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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Diplomats – Europe, Eastern »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

Mis à jour le 11 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Diplomats – Europe, Eastern"

H.R.H. « Divided Nations and the Politics of Borders ». Nationalities Papers 24, n^o 3 (septembre 1996) : 369–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408452.

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The ghost of Trianon continues to haunt Central Europe. The consequences of the unmaking of the Habsburg Kingdom of Hungary still confront diplomats, even more so now in the aftermath of communism and the demise of Soviet hegemony. The plight of Hungarian minorities in Hungary's neighboring states is a constant concern to diplomats as satisfactory accommodation of ethnic minorities fails throughout post-communist Eastern Europe. Specifically, a fear of destabilization on account of a crisis related to the several Hungarian minorities scattered in half a dozen adjacent states is never far from the surface.

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Kaminska, Joanna. « The Link between National Foreign Policy and the Performance of a Country in the European Union : The Polish Case ». Journal of Contemporary European Research 6, n^o 1 (13 mai 2010) : 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v6i1.187.

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This article examines the link between the adaptation of national executives and diplomats to the EU and the capacity of a state to influence EU foreign policy outcomes. It argues that, in the case of Poland, the politicization of the domestic administrative structures before 2004 constrained the ability of the state to impact on the EU’s external agenda after the enlargement. It also claims that a rapid adaptation to the EU occurred only after the Polish accession to the EU, as the will to influence the EU’s policy towards Eastern Europe was a main driver for changes in the national diplomacy.

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Prousis, Theophilus C. « Reporting from the city : Vignettes from Constantinople in the Dispatches of Lord Strangford during the Eastern Crisis of the 1820s ». Chronos 35 (4 novembre 2018) : 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v35i0.204.

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The tangled web of the Eastern Question became the single most explosive force in European great power politics during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and Constantinople became the epicenter of this contentious dispute in Ottoman-European relations. Eyewitness commentaries by diplomats, travelers, residents, and others who visited this fabled city conveyed images and episodes about various topics, including European interactions with the Ottoman Empire, European designs on contested lands, and Ottoman politics and policy. These scenes and stories not only shed light on the geopolitical heart of the Eastern Question but also reinforce the centrality of this volatile issue in the relationship between the Ottoman Empire and Europe.

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Parkhalina, Tatiana, et S. A. Romanenko. « International relations in Eastern Europe : problems, approaches and research limits ». Urgent Problems of Europe, n^o 2 (2022) : 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.02.01.

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The editors of the introduction substantiate the themes, problems,and methodology of the study of the development of international relations in Eastern Europe. The authors justify the chronological framework of the research, the topics and problems, the structure of the materials, the general characteristics of the sources used by the authors, and gives a description of the research methods. The authors' team consists of representatives of various disciplines – historians, internationalists, political scientists, diplomats, working both in research institutes of the Russian Academy of Sciences and in scientific and pedagogical institutions. The focus is on the period 2014–2021 – the turn in relations between Russia and the West (NATO and the EU), including the countries of Central-Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, due to the conflict between Russia and Ukraine up to the sharp aggravation of relations at the regional and global levels, which manifested and, in part, the cause of which was the Russian military operation on the territory of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. The studies included in this issue are written on the basis of different types of sources – official documents (international treaties, declarations, diplomatic and political documents of Russia, EU and NATO, Central Eastern and South-Eastern European countries, media materials, journalism, scientific and analytical works. On the basis of these materials the general picture of the international relations in the East (Central-Eastern and South-Eastern Europe) during the specified period is created, the essence of various forms of interaction of the countries of the region between themselves, with the Russian Federation and the European and Euro-Atlantic structures, and also the essence of global and Eurasian relations is revealed.

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Magadeev, I. E. « French diplomats and the military on Soviet Russia and the balance of power in Central-Eastern Europe in 1922 ». Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 14, n^o 3 (27 novembre 2022) : 128–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2022-14-3-128-162.

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The consolidation of the Soviet state in 1922 and the activities of Soviet diplomacy in the key international forums had a direct impact on the strategic situation in Europe. The eventual strengthening of Soviet Russia/the USSR was both a threat and an opportunity for France as one of the leading European powers of that period, which had obligations and interests in Central and Eastern Europe. The author aims to identify the main approaches of French diplomats and the military to a set of issues related to the possible development of Soviet Russia in 1922 and its place in the European balance of power. The study is based on a wide range of primary sources from the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs of France, the National Archives of France, the Historical Service of the Ministry of the Armed Forces of the Fifth Republic, as well as on recently published French diplomatic and military documents. The author concludes that the French elites had a rather ambiguous attitude towards the process and the first results of political consolidation and socio-economic development of the Soviet state. On the one hand, the formation of the USSR was an obvious manifestation of the growing Soviet power that somewhat diminished the hopes of French officials for the imminent fall of the Bolsheviks. At the same time, diplomats and the military both in Paris and on-site were often skeptical about the prospects for the development of the Soviet economy, noting the catastrophic consequences of hunger, economic and financial ruin. Moderate optimism about the opportunity to intensify trade and economic contacts with Soviet Russia as its economy recovers coexisted with pronounced pessimism. The French assessments of the military potential of the Soviet state were marked by the same ambivalence. The acknowledgement of the current limited capabilities of the Red Army and the Red Fleet was accompanied by the growing recognition that the basis of the military power of the Soviet state had not been undermined. All this could help Moscow improve its international stance in the future, which would inevitably affect the balance of power in Europe. Under these circumstances, the French elites debated the prospects for the ‘normalization’ of the Bolshevik regime and its incorporation into the Versailles order. The author argues that all these contradictory attitudes, views and assessments that surfaced in 1922 to a large extent predetermined the overall direction and specific content of the French policy towards the USSR in the following years.

