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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Diplomatic protection – European Union countries »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Diplomatic protection – European Union countries"

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Forni, Federico. « Diplomatic Protection in EU Law : What’s New under the Sun ? » Hague Journal of Diplomacy 9, no 2 (31 mars 2014) : 150–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341274.

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Summary This article aims to assess which subjects could offer diplomatic protection in third countries to European citizens and/or European Union legal persons on the basis of eu law. The absence of a common standard of assistance and the lack of specific agreements with third states has de facto excluded the diplomatic protection ex Article 23 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (tfeu, formerly the tec or Treaty establishing the European Community). Yet the practice shows cases in which the European Commission claimed the infringement of the rights of eu citizens and eu corporations in cases of violation of an international agreement concluded by the Union, or in cases of a breach of general international law in a matter of eu exclusive competence. These evidences indicate that the eu could play an effective role in ensuring the protection of European citizens in third countries in situations in which the eu member states have transferred their competences to the European Union. However, these actions remain discretional, since the ‘duty to protect’ is far from achieved both in eu and in international law.
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Duquet, Sanderijn. « Bound or Unbridled ? A Legal Perspective on the Diplomatic Functions of European Union Delegations ». Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13, no 1 (15 septembre 2018) : 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-13010030.

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Summary When serving abroad, diplomats must abide by both the diplomatic functions detailed in the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations and the Convention’s general obligations. This applies, too, to the European Union’s missions (Union delegations), which execute diplomatic functions for the eu in third countries. These diplomatic activities are more severely constrained than for individual member states by the limits set by eu law in terms of the horizontal and vertical division of competences. This article demonstrates how Union delegations fulfil nearly all traditional diplomatic tasks outlined in the Vienna Convention, while going beyond the traditional conception of diplomatic functions in terms of human rights protection, the execution of administrative programmes, and the management of coordination/cooperation modes with eu member state missions on the ground. Ultimately, the article argues that Union delegations are able to meet the demands of modern diplomatic interchange and may have inadvertently altered diplomatic functions altogether.
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Saliceti, Alessandro Ianniello. « The Protection of EU Citizens Abroad : Accountability, Rule of Law, Role of Consular and Diplomatic Services ». European Public Law 17, Issue 1 (1 mars 2011) : 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2011008.

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The concept of protection of distressed citizens abroad was born inside the mainstream of theories on ‘Law of Nations’ in the seventeen and eighteen centuries. For a long time, this concept has been based on the strict relation between State and ‘its’ subjects. Since 1992, the new legal order of European Union (EU) law has given zest to the novel concept of protection of European citizens abroad, so that any EU country can intervene to protect unrepresented Europeans in third countries. Rule of law and Member State accountability are two basic milestones in EU law and well-settled case law of the EU Court of Justice, so that the traditional theories on State immunity and on discretionary power of consular and diplomatic agents cannot reasonably be maintained. The present study will conduct an in-depth analysis on Article 23 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), where the basic provision on protection of Europeans abroad is enshrined.
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Habro, Irina, et Mykhailo Solomko. « Development of environmental diplomacy of the European Union ». European Historical Studies, no 18 (2021) : 6–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.01.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the development of environmental diplomacy of the European Union. Today environmental diplomacy has become an important way for states to promote their course of environmental diplomacy, to protect their environmental rights and interests, to promote their own economic and environmental development. The most striking example of the application of green diplomacy on a regional and global scale is the environmental policy implemented by EU member states. Within the EU there is a huge number of environmental programs for the development of renewable energy sources, protection of flora and fauna, as well as combating pollution of water and land resources. To implement its own environmental diplomacy, the EU has adopted a number of important regulations, which are analyzed in the article. The most thorough legal act in the field of environmental diplomacy was Council Directive 85/337 / EEC of 1985 on the assessment of the effects of public and private projects on the environment. This directive reflects the EU’s desire to draw the attention of government agencies and the public to environmental issues and to encourage their collective solution. EU environmental diplomacy is carried out through diplomatic missions, missions, delegations, as well as at the individual level. It involves European politicians and officials who are able to influence international public opinion, employees of foreign ministries and diplomatic missions. The EU also involves third countries as partners to discuss the most pressing environmental issues and their future solutions: climate change, biodiversity conservation, soil depletion, forest and water resources, and renewable energy. Environmental protection is one of the priority areas for European integration. States wishing to join the EU must meet its environmental standards and implement key principles of environmental legislation. It is noted that the EU countries are trying to transfer the economy to clean technologies and diplomatically encourage others to take measures to improve the environmental situation.
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Tomilenko, Serhii, et Lina Kushch. « International Solidarity Campaigns with Ukrainian Journalists ». Diplomatic Ukraine, no XIX (2018) : 802–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-51.

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The article analyses the main fields of activities of the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine (NUJU) and specifies its main partners and topical joint projects for cooperation. The article states that the development of international communication with associations and media employees’ organisations, diplomatic and non-governmental organisations, and higher educational establishments allows the union to ensure the protection of journalists’ rights and develop information space. The NUJU is the key partner in Ukraine for the Office of the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media in Vienna. The article mentions a round table in Odesa attended by the Head of the European Federation of Journalists, where matters of journalists’ safety and other important issues were discussed. The authors also substantiate the means the NUJU uses for solidarity campaigns with its Ukrainian counterparts illegally detained in uncontrolled territories or Russian prisons. In addition, the article singles out the consequences of the partnership between UNESCO and the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine, such as a textbook entitled Journalists and Police: Recommendations for Ensuring Understanding. The NUJU’s close involvement in international conferences and other events offering an opportunity for the organisation to render its views in respect of many issues is also delineated. In addition, the NUJU maintains contact with journalism organisations of Poland, Bulgaria, Lithuania, Sweden, Germany, and other European countries. The authors examines the main principles of the international cooperation of the NUJU, which enable it to take advantage of international platforms for promulgating position of the Union, carry out international solidarity campaigns with Ukrainian journalists, distribute information about activities of the Union, share experience, and conduct joint events with journalists from other countries. Keywords: National Union of Journalists of Ukraine, OSCE, international cooperation, protection of freedom of speech, assistance to journalists.
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Marchuk, M., et L. Gudz. « Local elections in the European Union and Ukraine : comparative characteristics ». Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series : Law, no 70 (18 juin 2022) : 119–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.70.16.

