Gerard. « Inventing cultural heroes : a critical exploration of the discursive role of culture, nationalism and hegemony in the Australian rural and remote health sector ». Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2006. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16371/1/Lesley_Fitzpatrick_Thesis.pdf.

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Rural and remote areas of Australia remain the last bastion of health disadvantage in a developed nation with an enviable health score-card. During the last ten years, rural and remote health has emerged as a significant issue in the media and the political arena. This thesis examines print media, policy documents and interviews from selected informants to ascertain how they represent medical practitioners and health services in rural and remote areas of Australia, why they do so, and the consequences of such positions. In many of these representations, rural and remote medical practitioners are aligned with national and cultural mythologies, while health services are characterised as dysfunctional and at crisis point. Ostensibly, the representations and identity formulations are aimed at redressing the health inequities in remote rural and Australia. They define and elaborate debates and contestations about needs and claims and how they should be addressed; a process that is crucial in the development of professional identity and power (Fraser; 1989). The research involves an analysis and critical reading of the entwined discourses of culture, power, and the politics of need. Following Wodak and others (1999), these dynamics are explored by examining documents that are part of the discursive constitution of the field. In particular, the research examines how prevailing cultural concepts are used to configure the Australian rural and remote medical practitioner in ways that reflect and advance socio-cultural hegemony. The conceptual tools used to explore these dynamics are drawn from critical and post-structural theory, and draw upon the work of Nancy Fraser (1989; 1997) and Ruth Wodak (1999). Both theorists developed approaches that enable investigation into the effects of language use in order to understand how the cultural framing of particular work can influence power relations in a professional field. The research follows a cultural studies approach, focussing on texts as objects of research and acknowledging the importance of discourse in the development of cultural meaning (Nightingale, 1993). The methodological approach employs Critical Discourse Analysis, specifically the Discourse Historical Method (Wodak, 1999). It is used to explore the linguistic hallmarks of social and cultural processes and structures, and to identify the ways in which political control and dominance are advanced through language-based strategies. An analytical tool developed by Ruth Wodak, Rudolf de Cillia, Martin Reisigl and Karin Leibhart (1999) was adapted and used to identify nationalistic identity formulations and related linguistic manoeuvres in the texts. The dissertation argues that the textual linguistic manoeuvres and identity formulations produce and privilege a particular identity for rural and remote medical practitioners, and that cultural myth is used to popularise, shore up and advance the goals of rural doctors during a period of crisis and change. Important in this process is the differentiation of rural and remote medicine from other disciplines in order to define and advance its political needs and claims (Fraser, 1989). This activity has unexpected legacies for the rural and remote health sector. In developing a strong identity for rural doctors, discursive rules have been established by the discipline regarding roles, personal and professional characteristics, and practice style; rules which hold confounding factors for the sustainability of remote and rural medical practice and health care generally. These factors include: the professional fragmentation of the discipline of primary medical care into general practice and rural medicine; and identity formulations that do not accommodate an ageing workforce characterised by cultural diversity, decreasing engagement in full time work, and a higher proportion of women participants. Both of these factors have repercussions for the recruitment and retention of rural and remote health professionals and the maintenance of a sustainable health workforce. The dissertation argues that the formulated identities of rural and remote medical practitioners in the texts maintain and reproduce relationships of cultural, political and social power. They have also influenced the ways in which rural and remote health services have been developed and funded. They selectively represent and value particular roles and approaches to health care. In doing so, they misrepresent the breadth and complexities of rural and remote health issues, and reinforce a reputational economy built on differential professional and cultural respect, and political and economic advantage. This disadvantages the community, professions and interest groups of lower value and esteem, and other groups whose voices are often not heard. Thus, regardless of their altruistic motivations, the politics of identity and differentiation employed in the formulated identities in the texts are based on an approach that undermines the redistributive goals of justice and equity (Fraser 1997), and works primarily to develop and advantage the discipline of rural medicine.
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Fitzpatrick, Lesley Maria Gerard. « Inventing cultural heroes : a critical exploration of the discursive role of culture, nationalism and hegemony in the Australian rural and remote health sector ». Queensland University of Technology, 2006. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16371/.