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CHAMEDES, GIULIANA. « THE VATICAN AND THE RESHAPING OF THE EUROPEAN INTERNATIONAL ORDER AFTER THE FIRST WORLD WAR ». Historical Journal 56, n^o 4 (30 octobre 2013) : 955–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000320.

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ABSTRACTThe Vatican is often cast as a marginal player in the reshaping of the European international order after the First World War. Drawing on new archival material, this article argues for a reassessment of the content and consequences of papal diplomacy. It focuses on the years between 1917 and 1929, during which time the Vatican used the tools of international law and state-to-state diplomacy to expand its power in both eastern and western Europe. The Vatican's interwar activism sought to disseminate a new Catholic vision of international affairs, which militated against the separation of church and state, and in many contexts helped undermine the principles of the League of Nations’ minority rights regime. Thanks in no small part to the assiduity of individual papal diplomats – who disseminated the new Catholic vision of international affairs by supporting anti-communist political factions – the Vatican was able to claim a more prominent role in European political affairs and lay the legal and discursive foundations for an alternate conception of the European international order, conceived in starkly anti-secular terms.

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Magadeev, Iskander. « “Shadow of Empires” : Ways and Means of Stability in Central and Eastern Europe Viewed by the British Diplomats and Political Leaders in the 1920s ». Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n^o 4 (2021) : 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640013654-7.

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Using the evidence from the National Archives of Great Britain and published diplomatic documents, this article analyses the role, which the “shadow of empires” played in the British diplomatic estimates of the 1920s regarding the international stability in Central and Eastern Europe. This “shadow” is interpreted as the influence caused by the idea that the past images and realities of the international relations in Central and Eastern Europe before 1914, dominated by empires, could re-emerge. The author defined three main manifestations of this pattern. First, the fears that Germany and Russia would drift towards each other at the expense of Poland, and the feeling of risks, which emanated from the eventual growth of the Russian influence in the Balkans. Second, the British desire to reestablish the common economic space of the former Austro-Hungary in Danubian Europe. Finally, the criticism of nationalism of created/re-created states and the attempts to group them in confederations or blocs, which was rather widespread in the Foreign Office circles. The author concludes that the “shadow of empires” played a significant role in the British estimates of the post-war stability in Central and Eastern Europe though its influence and nature remained controversial. It was characterised, on the one hand, by the pragmatism and the desire to defend the British strategic and economic interests, but on the other, by the stereotypes and biased conceptions.

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Nekola, Martin. « International Federation of Free Journalists : Opposing Communist Propaganda During the Cold War ». Media and Communication 5, n^o 3 (27 septembre 2017) : 103–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v5i3.1049.

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The topic of supranational organizations of East-European émigrés during the Cold War still remains a lesser-known topic. There were a number of anti-Communist organizations between 1948–1989, consisting of former politicians, diplomats, soldiers, lawyers or academics from behind the Iron Curtain. The community of exiled journalists was represented by the International Federation of Free Journalists, officially founded in November 1948 in Paris by delegates from twelve nations. Its membership base soon grew to 1,400 people. The Federation warned the Western public against the injustices, false propaganda and the red terror in Eastern Europe for four decades.

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Kovic, Milos. « The beginning of the 1875 Serbian uprising in Herzegovina the British perspective ». Balcanica, n^o 41 (2010) : 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1041055k.

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The main goal of this article is to scrutinize the contemporary British sources, in order to establish what they say about the causes of the insurrection in Herzegovina which marked the beginning of the Eastern Crisis of 1875-1878. The official reports of British diplomats, the observations of newspaper correspondents, and the instruc?tions of London policy makers support the conclusion that the immediate cause of the insurrection was agrarian discontent, especially tithe collecting. In considering the ?external influences? on the outbreak of the insurrection, the British emphasized the role of Austria-Hungary and Montenegro. Behind these countries, they saw the shadow of the Three Emperors? League, which was perceived as the main threat to the Ottoman Empire and, consequently, to the balance of power in Europe. Serbia was not seen as directly involved in the events in Herzegovina. Later on, at the time of Prince Milan?s visit to Vienna, and as volunteers from Serbia began to be despatched to Herzegovina, the British diplomats increasingly perceived Serbia, in addition to Montenegro, as another tool of the Three Emperors? League.

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Zorin, A. V. « The Czechoslovak Crisis of 1948 in the Perception of American Diplomats and Media ». MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, n^o 4 (9 septembre 2021) : 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-4-79-26-50.