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The article provides a comparative analysis of the electoral legislation of the EU countries and Ukraine at the local level and on the basis of this analysis, the proposals to improve the electoral legislation of Ukraine take into account the experience of the European Union. The main forms of direct democracy in most EU member countries and Ukraine are fixed at the constitutional level, and the procedure of preparing and holding elections is regulated by special election laws. Domestic electoral legislation is overloaded with detailed norms of procedural aspects, unlike the legislation of EU countries, in which much more attention is paid to the issues of transparency of party financial funds and transparency of election campaign financing, as well as protection of national minorities’ interests. The main ways of exercising the right to vote not at the place of inclusion in the voter lists in the EU member states were characterized: voting by absentee ballots at specially designated polling stations, voting on the territory of diplomatic and consular missions, voting by mail, proxy voting, mobile voting, voting via the Internet, distance voting. It is noted that the norms in which the institution of a cash deposit is enshrined are discriminatory since they violate the principle of equality of suffrage and create a situation in which candidates are excluded from the political arena on the basis of the property criterion. Relevant for EU countries is the adoption of measures to create appropriate conditions for the full implementation of the principle of equality of citizens before the law, in particular, to overcome the actual inequality of opportunities between women and men. In order to bring Ukrainian legislation in line with international standards set by the European Union, we propose: to grant the right to vote in local elections to citizens of other states or stateless persons who permanently reside on the territory of the respective territorial community and permanently pay local taxes and fees have common local interests related to everyday life, infrastructure, communication, recreation; to introduce electronic voting; not to apply the institution of cash deposit at the local level; to introduce individual (party) gender quotas, following the French example.
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Pater, Ivan. « PUBLISHING ACTIVITIES OF THE UNION FOR THE LIBERATION OF UKRAINE ». Contemporary era 6 (2018) : 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-3-19.

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The study analyzes publishing of the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine (SVU) during the First World War: shows the national and political orientation of editions, its aim at real clarification of the current international situation, and the role and place of Ukrainian issue in the European political space. Emphasis is placed on the importance of SVU press publications on coverage of the military events on all fronts of the war, various problems of Ukrainian national life, the situation of the Ukrainian population in the Russian-occupied Galicia-Bukovina lands, forced military extortions, forcible deportation of Ukrainian intellectuals to Siberia. After the defeat of Russian troops in Galicia, the evacuation of the locals deep into the Russian provinces, establishing of Eastern Orthodoxy on occupied territories. In European countries and among public and political figures and publicists, the Ukrainian case was popularized by the German and French-speaking Ukrainian press. Union appeals to some European peoples with exposing the fabrications of Moscow Pan-Slavism against Slavdom, regarding the protection of culture, prosperity, and peace in Europe from Moscow's barbarism, calling for assistance in resolving the fate of Ukraine was significant. The influence of the information and diplomatic policy of the Union on spreading and promoting the Ukrainian issue as an international factor, as well as raising national consciousness among the captive Ukrainians and deportees of Ukrainian camps in Austria-Hungary and Germany, the propaganda of national liberation ideas among Ukrainian society are revealed. The author showed a wide range of publications: from the camp press to publications of fundamental works of famous Ukrainian and foreign scientists, classics of Ukrainian and world literature, politicians, publicists. It has been shown that SVU publications had a clear political and ideological direction - the struggle for state independence and unity of Ukrainian lands/ Keywords Union for the Liberation of Ukraine, publishing, book, periodical.
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Karanikola, Zoe, et George Panagiotopoulos. « International Organizations Policies and New Era of Work : Education in What Skills ? » International Journal of Learning and Development 8, no 4 (18 novembre 2018) : 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijld.v8i4.13928.

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This paper comes to examine the intense reflection that arises around the issue of the right and the appropriate skills employees need to obtain in order to adapt to a continuously changing working environment. In a context of global co-operation and coalition, international organizations, such the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the European Union (EU) Institutions, are called upon to play an important role in the development of prosperity, social cohesion and the economy of the countries, given that they have both the appropriate experience and the extensive diplomatic networks. In such a context, a great number of significant official texts have been drafted. Texts which provide policy guidance to member states in order to achieve growth and development. This study, through the bibliographic review of related texts, comes to investigate the proposed by the international organizations types of skills which are related to the protection and the maintenance of employability.
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Bordilovska, Olena. « Current State of Ukrainian-Indian Relations ». Diplomatic Ukraine, no XIX (2018) : 590–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-34.

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The article delineates the diplomatic relations between Ukraine and the Republic of India based on a high level of trust and mutual understanding, being friendly and collaborating. Recently, two countries have been able to build a solid base for the development of economic cooperation, trade and scientific relations, using the Soviet-era cooperation traditions and a certain unity of approaches to understanding of the modern world. At the same time, analysts and indologists point out the lack of attention to Ukrainian-Indian relations by Ukrainian authorities and underestimation of real opportunities and prospects for cooperation. The level of political dialogue is not in line with the potential of these relationships either. The overall image of Ukraine has been significantly improved by Ukraine’s persuasive defence of its national interests, victory in international legal instances, in particular the recognition of the aggressive actions of the Russian Federation in the east of Ukraine as well as the entry into force of the Association Agreement with the European Union that has led to a revival of interest from Indian partners. The next task for Ukrainian politicians and experts is to explain the strategic importance for Ukraine of the Association Agreement with the EU, the prospects for its implementation, and the absence of negative consequences for cooperation with Asian countries. The author emphasises that Ukraine does not make full use of this area of its foreign policy, therefore losing opportunities for advancing and protecting its national interests in this important region. Keywords: the Republic of India, Ukraine, EU, association, Ukrainian-Indian relations.
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BROŽIČ, LILIANA. « EDITORIAL, SECURITY PERSPECTIVES ». CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES 2022, no 24/3 (30 septembre 2022) : 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.24.3.00.