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Rural and remote areas of Australia remain the last bastion of health disadvantage in a developed nation with an enviable health score-card. During the last ten years, rural and remote health has emerged as a significant issue in the media and the political arena. This thesis examines print media, policy documents and interviews from selected informants to ascertain how they represent medical practitioners and health services in rural and remote areas of Australia, why they do so, and the consequences of such positions. In many of these representations, rural and remote medical practitioners are aligned with national and cultural mythologies, while health services are characterised as dysfunctional and at crisis point. Ostensibly, the representations and identity formulations are aimed at redressing the health inequities in remote rural and Australia. They define and elaborate debates and contestations about needs and claims and how they should be addressed; a process that is crucial in the development of professional identity and power (Fraser; 1989). The research involves an analysis and critical reading of the entwined discourses of culture, power, and the politics of need. Following Wodak and others (1999), these dynamics are explored by examining documents that are part of the discursive constitution of the field. In particular, the research examines how prevailing cultural concepts are used to configure the Australian rural and remote medical practitioner in ways that reflect and advance socio-cultural hegemony. The conceptual tools used to explore these dynamics are drawn from critical and post-structural theory, and draw upon the work of Nancy Fraser (1989; 1997) and Ruth Wodak (1999). Both theorists developed approaches that enable investigation into the effects of language use in order to understand how the cultural framing of particular work can influence power relations in a professional field. The research follows a cultural studies approach, focussing on texts as objects of research and acknowledging the importance of discourse in the development of cultural meaning (Nightingale, 1993). The methodological approach employs Critical Discourse Analysis, specifically the Discourse Historical Method (Wodak, 1999). It is used to explore the linguistic hallmarks of social and cultural processes and structures, and to identify the ways in which political control and dominance are advanced through language-based strategies. An analytical tool developed by Ruth Wodak, Rudolf de Cillia, Martin Reisigl and Karin Leibhart (1999) was adapted and used to identify nationalistic identity formulations and related linguistic manoeuvres in the texts. The dissertation argues that the textual linguistic manoeuvres and identity formulations produce and privilege a particular identity for rural and remote medical practitioners, and that cultural myth is used to popularise, shore up and advance the goals of rural doctors during a period of crisis and change. Important in this process is the differentiation of rural and remote medicine from other disciplines in order to define and advance its political needs and claims (Fraser, 1989). This activity has unexpected legacies for the rural and remote health sector. In developing a strong identity for rural doctors, discursive rules have been established by the discipline regarding roles, personal and professional characteristics, and practice style; rules which hold confounding factors for the sustainability of remote and rural medical practice and health care generally. These factors include: the professional fragmentation of the discipline of primary medical care into general practice and rural medicine; and identity formulations that do not accommodate an ageing workforce characterised by cultural diversity, decreasing engagement in full time work, and a higher proportion of women participants. Both of these factors have repercussions for the recruitment and retention of rural and remote health professionals and the maintenance of a sustainable health workforce. The dissertation argues that the formulated identities of rural and remote medical practitioners in the texts maintain and reproduce relationships of cultural, political and social power. They have also influenced the ways in which rural and remote health services have been developed and funded. They selectively represent and value particular roles and approaches to health care. In doing so, they misrepresent the breadth and complexities of rural and remote health issues, and reinforce a reputational economy built on differential professional and cultural respect, and political and economic advantage. This disadvantages the community, professions and interest groups of lower value and esteem, and other groups whose voices are often not heard. Thus, regardless of their altruistic motivations, the politics of identity and differentiation employed in the formulated identities in the texts are based on an approach that undermines the redistributive goals of justice and equity (Fraser 1997), and works primarily to develop and advantage the discipline of rural medicine.
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Kermer, Jan Erik. « Debating Europe and Discursive (Euro-) Nationalism : Comparative Representative Claims Analysis of European Debates Prior to and During the Covid-19 Pandemic in Dutch, German, Italian and Polish Newspapers ». Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2023. https://hdl.handle.net/11385/225938.