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In February 1948, during the political crisis in Czechoslovakia was established a communist regime. This event completed the formation of the Soviet bloc in Europe. It directly impacted the US containment policy towards the USSR and the escalation of the Cold War. Based on archival documents and newspapers articles, the research studies these events through their perception by American media and diplomats, whose opinions and interpretations had great and decisive importance for the US public opinion and its government official reaction. The author concludes that the Czechoslovak crisis of 1948 aroused considerable interest and severe reaction in the United States. It was considered as a part of growing Soviet-American contradictions and international tension. Despite the fears of a communist coup in Czechoslovakia expressed back in 1947, American experts could not accurately predict the onset time of the crisis and its nature. The rapidity of the crisis, the Communist’s reaction, and decisiveness, lack of direct Soviet intervention, as well as the absence of democratic resistance, became a surprise for American journalists and diplomats. They believed that the communist takeover was a manifestation of Soviet expansion and the Kremlin’s desire to consolidate its control over all Eastern Europe. Despite the external legitimacy, the transfer of power to the left forces was interpreted as a coup d'état that final ized the establishment of the totalitarian regime in Czechoslovakia. Nevertheless, the US government refused to sever diplomatic relations with Prague and to initiate an international investigation. Washington found no direct evidence of Soviet intervention. It had to accept the changes in Czechoslovakia, focusing its forces on the inadmissibility of this scenario in Western Europe. The crisis directly influenced the adoption of the Marshall Plan and the intensification of the containment policy.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Diplomats – Europe, Eastern"

Baltag, Dorina. « Practice and performance : EU diplomacy in Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus after the inauguration of the European External Action Service, 2010-2015 ». Thesis, Loughborough University, 2018. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/33503.

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The aim of this thesis is to critically assess the diplomatic performance of the European Union (EU) in its neighbourhood, namely in Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus after the inauguration of the European External Action Service (EEAS). The Lisbon Treaty announced the need for a stronger, more efficient, more coherent EU in world politics. This implied, inter alia, that in third countries, the former Commission representations have been transformed into Union Delegations that represent the EU. Besides this, the Treaty changes opened an opportunity for coordination between national and EU level diplomacy in order to obtain a more effective collective effort. These changes where focused on EU s overall performance, which has been a salient issue on the agenda of European policy-makers. The issue of the EU s performance in the wider Eastern Europe remains poignant, not least because of current developments in its neighbourhood (such as the crisis in Ukraine, Moldova s downturn in its democratization efforts or the inclusion of Belarus on the list of most repressive countries in the world). While the Brussels-based part of the EEAS has captured the attention of both academic and non-academic literature, this thesis turns its focus to the performance and diplomatic practice of the EU in third countries, i.e Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus. When talking about European diplomatic performance abroad, a key focus in the thesis is on practices through which the details of everyday practices that form and shape the performance of any actor is explored. In order to do so, the investigation conducted for this research is guided by three assumptions on the use of EU diplomacy in overcoming its foreign policy dilemmas. Looking at performance, then, implies examining EU diplomatic practices against pre-set goals; evaluating the cooperation between member-states (MS) embassies and Union Delegations towards formulating and implementing a common approach ; and, conducting a screening of diplomatic capabilities on the ground. Findings show that the EU delegations represent the EU as a whole, became communication hubs on the ground and took the lead on cooperation with the EU MS embassies. Empirical evidence revealed that, in practice, the Delegations continued to conduct aid-driven diplomacy, as a legacy from the former Commission representations. And, that the coexistence of national and EU diplomacy was marked, at times, by MS opting out of the common approach in favour of parallel actions. While the Delegations in these countries have grown in size and, most importantly, have diplomats as staff members; the development of the Delegations also came with an intra- and inter-institutional tension on the ground that echoed Brussels institutional dynamics. Lastly, a comparative evaluation of EU diplomatic performance in Eastern Europe more generally uncovered multistakeholder diplomacy, burden-sharing, bloc diplomacy, unilateral diplomatic actions and interest-driven diplomacy as key drivers and dividers in EU s attempt to address its foreign policy dilemmas.

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Gronier, Thomas. « Le Saint-Siège et la Mittel-Osteuropa à travers les rapports des ambassadeurs autrichiens au Vatican de 1946 à 1958/61 ». Thesis, Cergy-Pontoise, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013CERG0631.