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This is the title of the third issue in the twenty-fourth volume of the Contemporary Military Challenges. We started from the changes that have taken place over the last few years. We have had in mind the increased migration flows towards the European Union, the experience of the Covid 19 epidemic, the climate change that surprises us time and time again, despite the fact that we are aware of it, and that we are trying to adapt and respond to it accordingly. In March this year, the "Strategic Compass for Security and Defence - For a European Union that protects its citizens, values and interests and contributes to international peace and security" was launched, and at the end of June, the new NATO Strategic Concept. Both with the aim of rethinking, aligning and unifying the way we look at existing security challenges and developing new security perspectives. At the beginning of this year, we were taken by surprise by the Russian Federation's armed attack against Ukraine. Some had predicted it; others only foresaw it. Many were convinced, however, that such a phenomenon was not possible in a modern democratic society. Huntington's theory of a clash of civilisations, which seemed to have outlived its usefulness in modern European society, has become relevant again. A realistic view of the contemporary security, social and political situation in the world and, above all, the crisis of values and the consequent need for unification have encouraged the European Union to aspire to become a global security actor in the international environment. The war in Ukraine is forcing the European Union to act. It has prepared a package of economic measures or sanctions to influence the Russian Federation in terms of expressing its disapproval of its unilateral moves. However, the Member States are not entirely united on how to confront and counter the situation. Without unity, united political positions and united action, the European Union cannot become the global security actor that it has claimed to be in its strategic compass. In this context, it is also worth mentioning its Common Security and Defence Policy, which is first and foremost a policy, and the fact that the European Union does not have its own military capabilities to manage. The Member States have military capabilities, and they spend varying amounts on their defence. Over the last decade, most Member States have been reducing their defence expenditure, despite the fact that it was agreed at the NATO summit in Wales in 2012 that it would amount up to 2% of GDP. Not all Member States of the European Union are members of the Alliance, but there are twenty-one of them that are members of both. Douglas Barrie and his colleagues produced a special report in 2020 on 'European defence policy in an era of renewed great-power competition', which concluded that, assuming that all Member States did indeed spend 2% of GDP on defence, the European Union and its Member States would need ten to fifteen years to be adequately prepared in terms of security capabilities for a possible aggression by a country with the military capabilities of the Russian Federation today. With investments in this area as they are in 2022, it would take twenty years. This leads to the logical conclusion. There are only two ways of stopping the Russian Federation in its territorial and, of course, political ambitions. The first and most appropriate is political, the second military. Since the European Union does not represent a serious opponent in defence and military terms to this large and militarily powerful country, the only way for it to achieve its status as a global security actor is politically. The military conflict in Ukraine is a major test for both the Union and the Alliance. The European Union now has the opportunity to test how strong and credible its ideals, values and beliefs are. Are its senior representatives wise and innovative enough to look beyond economic sanctions to other diplomatic avenues to achieve what they have written in their strategic compass – to be a global player? Time will answer this question. Until then, however, scholars and other experts will be studying the various influences and phenomena in the security domain. Some of them will also share them with the readers of Contemporary Military Challenges. In a time of economic sanctions imposed by the European Union, Tamas Somogyi and Rudolf Nagy focus on the protection of critical infrastructure, of which the financial sector is an important part. In their article Cyber threats and security challenges in the Hungarian financial sector, they explore the security risks facing the banking system in their country. The paper Geostrategic perspectives of Slovenia in a changing world draws on two geopolitical theories by Mackinder and Spykman, who develop their views on the European space. Uroš Tovornik explored Slovenia's geostrategic position on the basis of their theories, focusing on its geopolitical characteristics. He summarised his findings into four possible scenarios, which are determined by these characteristics and from which possible future geopolitical orientations are derived. Olusola Kolawole Oluwagbire explored the influence of the world’s major powers and how this is reflected in the case of each country. Africa, as a very large continent, is made up of many and diverse countries. The influence of the major powers has always been very strong and integral to African life and the security of its people. In his article An assessment of the impact of relations with major powers on national security: Nigeria in perspective, the author presents how this has changed in recent years and how it affects the security of each country in. Mariann Minkó-Miskovics and Csaba Szabó note that there is an inconsistency between European and Hungarian legislation in the field of dual-use regulation, i.e. for civil and defence purposes. Moreover, they are convinced that this inconsistency may pose a security risk. What this means in practice is presented in the article Interpretation of civil vs. military equipment in European case law - EU and Hungary. Jarosław Włodarczyk writes on the importance of a proper understanding of language between different stakeholders in the international military environment. His study focuses on the teaching of English among military personnel in Poland and on those types of words that do not have a direct translation from Polish into English or vice versa. A particular challenge here is how to adequately explain and teach this to military personnel in the educational process. He summarised his findings in his paper The problem of lexical gaps in teaching military English.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Diplomatic protection – European Union countries"

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Klien, Michael, Markus Leibrecht et Özlem Onaran. « Globalization, welfare regimes and social protection expenditures in Western and Eastern European countries ». SFB International Tax Coordination, WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2010. http://epub.wu.ac.at/1608/1/document.pdf.

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This paper analyzes the effects of globalization on social protection expenditures in European countries. The analysis adds to the literature due to its special focus on (a) the Eastern European countries and (b) on differences in globalization effects between welfare regimes. We find evidence in favor of the compensation hypothesis in Western Europe which is driven by the conservative welfare regime, outweighing the efficiency effect of globalization in the social-democratic welfare regime. In Eastern European countries the efficiency effect is predominant. No globalization effect is found for the liberal and the southern welfare regimes. Our results indicate some convergence within Western Europe and a divergence between the East and the West of Europe. We stress the importance of disaggregating by welfare regimes when exploring the effects of globalization on public social protection expenditures. (author's abstract)
Series: Discussion Papers SFB International Tax Coordination
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Lynskey, Orla. « Identifying the objectives of EU data protection regulation and justifying its costs ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608116.

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D'AMICO, Alessia. « Optimising regulatory responses to consumer disempowerment over personal data in the digital world ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/71844.

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Defence date: 06 July 2021
Examining Board: Professor Giorgio Monti (Tilburg University); Professor Michal Gal (University of Haifa); Professor Orla Lynskey (London School of Economics); Professor Peter Drahos (European University Institute)
This thesis addresses the problem of individuals’ lack of control over personal data in the digital world. It sheds light on market and regulatory failures that lie behind the status quo and proposes a framework to improve regulatory responses. The two regulatory regimes that are at the core of this thesis are EU data protection regulation, which protects individuals’ fundamental rights over data, and EU competition law, which safeguards the sound functioning of the market and consumers’ economic interests. Despite the existence of these two regulatory regimes, individuals do not have sufficient control over personal data collected by digital firms, whose control over large datasets is a factor contributing to market monopolisation. The thesis argues that one reason for the shortcomings of today’s regulatory framework is that the market failure is composed of a combination of factors, which are currently addressed by the different regimes relatively independently. This dichotomy hinders the development of an effective strategy to tackle the market failure in its entirety. The approach taken in this thesis is that by integrating the two regimes, it might be possible to close the gaps deriving from a narrow perception of their regulatory spaces. Hence, the thesis formulates a holistic approach, encompassing data protection regulation and competition law, designed to increase the effectiveness of the regulatory framework as a whole. Different dimensions of the regimes’ interrelation are analysed, to uncover new ways to harness their complementarity and minimise their inconsistencies and overlaps. The thesis looks at how the regimes can incorporate elements from each other to inform their policies and application of their rules, as well as developing a complementary enforcement strategy. The holistic framework ultimately allows both regimes to better tailor their regulatory responses to the functioning of the digital market and take account of the diverse elements that constitute the market failure they seek to correct.
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Bribosia, Emmanuelle. « La protection des droits fondamentaux dans l'ordre juridique communautaire : le poids respectif des logiques fonctionnelle et autonome dans le cadre normatif et jurisprudentiel ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211769.

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Martill, Benjamin. « Cold War at the centre : liberalism and the politics of Euratlantic strategy, 1945-1990 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:59dc5f4a-5a58-4b0e-8690-9f99595e5200.