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Livres sur le sujet "Discursive Nationalism"

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China's discursive nationalism : Contending in softer realms. New Delhi : Pentagon Press, 2012.

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Noor, Farish A. The Discursive Construction of Southeast Asia in 19th Century Colonial-Capitalist Discourse. NL Amsterdam : Amsterdam University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789089648846.

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The nations of Southeast Asia today are rapidly integrating economically and politically, but that integration is also counterbalanced by forces ranging from hyper-nationalism to disputes over cultural ownership throughout the region. Those forces, Farish A. Noor argues in this book, have their roots in the region's failure to come to a critical understanding of how current national and cultural identities in the region came about. To remedy that, Noor offers a close account of the construction of Southeast Asia in the nineteenth century by the forces of capitalism and imperialism, and shows how that construct remains a potent aspect of political, economic, and cultural disputes today.
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author, Bustamente Lozano Uriel, Orrego Chica Byron author, Rodríguez Arias Samantha author, Terán Rodríguez Janeth author et Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Sede Manizales. Departamento de Ciencias Humanas, dir. Identidades y alteridades en Colombia : Su construcción discursiva a través de la historia. Bogotá, D.C., Colombia : Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Sede Manizales, Facultad de Administración, Departamento de Ciencias Humanas, 2012.

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Massmann, Stefanie. Tiempos fundacionales : Nación, identidades y prácticas discursivas en las letras latinoamericanas. Santiago de Chile : RiL Editores, 2015.

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Grimm, Jannis Julien. Contested Legitimacies. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland : Amsterdam University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463722650.

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Since the overthrow of President Mursi in mid-2013, Egypt has witnessed an authoritarian rollback and shrinking spaces for civil society. Nationalist discourses have villified popular protest and channelled pressure for reform into a state-centric model of governance. Despite this hostile environment for social mobilization, protest has persisted. Contested Legitimacies explores this resilience of contentious politics through a multimethod approach that is attuned to the physical and discursive interactions among key players in Egypt’s protest arena. Drawing from a unique archive of sources, it investigates the rise and fall of different coalitions of contenders, from the Tamarod uprising against Mursi, to the Anti-Coup resistance against the military coup, to the challenges posed by the Tiran and Sanafir island campaign to Al-Sisi's regime. It highlights the decisive impact of battles fought in a discursive arena on the conditions of possibility for street politics: In postrevolutionary Egypt, a contest over the meaning of political legitimacy cemented political polarization, limited social movements’ coalition choices, and ultimately paved the way for a restoration of autocracy.
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Liebhart, Karin, Rudolf de Cillia, Ruth Wodak et Martin Reisigl. Discursive Construction of National Identity. Edinburgh University Press, 2009.

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Cillia, Rudolf de. Discursive Construction of National Identity. Edinburgh University Press, 2009.

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Discursive constructions of identity in European politics. Basingstoke [England] : Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.

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Religion, Nationalism and Foreign Policy : Discursive Construction of New Turkey's Identity. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2022.

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Martin, Craig, et Filiz Coban Oran. Religion, Nationalism and Foreign Policy : Discursive Construction of New Turkey's Identity. Bloomsbury Academic & Professional, 2023.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Discursive Nationalism"

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Demata, Massimiliano. « Populism and Nationalism in Jeremy Corbyn’s Discourse ». Dans Discursive Approaches to Populism Across Disciplines, 253–83. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55038-7_10.

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Rangarajan, Padma. « Translation, discursive violence, and Aryanism in early Indian nationalism ». Dans The Routledge Handbook of Translation History, 287–303. London : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315640129-21.

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Siitonen, Marko, et Maria Ruotsalainen. « “KKona where’s your sense of patriotism?” : Positioning Nationality in the Spectatorship of Competitive Overwatch Play ». Dans Modes of Esports Engagement in Overwatch, 89–112. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-82767-0_6.