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La Mittel- Osteuropa constitue à la fois un espace géographique et une construction historico-culturelle. Cet espace est formé de plusieurs pays qui ont appartenu à l'empire austro-hongrois et dont la religion catholique majoritaire représente un critère d'unité.La catholicité de cet espace justifie l'intérêt que le Saint-Siège porte à la plupart de ces pays qui deviendront après 1945 des satellites de l'Union soviétique. Les régimes d'inspiration communiste combattront l'autorité spirituelle de Rome, exerceront le contrôle de la vie religieuse et restreindront ainsi les libertés confessionnelles.Face à cette politique antireligieuse et à ce contrôle étroit de la sphère religieuse, le Saint-Siège se devait de réagir et de développer une stratégie de contre-offensive. Dans cette optique, l'Autriche a joué un rôle important dans les orientations de politique étrangère et religieuse du Vatican. Le pays avait encore de nombreux contacts avec les anciens pays de la monarchie des Habsbourg dont la fin était relativement proche. Par ailleurs, Vienne occupe une position avancée en Europe centrale. L'expérience centre-européenne riche de l'Autriche tant sur un plan culturel que linguistique représentait un bien précieux pour la Rome papale, pour qui Vienne pouvait servir de porte d'entrée vers la Mittel- Osteuropa.Le pape Pie XII a parlé d'une mission historique de l'Autriche qui sera considérée comme un phare catholique face à un océan marxiste athée. Malgré cette identité d'intérêts, les relations entre l'Autriche et le Vatican n'ont pas été exemptes de tensions, particulièrement à cause de la controverse sur la remise en vigueur du concordat de 1933. La question du mariage devient un élément de crispation, d'autant plus que la société autrichienne de l'après-guerre était déjà plus sécularisée que celle de l'entre-deux-guerres.L'Autriche saura tirer des avantages spécifiques de la neutralité qui lui a été imposée en échange de sa souveraineté retrouvée. La « neutralité active » va lui permettre de mettre en œuvre une Ostpolitik dans laquelle l'Eglise prendra une place importante qui apparait clairement dans différents exemples : le voyage d'un théologien de l'université de Graz en Union soviétique en 1955, et plus tard les visites du cardinal Franz König aux épiscopats derrière le rideau de fer mais aussi la création de la fondation Pro Oriente en 1964.La guerre froide fut avant tout un conflit idéologique entre deux systèmes très différents tant sur le plan social que politique et économique, avec le capitalisme ou le libéralisme d'une part, et le communisme ou le socialisme d'autre part. En outre, un autre conflit idéologique est aussi apparu entre le catholicisme romain et le communisme athée, deux systèmes de pensée totalement opposés. Le Saint-Siège devint alors un acteur de la guerre froide. Pie XII défendait l'idée que « le communisme est intrinsèquement pervers et l'on ne peut admettre sur aucun terrain de collaboration avec lui ». Pourtant, il existait par la force des choses des relations entre les communistes et l'Eglise catholique dans les pays situés derrière le « rideau de fer ».La Curie romaine n'était pas toute entière hostile au dialogue avec les communistes. Abstraction faite d'un climat d'intransigeance doctrinale, il se trouvait aussi des prélats qui pensaient que toutes les portes du dialogue ne devaient pas rester irrémédiablement fermées. Les années d'après-guerre renvoient aussi à une période de renouvellement de la pensée chrétienne sur les plans philosophique, théologique et social. Les tendances à l'ouverture, annonciatrices d'un « printemps religieux », se heurtaient toutefois à la raideur dogmatique de la Curie romaine sous Pie XII.Les rapports des ambassadeurs autrichiens au Saint-Siège de 1946 à 1958/61 fournissent des informations précieuses sur les grandes thématiques du conflit Est-Ouest, qui touchaient d'une part les relations entre le Vatican et l'Autriche, et d'autre part le Vatican
Mittel- and Osteuropa form a geographic region and also a historical and cultural construct. This area consists of several countries that were part of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Their predominant Catholic religion represented a criterion of unity.The Catholic character of this region justifies the interest which the Holy See had in the majority of these countries that became, after 1945, satellite states of the Soviet Union. The regimes shaped by the ideology of communism fought against the spiritual supremacy of Rome, control religious life and thus limit the denominational freedoms.The Holy See reacted to these anticlerical policies and to the rigid control over religious spheres by developing counter-strategies. In this respect, Austria has played an important role in conception of the foreign and church policies of the Vatican. It still had numerous contacts in the countries of the former Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, which had ended not such a long time ago. Vienna had a leading role in Central Europe. Austria's numerous cultural and linguistic experiences in Central Europe represented a treasure to Papal Rome intending to use Vienna as a door opener towards Mittel- Osteuropa .Pope Pius XII spoke of Austria's historic mission, which was considered the flagship Catholic country against the "atheist" and "Marxist ocean". Despite this identity of interests, relations between Austria and the Vatican were not free of tensions, particularly due to the controversy of entry into force of the Concordat of 1933. The question of marriage was another disturbing factor, since the post-war Austrian society was already more secularized than the interwar period society.Austria took specific advantages of the neutrality, which it had acquired in exchange for the regained sovereignty as an obligation. The "active neutrality" allowed an Ostpolitik in which the Catholic Church occupied an important place, which became clear by the examples of the journey of a theologian at the University of Graz in the Soviet Union in 1955, much later by the visits of Cardinal Franz König at the episcopates behind the Iron Curtain, but also by the creation of the Pro-Oriente Foundation in 1964.The Cold War was primarily an ideological system conflict between two very different social, political and economic camps, capitalism or liberalism on the one hand and communism or socialism on the other. In addition, there was the ideological conflict between Roman Catholicism and the atheistic Marxism - two completely opposite doctrines. The Holy See became a actor in the Cold War. Pius XII advocated the view that “Communism is intrinsically wrong, and no one may collaborate with it in any undertaking whatsoever”. Nevertheless, there were inevitably relations between the Communists and the Catholic Church in the countries behind the "Iron Curtain".The Roman Curia was not unanimously against a dialogue with the Communists either. Apart from a doctrinal intransigence there were prelates who had the opinion that not all doors of dialogue should be closed. The post-war years also reflect a renewal period of Christian thought on a philosophical, theological and social level. These opening trends, - signs of a future "religious spring" -, however, encountered the resistance and the dogmatic rigidity of the Papal Curia under Pope Pius XII.The Austrian ambassadors' reports to the Holy See from 1946 to 1958/61 provide valuable information about the major themes of the East-West conflict, that concerned, on the one hand, the relations between the Holy See and Austria, and on the other hand the Vatican and its relationship with Mittelosteuropa. The analysis and presentation of the reports form the basis of this work and examine the view of the Vatican not only on Austria but also on Mittelosteuropa during this politically highly tense period. The arrival of John XXIII as Pope in 1958 opens a new chapter of the Church in the Cold War. The Holy See turned into an a