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Patterns of domestic political contestation in international affairs often see the centre aligned against both the left and the right of the ideological spectrum. This is observable in a range of issues, from democracy promotion, intervention, international law, European integration, free trade, globalization and the creation of international regimes. Why centre-periphery ideological competition occurs is an interesting puzzle, given the challenge it offers to the idea that partisanship is an inherently left-right phenomenon. Yet the role of the political centre in foreign policy has not been subjected to systematic analysis. This thesis studies the nature and effects of the foreign policy position of the political centre. It argues that the centre is distinguished from left and right by its embrace of distinct elements of liberal ideology. The liberal view of international politics differs in thee important respects from its socialist and conservative competitors: It is particular, rather than pluralist, when it comes to questions of sovereignty and international legitimacy; it views interdependence, rather than independence, as a natural and desirable condition of the international; and it views deterrence, rather than diplomacy, as the best means of achieving security. To test the validity of this thesis I discuss the role of ideology in explaining variation in relations between four Euratlantic states (Britain, France, West Germany and Canada) and the United States during the Cold War. This is a hard case given the intensity of global threat at the time. The thesis tests the claim that the strength of Euratlantic-American relations is a function of the relative influence of the political centre at the time. To do this it outlines a mixed-methods research design that combines in-depth case studies with a quantitative analysis of Euratlantic-US relations. The results from both elements confirm the validity of the theoretical proposition.
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RAVALLI, Rebecca. « Externalities of production in GVCs : an EU consumer perspective ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/73849.

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Defence date: 21 December 2021
Examining Board: Professor Hans – W. Micklitz, European University Institute (Supervisor), Professor Martijn W. Hesselink, European University Institute, Professor Anna Beckers, Maastricht University, Professor Fernanda Nicola, Washington College of Law.
This doctoral dissertation examines the EU consumer perspective on externalities of production in global value chains (GVCs). Whether as part of the discourse on development or global economic governance, externalities of production are a long-standing issue that has been problematised not only by lawyers but also by economists, anthropologists, sociologists and social scientists at large. In the legal field, the analysis has struggled to contextualise consumer law and policy together with the peculiarities of GVCs as a distinct model of business organisation characterised by contractualisation of processes of production. The thesis argues that contractualisation of production establishes a relationship between consumers and processes of production, also in relation to externalities. Such a relation is not mirrored either by the voluntary self-regulation through which enterprises regulate externalities nor by EU consumer law. The present dissertation addresses this matter and argues that EU consumer law limits the involvement of consumers in the process of self-regulation that leading enterprises of GVCs undertake to prevent and/or remedy externalities of production and that results into a unilateral exercise of epistemic authority. The exercise of epistemic authority is favoured by a ‘communication paradigm’ framing EU consumer law, according to which consumer claims’ on sustainability and externalities of production depend on the content of the communication consumers receive prior or via the contract. This paradigm prevents consumers involvement, in all phases of the contractual relationship, in the definition of a legal episteme of sustainability in line with the core constitutional principles and values as enshrined in the EU Treaties and constitutional charters of member states. The final part of the thesis suggests that the limits deriving by the communication paradigm can be overcome by the CJEU that, by relying on the principle of effectiveness can integrate the communication paradigm with a consumer perspective on externalities of production in the post-contractual phase.
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Petroiu, Marius. « Forms of trade secret protection : a comparative analysis of the United States, Canada, the European Union and Romania ». Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99150.

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This thesis is as an attempt to overview the forms of trade secret protection presently in place in the United States, Canada, the European Union and Romania. These jurisdictions were selected because they present a diversity of legal background and a variety of forms of trade secret protection.
The introductory chapter deals with the historical and economic backgrounds of the trade secret protection. An overview of trade secret protection at international scale is also provided. The thesis compares the forms of trade secret protection available in each jurisdiction. Based on the survey, the thesis comes to an answer of the question of "What is the most appropriate form of trade secrets protection?".
The final chapter provides a number of conclusions and recommendations.
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COURELL, Ann Marie. « The friendly settlement procedure under the European convention on human rights ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7026.

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Defence date: 30 March 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Philip Alston (European University Institute) ; Prof. Francesco Francioni (European University Institute) ; Prof. Olivier de Schutter (University of Louvain) ; Prof. Kevin Boyle (University of Essex Colchester)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
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Fahlbusch, Markus. « European integration in the field of human rights protection : the interaction on the basis of different constitutional cultures ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209162.

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The present thesis suggests that judicial interaction can benefit constructive solutions of concrete human rights problems as a specific way of integrating European human rights protection. This affirmation is substantiated by case studies examining the interaction of the European Court of Human Rights with the UK House of Lords and Supreme Court on the one hand and with the German Federal Constitutional Court on the other. Yet, the manner in which the courts proceed in their interaction, notably in view of their potentially conflictual stances, can deflect from the concentration on constructively solving the substantive human rights problem with which the courts are confronted. Accordingly, the courts might be inclined to preserve the status quo of their initial positions and to resort to a mere compromise between the different interests involved.

This thesis identifies two major factors in the courts’ reasoning that inhibit the fruitful discussion of the substantive human rights questions brought up by the cases: the reference to “culture” and the focus on their institutional relationship with the balancing of possibly conflicting interests. By way of analysing practical cases against a legal- and political-theoretical backdrop, this work develops how these two factors contribute to the obstruction of a constructive interaction between the courts and to the shielding of controversial views from being discussed and challenged. In response, also by reference to the concrete practice of the courts, this thesis puts forward an approach to the interaction which avoids this inhibiting effect and therefore allows for a comprehensive, deep and critical discussion on how to solve the specific human rights problems raised by the cases./La présente thèse soutient que l’interaction judiciaire peut bénéficier à des solutions constructives des problèmes concrets de droits de l’homme comme une forme spécifique d’intégration de la protection européenne des droits de l’homme. Cette affirmation est corroborée par des études de cas qui examinent l’interaction de la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme avec la House of Lords et la Cour suprême du Royaume-Uni d’un côté et avec la Cour constitutionnelle fédérale de l’Allemagne de l’autre. Pourtant, la manière dont les cours procèdent dans leur interaction, notamment au vu de leurs points de vue potentiellement conflictuels, peut détourner l’attention de la solution constructive des problèmes substantiels des droits de l’homme auxquels les cours font face. En conséquence, il se peut que les cours soient susceptibles de préserver le statu quo de leurs positions initiales et d’avoir recours à un simple compromis entre les différents intérêts en cause.

Cette thèse identifie deux facteurs majeurs dans le raisonnement des cours qui entravent la discussion fructueuse des questions substantielles soulevées par les cas :la référence à la « culture » et la concentration sur leur relation institutionnelle avec le balancement des intérêts possiblement conflictuels. Au moyen de l’analyse des cas pratiques sur le fond de la théorie juridique et politique, ce travail fait ressortir comment ces deux facteurs contribuent à l’obstruction d’une interaction constructive entre les cours et à la protection des opinions controversées contre leur discussion et défi. En réponse, également en se fondant sur la pratique concrète des cours, cette thèse avance une approche quant à l’interaction qui évite cet effet inhibant et, par conséquent, permet une discussion complète, profonde et critique de comment résoudre les problèmes spécifiques de droits de l’homme posés par les cas.