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AbstractThis chapter analyzes the discursive construction of nationality and ethnicity in the context of the Overwatch World Cup 2019 and especially among the discussions of the world cup’s spectators on the live-streaming platform Twitch. Drawing on the positioning theory and the concept of banal nationalism, our study demonstrates how esports fans are active negotiators and co-creators of the esports discourse. The analysis illustrates what kind of role nationality and ethnicity take in this environment, in other words what they come to mean for those participating in the discourses defining them.
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Delanty, Gerard, et Peter Millward. « Post-Liberal Anxieties and Discourses of Peoplehood in Europe : Nationalism, Xenophobia and Racism ». Dans Discursive Constructions of Identity in European Politics, 137–48. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230591301_7.

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Madianou, Mirca. « Shifting Discourses : Banal Nationalism and Cultural Intimacy in Greek Television News and Everyday Life ». Dans Discursive Constructions of Identity in European Politics, 95–116. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230591301_5.

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Binder, Stefan. « On the ‘Impossibility’ of Atheism in Secular India ». Dans The Nation Form in the Global Age, 75–98. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85580-2_3.

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AbstractThis chapter examines two cinematic representations of atheism in Bollywood cinema and probes the precarious location of atheism as an ‘impossibility’ within the framework of religious nationalism and state secularism as two interrelated aspects of Indian nationalism. The historical genesis of secularism as a political principle in India is conceptually closely entwined with religious nationalism in so far as it tends to take the religious or spiritual nature of the Indian nation for granted. While public and academic debates tend to focus on the relationship between majoritarian Hindu nationalism and various religious minorities, atheists and those who are explicitly irreligious are often ignored or considered to be too few to deserve closer attention. On the basis of popular cinematic representations of atheism and ethnographic observations among atheists in South India, this chapter argues that atheism is not ejected from the imagined community of the Indian nation but marginalized as a discursive position that may be acceptable or even desirable within limits, but ultimately impossible as a viable practical project and social identity.
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Downing, Joseph. « The Cultural Paradoxes of Frenchness : Cultural Nationalism, Social Boundaries and French Muslims in Broader Discursive Perspective ». Dans French Muslims in Perspective, 187–226. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16103-3_6.

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Dragicevic Sesic, Milena, et Julija Matejic. « Music Activism in Serbia at the Turn of the Millennium ». Dans Music and Democracy, 203–34. Vienna, Austria / Bielefeld, Germany : mdwPress / transcript Verlag, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/9783839456576-009.

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This paper explores subaltern cultural counterpublics in Serbia in the last three decades, through different forms of performative and participatory music activism: from radio activism, public noise, and performances in public spaces during the 1990s, to self-organized choirs in the 2000s and 2010s. By referring to the concept of citizenship, it emphasizes the importance of the relationship between politicality and performance in the public sphere. Analyzed case studies have shown how subaltern counterpublics brought together aesthetical, ethical, and intellectual positions, challenging principles imposed by the state and the church. Through music activism, cultural counterpublics addressed different social anomies: nationalism, xenophobia, social exclusion, hatred, civil rights, and social justice, becoming a focal point of civil resistance, a discursive arena that provokes and subverts mainstream politics. An interdisciplinary research framework has been achieved through linking music and cultural studies with political sciences and performance studies, then applied to the data gathered from the empirical ethnographic research covering several case studies.
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Morales-López, Esperanza, et Alan Floyd. « Discourses of the Left in a Nationalist Perspective ». Dans Discursive Approaches to Sociopolitical Polarization and Conflict, 62–79. New York : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003094005-5.

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van der Zwet, Arno. « European Inegration and Mainstreaming of Stateless Nationalist and Regionalist Parties : The Scottish National Party and Frisian National Party ». Dans Discursive Governance in Politics, Policy, and the Public Sphere, 163–77. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137495785_11.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Discursive Nationalism"

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Santoso, Didik Haryadi, Pawito Pawito, Prahastiwi Utari et Drajat Tri Kartono. « Nationalism and Pandemic in Indonesia : An Analysis of Discursive Nationalism in New Media During Pandemic ». Dans Proceedings of the 1st International Conference of Humanities and Social Science, ICHSS 2021, 8 December 2021, Surakarta, Central Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.8-12-2021.2322562.

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