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Roger, Ludwig. « De l'Europe du Sud-est à la Région Mer Noire : une Süd-Ost Politik pour la Commission européenne ? De l'endiguement de l'Union Soviétique à l'élargissement de l'Union européenne ». Phd thesis, Université de Cergy Pontoise, 2014. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01067138.

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Réinscrivant le processus d'intégration européenne dans une Histoire de la Guerre froide et post-Guerre froide et plus généralement dans une histoire européenne plus longue que le seul XXe siècle, cette thèse explore l'histoire des relations de la Commission européenne avec la périphérie sud-orientale du continent. La longue période chronologique étudiée permets de mettre en exergue les " forces profondes " qui se tiennent derrières les actions de l'exécutif de la CEE/UE dans une région critique pour l'Europe. Pour se faire, nous nous sommes basés sur les archives de la Commission européenne, du Conseil, du Département d'État américain, des Ministères des affaires étrangères français et britannique, de la bibliothèque de Cluj-Napoca en Roumanie et d'entretiens.Divisée en quatre parties, chacune se centrant sur une période chronologique, ce travail analyse l'action de la Commission face aux changements qui ont bouleversé l'Europe du Sud-est entre 1960 et 2010. L'adaptation constante de la politique de la Commission, de la " doctrine de l'Association " à la Synergie de la Mer Noire, nous ont amené à développer l'idée d'une Süd-ost politik qui se met en place dès le début des années 1960. Cependant, contrairement à l'Ostpolitik de Bonn, il ne s'agit pas pour Bruxelles d'aller vers les États communistes du Sud-est européen ou l'Union soviétique, mais plutôt de lutter contre leur influence. La Süd-Ost politik communautaire est clairement anticommuniste et antirusse.La Communauté fait barrage à Moscou en étendant le modèle de la démocratie libérale capitaliste dans la zone autour des Détroits. La situation stratégique d'Athènes, d'Ankara et plus tard de Tbilissi ou Kiev n'est pas oubliée par Bruxelles. Ainsi, la Commission s'inscrit dans une plus longue histoire, son action fait écho à la lutte entre Paris, Londres et Saint-Pétersbourg pour le contrôle des Détroits, aux tentatives des États de la région de copier les modèles nationaux d'Europe de l'Ouest et à la politique orientale des Puissances occidentales après 1918.Cependant, la Commission doit ménager des État membres qui lui rappellent sans cesse que ces actions doivent rester limitées aux traités. L'Avis sur la Grèce en 1976 marque le point culminant de ce débat entre Conseil et Commission. Parallèlement, au cours des années 1970, Bruxelles veille à ne pas laisser émerger dans sa périphérie des organisations qui pourraient la concurrencer. Il en sera ainsi de la Conférence pour la coopération et la sécurité en Europe et de son volet méditerranéen mais aussi de la Coopération Balkanique.Si la chute de l'Union soviétique fait naitre des hésitations sur la conduite à suivre vis-à-vis de l'Europe du Sud-est et sa nouvelle extension vers le Caucase et dans les anciennes républiques soviétiques. Bien vite la Commission revient à sa politique d'extension du modèle européen. Cependant, le centre des préoccupations communautaire n'est plus la Grèce ou la Turquie. Avec l'effondrement de l'Empire soviétique, le champ d'action de la Communauté -devenue Union- s'est élargi à l'ensemble de la Région Mer Noire.Pourtant, la non résolution du problème de Chypre, l'instabilité financière de la Grèce, les crises politiques turques, le maintien hors de Schengen de la Roumanie et de la Bulgarie sont des exemples des difficultés rencontrées par la Communauté dans la région.La guerre en Géorgie et l'annexion de la Crimée par la Russie à la suite de la révolution à Kiev illustrent que le processus " doux " d'inoculation des valeurs du Traité de Rome ne va pas de soi du moment que celui-ci rencontre une opposition " dure ". Nous achevons notre réflexion en nous posant la question de la capacité de l'Union et de la Commission à absorber à terme l'ensemble de la Mer Noire ce qui mettrait la Mésopotamie et l'Asie centrale en contact direct avec le processus d'intégration européenne.Il s'agit maintenant de savoir si la Mer Noire deviendra un " lac Européen".

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Herremans, Bertrand. « Guerres de cabinets, ou, Petite histoire de l'impuissance de la Belgique dans la question nationale en Europe centrale, orientale et balkanique, 1918-1924 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210650.

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La thèse aborde les interrogations, les positions de principe, les ambitions et les réalisations bien plus modestes de la diplomatie belge, en interaction avec les milieux politiques et une partie de la société du temps, quant à la question des nationalités en Europe centrale, orientale et balkanique (1918-1924). Les sept pays retenus sont la Pologne, la Tchécoslovaquie, l’Autriche, la Hongrie, la Yougoslavie, la Roumanie et la Bulgarie.