Doctorat en Sciences juridiques
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Van, Waeyenberge Arnaud. « Les nouveaux instruments juridiques de la gouvernance européenne ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209759.

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Cette recherche doctorale part de l’hypothèse générale selon laquelle la méthode communautaire classique serait concurrencée dans les faits par de nouveaux instruments juridiques qui, loin de constituer des initiatives isolées, participent d’un modèle alternatif de gouvernance communautaire qui la transforme en profondeur.

Afin d’identifier les caractéristiques, les contours et les nouvelles formes de normativités de ce modèle alternatif, cette recherche a adopté une approche pragmatique de l’étude droit et étudie empiriquement et systématiquement six politiques publiques européennes :la stratégie européenne pour l’emploi (SEE) et la Méthode Ouverte de Coordination (MOC), le programme européen REACH; la politique européenne de l’eau; la politique comptable européenne; la politique de régulation des services financiers; et la lutte contre le réchauffement climatique et le marché européen du carbone. Ces politiques publiques sont étudiées au moyen d’une approche par les instruments d’action publique qui s’inspire de la démarche et des recherches effectuées par Michel Foucault sur la « gouvernementalité ».

Cette analyse nous aura permis de démontrer que la transformation de la méthode communautaire classique se constate à au moins trois niveaux. Au niveau des acteurs, on assiste à un renforcement de la place des acteurs privés et de la société civile dans les politiques publiques étudiées. La transformation de l’action publique européenne réside également dans l’utilisation abondante de nouveaux instruments d’action publique - plus techniques que politiques et plus incitatifs que contraignants (du type benchmarking) - qui impliquent systématiquement une collaboration entre acteurs publics et privés à différents niveaux du processus décisionnel (coproduction normative). Enfin le mode de sanction est devenu une « contrainte par l’image » reposant sur la figure du « mauvais élève de la classe » véhiculée principalement par des publications de classements basées sur une classification des bonnes pratiques. Corrélativement, cette transformation se constate également dans les phases d’élaboration, d’exécution et de contrôle du droit de l’Union européenne.

Une fois les caractéristiques et les contours de ce modèle alternatif dessinés sur base des politiques publiques étudiées, cette recherche s’est ensuite tournée vers une présentation des discours (politiques et juridiques) et écoles de pensées (Law and Economics / New Public Management / Démocratie délibérative / Expérimentalisme démocratique) permettant de justifier son existence et, par là, de fonder sa légitimité. Enfin, si ce nouveau modèle peut prétendre à une certaine légitimité ou nécessité et s’il n’apparaît pas envisageable de revenir en arrière, sa non-concordance avec le traité est problématique. En effet, ce modèle pose une série de questions relatives au manque de contrôle sur l’activité des institutions de l’Union et à la sauvegarde de l’ordre juridique constitutionnel européen. Plus précisément, l’étude de la question de la protection juridictionnelle effective et du respect du principe de l’équilibre des pouvoirs permet d’identifier un certains nombre d’écueils et de proposer des suggestions d’amélioration pragmatique du modèle décisionnel européen au regard des nouveaux instruments juridiques de la gouvernance européenne.

The starting point of my doctoral research is that the Classic Community Method, as described in the Lisbon Treaty, does not enable one to understand the manner in which law is currently produced in the European Union. I claim that the Community Method is in fact challenged and transformed by new legal instruments that, far from being isolated initiatives, are part of an alternative model of governance.

My research adopts a programmatic approach as to identify the features, contours and new forms of normativity of this alternative model. It studies empirically and systematically six European public policies through “an approach by instruments” inspired in the writings of Michel Foucault on "governmentality”.

This analysis shows that the transformation of the Classic Community method occurs at least at three levels. First, there is a strengthening of the role of private actors and civil society in policy making. Second, the transformation of European public action also lies in the abundant use of new policy instruments - rather technical and political incentives than binding rules (benchmarking) - that involve a systematic collaboration between public and private actors at different levels of decision-making (co-regulation). Third, control and sanctions rely greatly on a “constrained by image” system based primarily on publications of rankings and classifications of good practices.

After I present the features and contours of this alternative model, my research analyzes the political and legal discourses, as well as the schools of thought (Law and Economics / New Public Management / Deliberative Democracy / Democratic Experimentalism), that justify its existence and, therefore, its legitimacy.

Finally, my doctoral work rises the question about the lack of control over these regulatory activities and brings to light the safeguards that should be taken by the European Court of Justice to respect European Union’s Constitutional law


Doctorat en Sciences juridiques
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Livres sur le sujet "Diplomatic protection – European Union countries"

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Vermeulen, G. EU standards in witness protection and collaboration with justice. Antwerp : Maklu, 2005.

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The European Union and Central Asia. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, [England] : Routledge, 2010.

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1969-, Miles Lee, dir. The European Union and the Nordic countries. London : Routledge, 1996.

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Kuner, Christopher. European data protection law : Corporate compliance and regulation. 2e éd. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2007.

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Rosemary, Byrne, Noll Gregor et Vedsted-Hansen Jens, dir. New asylum countries ? : Migration control and refugee protection in an enlarged European Union. Boston : Kluwer Law International, 2002.

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1978-, Orbie Jan, dir. Europe's global role : External policies of the European Union. Aldershot, Hants, England : Ashgate, 2008.

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Tridimas, Takis. The European Court of Justice and the EU constitutional order : Essays in judicial protection. Oxford : Hart, 2005.

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The European Union Diplomatic Service : Ideas, preferences and identities. London : Routledge, 2012.

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John, Vogler, dir. The European Union as a global actor. London : Routledge, 1999.

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China, the European Union and the developing world : A triangular relationship. Cheltenham, UK : Edward Elgar Publishing, 2015.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Diplomatic protection – European Union countries"

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Buzogány, Aron. « Neighbourhood Countries : Promoting Environmental Protection Close to Home ». Dans European Union External Environmental Policy, 233–52. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60931-7_12.

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Ellermann, Franz. « Twinning — a challenge for both candidate countries and Member States ». Dans Environmental Protection in the European Union, 135–53. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-09714-4_12.

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Ogbonna, Chika Ubaldus. « Adaptation to Climate Change in Developing Countries : A Need in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria ». Dans Environmental Protection in the European Union, 165–85. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-540-77614-7_10.

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Hilpold, Peter. « Article 23 [Diplomatic and Consular Protection of Another Member State] ». Dans Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union - A Commentary, 563–72. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43511-0_24.

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Fellmer, Bettina. « The adoption of the acquis communautaire in environmental legislation in the accession countries — examples under German co-ordination ». Dans Environmental Protection in the European Union, 113–24. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-09714-4_10.

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Badura, Marianne. « Twinning as an instrument for implementing the principles of ecological planning in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe ». Dans Environmental Protection in the European Union, 125–34. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-09714-4_11.

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Alavi, Hamed. « The European Union and Protection of Environment in Eastern Partnership Countries ». Dans Political and Legal Perspectives of the EU Eastern Partnership Policy, 137–51. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-27383-9_9.

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Naef, Tobias. « The Restrictive Effect of the Legal Mechanisms for Data Transfers in the European Union ». Dans European Yearbook of International Economic Law, 115–230. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19893-9_3.

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AbstractThe right to data protection in Article 8 CFR has an extraterritorial dimension, which requires continuous protection for personal data that is essentially equivalent to the protection guaranteed within the EU. This right to continuous protection of personal data is an unwritten constituent part of the right to data protection in Article 8 CFR. Primary Union law in Article 16(2) TFEU instructs the European Parliament and the Council to establish rules relating to the protection of individuals regarding the processing of their personal data. This mandate also extends to the extraterritorial dimension of the right to data protection. Accordingly, Chapter V GDPR sets out the system for the transfer of personal data from the EU to third countries. The first section of this chapter defines the legal concept of “data transfers” and introduces the three legal mechanisms for the transfer of personal data in Chapter V GDPR (Sect. 3.1). The following sections address the three legal mechanism and their role in guaranteeing the right to continuous protection for personal data. Each section entails a fundamental rights analysis for the transfer of personal data on the basis of a legal mechanism in Chapter V GDPR. The second section is dedicated to data transfers based on adequacy decisions for third countries following Article 45 GDPR (Sect. 3.2). The third section is dedicated to data transfers based on the instruments providing appropriate safeguards in Article 46 GDPR such as standard data protection clauses and binding corporate rules (BCRs) (Sect. 3.3). Finally, the fourth section is dedicated to data transfers subject to contract-based and consent-based derogations in Article 49 GDPR (Sect. 3.4).
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Vintila, Daniela, et Jean-Michel Lafleur. « Migration and Access to Welfare Benefits in the EU : The Interplay between Residence and Nationality ». Dans IMISCOE Research Series, 1–32. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51241-5_1.

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Abstract Increasing mobility to and from European Union (EU) countries has started to challenge the principles of territoriality and national citizenship through which European democracies traditionally conditioned access to social benefits. Existing typologies of immigrant social protection regimes do not seem to adequately capture (nor explain) the diverse repertoire of policy configurations through which European welfare regimes adapt to migration-driven societal dynamics. This introductory chapter provides a critical reflection on the link between migration and access to welfare in the EU. In doing so, it aims to propose a comprehensive analytical framework that allows for a systematic comparison of the inclusiveness of social protection systems towards mobile individuals. We argue that states’ responsiveness towards the social protection needs of their immigrant and emigrant populations has to be examined through a combination of factors, including the characteristics of these populations, the migration history of these countries, as well as the main features of their welfare state.
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Hoen, Ellen ‘t. « Protection of Clinical Test Data and Public Health : A Proposal to End the Stronghold of Data Exclusivity ». Dans Access to Medicines and Vaccines, 183–200. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-83114-1_7.

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AbstractTest data demonstrating the efficacy, safety and quality of a medicine is required by drug regulatory agencies before a new treatment obtains marketing approval and can be made available to patients. Because test data can be costly and time-consuming to produce, certain countries have ‘data exclusivity’ regimes that restrict use of test data to the originator company for a period of time. Generic and biosimilar companies rely on originator test data to obtain marketing approval for generic products, so data exclusivity periods can delay entry of lower-cost treatments to the market. While data exclusivity is not required by the World Trade Organization, countries such as the United States and the European Union often push their stronger data exclusivity provisions on other countries through free trade agreements (FTAs). While a small number of countries have waivers to data exclusivity for cases of emergency or other public health need, most do not. This can hamper the timely and affordable availability of needed medicines. Waivers to data exclusivity should be included in legislation to protect public health, and other ways to protect test data against unfair commercial use should be explored.
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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Diplomatic protection – European Union countries"

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Sinicakova, Marianna. « ENVIRONMENTAL�PROTECTION�EXPENDITURES�IN�THE�EUROPEAN�UNION:�THE�CASE�OF�THE�VISEGRAD�COUNTRIES ». Dans SGEM2012 12th International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference and EXPO. Stef92 Technology, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2012/s22.v4017.

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Tashevska, Biljana, Marija Trpkova – Nestorovska et Suzana Makreshanska – Mladenovska. « IS THERE A DOMINANCE OF SOCIAL PROTECTION EXPENDITURE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION ? » Dans Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2020.0003.

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European welfare states, with their comprehensive and generous welfare model, create the largest part of general government expenditures in the European Union member countries. Given the rising trend of social expenditure and the long-run challenges coming from population ageing, this paper addresses the issue of social dominance, a situation in which, particularly when facing limited fiscal space, social expenditure could crowd-out other productive public expenditures, thus undermining growth potentials and possibly threatening fiscal sustainability. Using a panel regression analysis, the aim of the paper is to test whether social protection expenditure has crowded-out expenditures on other purposes in the European Union in the period 1995-2018. The results provide some evidence of crowding-out of infrastructure spending and education spending. Additionally, deficit financing and rising government debt have a significant adverse effect on spending on infrastructure, education and core public services, confirming that they are more prone to cutbacks in times of deteriorating public finance. These findings, along with the long-run fiscal pressure from the ‘greying population’ and the high political costs of welfare reforms suggest significant future risks of social dominance.
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Gökçek Karaca, Nuray, et Semra Saruç. « International Migration Trends in Turkey and European Union Candidate Transition Economies ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00871.

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In this study, international migration trends were evaluated in Turkey and European Union (EU) Candidate Transition Economies by means of data obtained from HDI Report developed by UNDP. The aim of this study is analyzing international migration trends in relation with other dimension of integration such as economics, social protection and social policy. In this study, the subject was carried out through comparative relation scanning model and literature model, the sample group was established EU candidate transition economies (Montenegro, The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Serbia, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina) with Turkey. The research data was collected by means of data from HDI Report developed by UNDP. The findings from this study revealed that the population of Montenegro and Serbia among EU candidate transition economies less emigrated and more immigrated than other countries. It can also be concluded that the emigration trend of Turkey presents similar tendency with Montenegro and Serbia whereas immigration rate of Turkey is lower than the other countries except for Bosnia Herzegovina.
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PODSIADLO, Piotr. « State aid for employment and competitiveness of the European Union countries - a legal and finance approach ». Dans Current Trends in Public Sector Research. Brno : Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9646-2020-11.