Par question des nationalités, il faut entendre trois aspects indissociables :la question de la modification des frontières dans cette partie du Vieux Continent (disparition des empires au profit des Etats précités), celle des territoires disputés entre lesdits Etats et enfin celle des minorités nationales.

Pour expliquer les différentes postures de chacun, l’étude envisage une multitude de facteurs de politique intérieure ou extérieure, principalement les peurs du socialisme et du séparatisme, mais aussi la question des rapports des individus (psychologie) et des groupes (cercles de connaissances, partis,…).

Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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McGinnity, Ian J. « Selling its Future Short : Armenia's Economic and Security Relations with Russia ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/58.

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It is necessary and desirable for Armenia to retain close relations with Russia in both the short and long term. However, recent concessions to Russia for good relations in the short term may have potentially harmful repercussions for Armenia in the future. These concessions have in part resulted in the Russian dominance in the economic sector, over-dependence on Russia for Armenia’s energy needs, and the perpetuation of Armenian submissiveness to Russian interests. Armenia should, therefore, maintain good relations with Russia while simultaneously securing long-term paths that focus on actual strategic partnership and not dependence. In short, Armenia should return to a foreign policy of complementarism, which was first enacted under the Republic of Armenia’s first president, Levon Ter-Petrossian. Complementarism stresses the importance of pursuing Armenia’s best interest through the adoption of balanced policies and through minimal involvement or identification within regional blocs. The leveraging of Armenia’s long-term interests for close relations with Russia is possibly best exemplified in the state of Armenia’s economy. Like many former Soviet republics, the collapse of entangled Soviet trading patterns and the legacy of its centrally-planned economy still have negative implications for Armenian industry and trade.

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Just, Thomas. « Contemporary State Policies Toward Anti-Semitism in Germany and Poland ». FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3487.

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Broadly speaking, this research is intended to shed light on how post-genocide societies attempt to address a traumatic history and reconcile the problems of ethnic and religious hatred. Germany and Poland are especially ripe cases for such research given their historical memories of the Holocaust and unique legal and diplomatic efforts to counter anti-Semitism. However, since many of the policies on this issue have only been implemented in the past ten to fifteen years, there has not yet been a comprehensive study that has evaluated their effectiveness. This dissertation will attempt to fill this gap in the literature and provide new insight as to how states can best grapple with this problem. The central question for this research is: Have state policies been effective in reducing levels of anti-Semitic attitudes and incidents in Germany and Poland since 1990? This question will be investigated by first examining the historical development of anti-Semitism in each country, then discussing the policies implemented to address the problem, and finally evaluating the results of such measures. From a public policy perspective, this research will contribute to our understanding of the approaches taken by these two countries and discover which measures have been most effective in reducing anti-Semitic behavior and ideology. The findings show that while the policies implemented have tended to be effective in reducing general anti-Semitic attitudes and helping revive domestic Jewish communities, they have been less successful in reducing levels of anti-Semitic crime. The policy analysis portions of the dissertation provide a number of explanations for these outcomes and acknowledge areas for potential policy improvement. This research has implications not only for the region of Central Europe, but also other societies that continue to grapple with problems of ethnic and religious hatred.

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DIGOL, Diana. « Emerging Diplomatic Elites in Post-Communist Europe ». Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6941.

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Defence date: 23 March 2007
Examining board: Prof. John Hemery (Centre for Political and Diplomatic Studies, Oxford) ; Prof. Jacek Wasilewski (Warsaw School of Social Psychology) ; Prof. Jaap Dronkers (European University Institute)(Supervisor)
The aim of this study is to explore the process of diplomatic elite transformation in the post-communist countries within the context of political elite transformation and to analyse whether the process of circulation or reproduction prevailed among the diplomatic elites during the first decade and a half after the change of the political regime (1989-2004). I focus upon the entry-level diplomats to a greater degree than in the older works on political elite and diplomacy. The key to capturing the process of circulation/ reproduction among diplomatic elites is through analysis of the general characteristics of diplomats as well as the system of personnel selection. I argue that a better understanding of the transformation processes could be achieved by looking at people at the entry level into political elite, i.e., by looking at newcomers. The thesis is further set out to show how the historical, political and cultural legacy of the past and geographical realities shaped the emerging diplomatic elites. The analysis presented in the thesis is based on a survey that I conducted. Several conclusions can be drawn from the analysis of diplomats in 27 countries. The composition of the emerging diplomatic elite across countries shows some striking similarities and some striking differences. The areas of important similarities are education, social origins and channels of recruitment. The differences mainly occur in age, gender, recruitment channels, previous professional experience, type of residence and additional jobs performed. Particularly illuminating in this respect is the division of respondents by geographical criterion into the CEE/FSU countries. A more meticulous analysis shows that the revolutionary political transformations were not followed by a revolutionary transformation of elites, or of diplomatic elites in particular. There was a modest degree of circulation from the lower classes into the elite role (in particular, into the diplomatic elite), but it did not transcend the socially desirable and socially stabilising moderate level. It was certainly not a revolutionary degree of circulation into the diplomatic elite. Nor was there a full-scale reproduction of elites.