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Due to the imperfect functioning of labour markets in certain cases, State aid may be an appropriate instrument for creating new jobs and preserving existing ones. Legal regulation of the issue of State aid is an element of the competition mechanism protection, which was recognized in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). This paper discusses guidelines for implementation of art. 107–109 of the TFEU, from the point of view of State aid for employment. Statistical analysis was carried out on State aid granted by EU Member States in the period 2001–2018 – from the perspective of its impact on competitiveness of these countries. This should lead to verify the thesis that the amount of State aid granted by EU Member States for employment should be positively correlated with the size of the GDP per capita of these countries.
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Tucak, Ivana, et Anita Blagojević. « COVID- 19 PANDEMIC AND THE PROTECTION OF THE RIGHT TO ABORTION ». Dans EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18355.

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The COVID - 19 pandemic that swept the world in 2020 and the reactions of state authorities to it are unparalleled events in modern history. In order to protect public health, states have limited a number of fundamental human rights that individuals have in accordance with national constitutions and international conventions. The focus of this paper is the right of access to abortion in the Member States of the European Union. In Europe, the situation with regard to the recognition of women's right to abortion is quite clear. All member states of the European Union, with the exception of Poland and Malta, recognize the rather liberal right of a woman to have an abortion in a certain period of time after conception. However, Malta and Poland, as members of the European Union, since abortion is seen as a service, must not hinder the travel of women abroad to have an abortion, nor restrict information on the provision of abortion services in other countries. In 2020, a pandemic highlighted all the weaknesses of this regime by preventing women from traveling to more liberal countries to perform abortions, thus calling into question their right to choose and protect their sexual and reproductive rights. This is not only the case in Poland and Malta, but also in countries that recognize the right to abortion but make it conditional on certain non-medical conditions, such as compulsory counselling; and the mandatory time period between applying for and performing an abortion; in situations present in certain countries where the problem of a woman exercising the right to abortion is a large number of doctors who do not provide this service based on their right to conscience. The paper is divided into three parts. The aim of the first part of the paper is to consider all the legal difficulties that women face in accessing abortion during the COVID -19 pandemic, restrictions that affect the protection of their dignity, right to life, privacy and right to equality. In the second part of the paper particular attention will be paid to the illiberal tendencies present in this period in some countries of Central and Eastern Europe, especially Poland. In the third part of the paper, emphasis will be put on the situation in Malta where there is a complete ban on abortion even in the case when the life of a pregnant woman is in danger.
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Panagoreţ, Andreea, Dragos Panagoreţ et Tomislav Kandyija. « Sustainable Development and Environmental Policy of the European Union ». Dans G.I.D.T.P. 2019 - Globalization, Innovation and Development, Trends and Prospects 2019. LUMEN Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/gidtp2022/16.

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Sustainable development approaches the concept of quality of life in all its complexity, from an economic, social and environmental point of view, promoting the idea of ​​the balance between economic development, social equity, efficient use and conservation of the environment. By its very nature, sustainable development represents the need for responsibility and education for environmental protection, and this aspect is reflected in the evolution of community policy in recent years, a policy marked by the transition from an approach based on constraint and sanction, to a more flexible, based one on incentives. Thus, it is acting in the direction of a voluntary approach, in order to promote this environmental responsibility and to encourage the use of environmental management systems. The environmental policy does not act independently, but reflects the interest of civil society in this direction, manifested by the creation of numerous environmental movements and organizations. Moreover, in some countries the creation and development of "green" political parties has been achieved, with real success in the political arena. However, resistance - or, more properly, the restraint and inertia that manifests itself, should not be forgotten, when environmental objectives seem to limit industrial competitiveness and economic growth; but this aspect only emphasizes once again the need for a concerted approach at European level and the need for an active and integrated environmental policy, capable of responding to the challenges that appear economically. The European environmental policy is based on the principles of precaution, prevention, correction of pollution at source and "polluter pays". The precautionary principle is a risk management tool that can be invoked if there is scientific uncertainty about a possible risk to human health or the environment, arising from a particular action or policy.
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Saule, Murat. « PROPRIETARY METHODS OF THE PROPRIETARY RIGHTS PROTECTION IN THE CIVIL LAW OF THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN AND COUNTRIES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION : COMPARATIVE LEGAL ANALYSIS ». Dans 4th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2017. Stef92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/12/s02.078.

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Boharu (Mircea), Raluca Mihaela, et Andreea Cristina Savu. « The Need for European Norms and Measures to Prevent Social Dumping ». Dans 3rd International Conference Global Ethics -Key of Sustainability (GEKoS). Lumen Publishing House, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/gekos2022/14.

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Combating the phenomenon of social dumping is a permanent concern of the European Union in the context of the creation of the internal market. Has the risk of social dumping become a permanent problem within the European Union meant that the European legislator has provided answers to the question: has European legislation taken sufficient, effective, and concrete measures to enable the European legal mechanism to combat this phenomenon? The article aims to analyze how the European space integrates into the global economic environment. The secondary purpose is also to identify how it can protect itself from the risk of social competition posed by trade with the rest of the world. Social dumping is the result of differences in the levels of development of the Member States of the European Union. In addition, the social variable would not have been as important if the working conditions in those countries had been the same. Given that the notion of social dumping has received many interpretations over time, currently, the notion does not have a clear definition, namely that of economic dumping, we can say that based on exploring the literature the term social dumping is viewed through a paradox. To explain this paradox, we can start from the finding that a state even if it has a lower level of social protection does not necessarily mean that it can develop the risk of social dumping.
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Tavits, Gaabriel. « Protection of the Weaker Party – to Whom is Labour Law Still Applicable ? » Dans The 8th International Scientific Conference of the Faculty of Law of the University of Latvia. University of Latvia Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/iscflul.8.2.33.

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National law is affected by a number of different international regulations and agreements. International agreements provide for rules aimed at harmonizing certain requirements and understandings that different countries should follow. In labour relations, international standards are set at two different levels – on the one hand, by the International Labour Organization (ILO), and on the other by regional standards – by the Council of Europe and the directives and regulations adopted by the European Union. All these international rules have important implications for national labour law. However, such international norms do not provide a clear personal scope – that is, it is not clearly defined to whom such international norms apply. Although the various international rules do not directly define the persons to whom those norms apply, – the implementation of international rules remains a matter for national law. Thus, the concept of both employee and employment relationship is shaped by national law. The exception here is the European Union, where the European Court of Justice has given an autonomous meaning to the concept of worker (particularly in the context of freedom of movement for workers). Although the concept of a worker and of an employment relationship has been developed by the Court of Justice of the European Union, Member States retain the right to define the employment relationship in accordance with the law in force in the respective Member State. The main factor in shaping employment relationships is the employee's dependence on the person providing the work, and the person providing the work also has an obligation to pay remuneration for the work performed. Although the scope of those rules is defined differently by different international rules, the characteristics generally applicable to the definition of an employee and the employment relationship are similar to those used in national law.
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Bublienė, Raimonda. « Internationalization and Multiple Discrimination : the Case of Employment Regulation ». Dans Contemporary Issues in Business, Management and Education. Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/cbme.2017.061.

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The article analyses European Union anti-discrimination law development in Member States and differences between protected grounds of discrimination. On this basis, the analysis covers recognition of the social complexity, internationalization and discrimination of foreigners for different grounds. The process of internationalization and migration, covering social, political, economical, cultural, legal processes, the non-discriminatory protection of a foreigner as a member of the society has become complicated, when attempting not to discriminate people arriving from the other countries and to have equal possibilities. The problems of discrimination are valid and significant for the civil society itself. The article also discusses the concept of multiple discrimination in European Union anti-discrimination law, legal regulation and protection against multiple discrimination in Europe and separate legal regulation of the Member States. This article argues that internationalization processes bring new approaches of interpretation of European Union employment equality law and contemporary challenges, introduces recent cases of equal treatment of employees during employment at private companies.
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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Diplomatic protection – European Union countries"

1

Martin, Matthew. The Crisis of Extreme Inequality in SADC : Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Oxfam, Development Finance International, Norwegian Church Aid, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8793.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union. In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region. Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030.
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2

Martin, Matthew. The Crisis of Extreme Inequality in SADC : Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Oxfam, Development Finance International, Norwegian Church Aid, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8793.

Texte intégral
Résumé :
The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union. In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region. Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030.
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3

Kira, Beatriz, Rutendo Tavengerwei et Valary Mumbo. Points à examiner à l'approche des négociations de Phase II de la ZLECAf : enjeux de la politique commerciale numérique dans quatre pays d'Afrique subsaharienne. Digital Pathways at Oxford, mars 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-dp-wp_2022/01.

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Realities such as the COVID-19 pandemic have expedited the move to online operations, highlighting the undeniable fact that the world is continuing to go digital. This emphasises the need for policymakers to regulate in a manner that allows them to harness digital trade benefits while also avoiding associated risk. However, given that digital trade remains unco-ordinated globally, with countries adopting different approaches to policy issues, national regulatory divergence on the matter continues, placing limits on the benefits that countries can obtain from digital trade. Given these disparities, ahead of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Phase II Negotiations, African countries have been considering the best way to harmonise regulations on issues related to digital trade. To do this effectively, AfCFTA members need to identify where divergencies exist in their domestic regulatory systems. This will allow AfCFTA members to determine where harmonisation is possible, as well as what is needed to achieve such harmonisation. This report analyses the domestic regulations and policies of four focus countries – South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya and Senegal – comparing their regulatory approaches to five policy issues: i) regulation of online transactions; ii) cross-border data flows, data localisation, and personal data protection; iii) access to source code and technology transfer; iv) intermediary liability; and v) customs duties on electronic transmissions. The study highlights where divergencies exist in adopted approaches, indicating the need for the four countries – and AfCFTA members in general – to carefully consider the implications of the divergences, and determine where it is possible and beneficial to harmonise approaches. This was intended to encourage AfCFTA member states to take ownership of these issues and reflect on the reforms needed. As seen in Table 1 below, the study shows that the four countries diverge on most of the five policy issues. There are differences in how all four countries regulate online transactions – that is, e-signatures and online consumer protection. Nigeria was the only country out of the four to recognise all types of e-signatures as legally equivalent. Kenya and Senegal only recognise specific e-signatures, which are either issued or validated by a recognised institution, while South Africa adopts a mixed approach, where it recognises all e-signatures as legally valid, but provides higher evidentiary weight to certain types of e-signatures. Only South Africa and Senegal have specific regulations relating to online consumer protection, while Nigeria and Kenya do not have any clear rules. With regards to cross border data flows, data localisation, and personal data protection, the study shows that all four focus countries have regulations that consist of elements borrowed from the European Union (EU) General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). In particular, this was regarding the need for the data subject's consent, and also the adequacy requirement. Interestingly, the study also shows that South Africa, Kenya and Nigeria also adopt data localisation measures, although at different levels of strictness. South Africa’s data localisation laws are mostly imposed on data that is considered critical – which is then required to be processed within South African borders – while Nigeria requires all data to be processed and stored locally, using local servers. Kenya imposes data localisation measures that are mostly linked to its priority for data privacy. Out of the four focus countries, Senegal is the only country that does not impose any data localisation laws. Although the study shows that all four countries share a position on customs duties on electronic transmissions, it is also interesting to note that none of the four countries currently have domestic regulations or policies on the subject. The report concludes by highlighting that, as the AfCFTA Phase II Negotiations aim to arrive at harmonisation and to improve intra-African trade and international trade, AfCFTA members should reflect on their national policies and domestic regulations to determine where harmonisation is needed, and whether AfCFTA is the right platform for achieving this efficiently.
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Jones, Emily, Beatriz Kira, Anna Sands et Danilo B. Garrido Alves. The UK and Digital Trade : Which way forward ? Blavatnik School of Government, février 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-wp-2021/038.

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The internet and digital technologies are upending global trade. Industries and supply chains are being transformed, and the movement of data across borders is now central to the operation of the global economy. Provisions in trade agreements address many aspects of the digital economy – from cross-border data flows, to the protection of citizens’ personal data, and the regulation of the internet and new technologies like artificial intelligence and algorithmic decision-making. The UK government has identified digital trade as a priority in its Global Britain strategy and one of the main sources of economic growth to recover from the pandemic. It wants the UK to play a leading role in setting the international standards and regulations that govern the global digital economy. The regulation of digital trade is a fast-evolving and contentious issue, and the US, European Union (EU), and China have adopted different approaches. Now that the UK has left the EU, it will need to navigate across multiple and often conflicting digital realms. The UK needs to decide which policy objectives it will prioritise, how to regulate the digital economy domestically, and how best to achieve its priorities when negotiating international trade agreements. There is an urgent need to develop a robust, evidence-based approach to the UK’s digital trade strategy that takes into account the perspectives of businesses, workers, and citizens, as well as the approaches of other countries in the global economy. This working paper aims to inform UK policy debates by assessing the state of play in digital trade globally. The authors present a detailed analysis of five policy areas that are central to discussions on digital trade for the UK: cross-border data flows and privacy; internet access and content regulation; intellectual property and innovation; e-commerce (including trade facilitation and consumer protection); and taxation (customs duties on e-commerce and digital services taxes). In each of these areas the authors compare and contrast the approaches taken by the US, EU and China, discuss the public policy implications, and examine the choices facing the UK.
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