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BIANCHI, VIVIANA. « Carlo Sforza and diplomatic Europe, 1896-1922 ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11573/1085020.

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The aim of this work is to understand the actions of Carlo Sforza as a diplomat and Foreign Affairs Minister going beyond any preconceived opinion, and to relate his decisions and official documents to his “time.” Sforza lived through a period in which the world experienced many shocking events; his story encompasses the passage from the nineteenth to the twentieth century. The study of his action as an Italian diplomat, Minister, and exile enable the historian to understand the red thread of continuity – or discontinuity, in the Italian foreign policy. For this reason, the objective of this work is to understand Sforza’s actions and foreign policy decisions drawing heavily on – published and unpublished – diplomatic documents and correspondence. Considering the amount of material related to Carlo Sforza, the study has been divided. The dissertation represents the first part of a more ambitious project which aims to reconstruct the entire life of Carlo Sforza and his international action. This work analyzes the first years of Sforza’s career, from 1896 to 1922. In 1896 Sforza became a diplomat; meanwhile, the defeat of Adua shocked the Italian political system. In 1922 Sforza decided to resign because he strongly disagreed with the choice of the new Italian Prime Minister, Benito Mussolini, who included the nationalists in his Government. As a liberal, Sforza had believed in the "honest fascists" but he could hardly find a compromise with a nationalist as Federzoni - new Minister of Colonies - was. This choice stressed the personal and professional change in Sforza’s life. In fact, he had a career as a diplomat and a public servant which ended for good when he left Paris. Starting from that moment, Sforza acted as a politician and his actions would be related to his political career.

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Batonyi, Gabor. « “Creative Ferment in Eastern Europe” : Thatcher’s Diplomacy and the Transformation of Hungary in the Mid-1980s ». 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/15221.

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yes
This analysis of British Ostpolitik focuses on Margaret Thatcher’s diplomacy, exploring her quietly pragmatic efforts to bring about a gradual transformation of Eastern Europe at the cost of supporting selected communist regimes. The analysis reveals how a market-oriented economic experiment in Budapest first sparked the prime minister’s interest in Hungary and inspired her foreign policy in Eastern Europe. It documents the British search for a socialist transition ‘model’, which led to unprecedented diplomatic overtures towards a small enemy state on the brink of bankruptcy. Based on extensive archival research in Budapest and London, as well as on the personal recollections of three senior British diplomats, this case study challenges some of the common assumptions of the historical literature about Thatcher’s chosen method of combating communism and Britain’s long-term strategy towards the Eastern bloc.
Hungarian Academy of Sciences

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Rempel, Peter H. « The Geneva Convention on Upper Silesia and Germany's diplomacy for the rights of German minorities in Eastern Europe, 1918-1922 ». 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/19273.

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Livres sur le sujet "Diplomats – Europe, Eastern"

B, Biskupski Mieczysław, et Wandycz Piotr Stefan, dir. Ideology, politics, and diplomacy in East Central Europe. Rochester, N.Y : University of Rochester Press, 2003.

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1965-, Murthi Mamta, et Abu-Ghaida Dina, dir. Skills, not just diplomas : Strengthening education systems in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. Washington, DC : World Bank, 2011.

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Zorić, Neđeljko L. Zapisi jugoslovenskog diplomate 1948-1983. Beograd : Službeni glasnik, 2011.

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E, Griffith William, dir. Central and Eastern Europe : The opening curtain ? Boulder, Colo : Westview Press, 1989.

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Dawisha, Karen. Eastern Europe, Gorbachev, and reform : The great challenge. Cambridge [England] : Cambridge University Press, 1988.

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Eastern Europe, Gorbachev, and reform : The great challenge. 2^e éd. Cambridge [England] : Cambridge University Press, 1990.

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Topor, Claudiu-Lucian. "The unknown war" from Eastern Europe : Romania between allies and enemies, 1916-1918. Iaşi : Editura Universităţii "Alexandru Ioan Cuza", 2016.

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Smith, Karen E. The making of EU foreign policy : The case of Eastern Europe. Basingstoke : Macmillan, 1999.

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Domination of Eastern Europe : Native nobilities and foreign absolutism, 1500-1715. Kingston : McGill-Queen's University Press, 1986.

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Die Bundesrepublik im KSZE-Prozess 1975-1983 : Die Umkehrung der Diplomatie. Berlin : De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2015.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Diplomats – Europe, Eastern"

Juhász, Gyula. « The Hungarian Foreign Ministry and Hungarian Diplomats in the Field, 1939–44 ». Dans Eastern Europe and the West, 93–101. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22299-5_6.

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Schweitzer, Glenn E. « Economic and Scientific Decline in Eastern Europe ». Dans Techno-Diplomacy, 253–86. Boston, MA : Springer US, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-6046-7_9.

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Piros, Silviu, et Joachim Koops. « Towards a Sustainable Approach to EU Education Diplomacy ? The Case of Capacity-Building in the Eastern Neighbourhood ». Dans Cultural Diplomacy in Europe, 113–38. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21544-6_6.

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Qu, Xing, et Longbiao Zhong. « Calm response to diplomatic challenges from upheaval in the USSR and Eastern Europe ». Dans Contemporary China's Diplomacy, 43–63. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series : China perspectives series : Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315720562-3.

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Marin, Irina. « Diplomacy of the Uprising ». Dans Peasant Violence and Antisemitism in Early Twentieth-Century Eastern Europe, 253–74. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76069-8_7.

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Thackeray, Frank W. « Piłsudski, Dmowski and the Russo-Japanese War : An Episode in the Diplomacy of a Stateless People ». Dans Eastern Europe and the West, 52–67. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22299-5_3.

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Berry, Robert A. « Polish Diplomatic Activities in the Ottoman Empire, 1832–48 : The Influence of the Hotel Lambert on Ottoman Policy ». Dans Eastern Europe and the West, 26–51. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22299-5_2.

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Ouahes, Idir. « Epilogue ». Dans European Cultural Diplomacy and Arab Christians in Palestine, 1918–1948, 439–51. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55540-5_21.

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AbstractIn this epilogue, Ouahes considers the context of cultural diplomacy through secular networks within a broader Arab milieu, both in the Eastern Mediterranean and in Europe. Comparing the complexities of three politicised arenas of cultural diplomacy—education, newspapers and humanitarianism—this epilogue considers the interactions between various Western powers and new Arab political formations. Contrasting the French Mission Laique, the secularisation of American apparatus and the rise of Bolshevism after the Russian Revolution in 1917, it shows the strong competition among foreign powers for spheres of influence in Arab communities. Just as importantly, it also shows Arab contestations of colonial ambitions and the ways in which cultural diplomacy was deployed in aid of Arab political agendas.

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Maiorov, Alexander V. « Diplomacy, war, and a witch ». Dans The Routledge Handbook of the Mongols and Central-Eastern Europ, 36–81. London : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367809959-4.

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Trofymenko, Mykola, et Anastasiia Trofymenko. « Public Diplomacy in the Countries of Central and Eastern Europe : Experiences for Ukraine ». Dans Baltic-Black Sea Regionalisms, 235–43. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-24878-9_15.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Diplomats – Europe, Eastern"

Uğur, Ömer. « The Eu's Influence on Eastern European Stability in the Context of Ukrainian Crisis ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01652.

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The Ukraine crisis that started with the Euromaidan protests in November 2013 appears to be a most important security crises of the post-Cold War security order. Russia's aggression against Ukraine has not just threaten the territorial integrity or sovereignty of the EU's largest neighbour, but also it has led to a rivalry between the former Cold War enemies again and even it led to the start of a period that may cause to conflict between them. The EU's approach that established the Free Trade Area between the EU and Ukraine did not give any chance of talking to third country or organizations such as the Eurasian Union. Therefore, Russia worked hard to influence on Ukraine to abandon to sing the agreement and this happened to see Ukraine’s choice as a zero-sum game. In order to understand the effect of crisis on the EU and Russia, it have to be analysed the economic sanctions imposed by the EU against Russia to resolve the crisis through diplomatic and economic means. Thus, it is necessary to look at the economic relations between Russia and the EU and this data will be obtained in Eurostat. As a result, economic sanctions helped to move the conflict from the military to the diplomatic levels. Indeed, Russia has seen that European unity gave rise to a significant impact on its economy. Also, the EU realized that the sanctions is the most powerful tool in the hands of the EU in absence of military power.

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Ružeková, Viera, et Ján Hrinko. « The Impact of Economic Diplomacy on the Fulfilment of the Slovak Pro-export Policy Goals ». Dans 21st International Joint Conference Central and Eastern Europe in the Changing Business Environment : Proceedings. University of Economics in Bratislava, Vydavateľstvo EKONÓM, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/pr.2021.krn.4816.17.

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Pirsl, Danica, Tea Pirsl et Sandra Milanovic. « GENERIC SKILLS AND PROSPECTS OF E-LEARNING IN SPORTS SCIENCES ». Dans eLSE 2014. Editura Universitatii Nationale de Aparare "Carol I", 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-14-255.

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Challenges of modeling domain-specific cognitive competencies within the area of generic skills acquisition have to deal with the modeling of domain specific competence development over the life span. They are confronted with at least two major challenges: (a) the stipulation of benchmarks for the judgment of competence development over the life span (for different requirements and standards across the life span) and (b) a coherent modeling of competence development over different educational stages allowing the description of cumulative developmental progress over time (scale anchoring). As for e-learning, especially in sports sciences, it is not yet fully developed. Main reason for not having a wider acceptance of this form of study programs curricula implementation can be contributed not only to technical but to cultural factors as well. Globalized spreading and popularity of sports sciences call for wider students' audience and participation. The competitive university has to appeal to a large number of the international students. Eastern Europe students want to obtain their education in sports for the knowledge sake but also for the license to work as coaches. Therefore, University of Nis and National Sports Academy as the leading educational institutions in their respective countries strive to establish distance learning centers for sports sciences students thus promoting e-learning and development of possible higher level diploma attainment. This paper presents attempts to establish, through IPA cross border cooperation project, joint distance learning centers in Serbia and Bulgaria for sport sciences curricula implementation and dissemination, having students' benefits as primary challenge and goal.

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