Articles de revues : « Dictatorship – Greece »

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MOLES, IAN N. « Democracy and Dictatorship in Greece ». Australian Journal of Politics & ; History 15, n^o 1 (7 avril 2008) : 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1969.tb00937.x.

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Kornetis, Kostis. « Review of Nikolaos Papadogiannis', Militant around the Clock ? Left-Wing Youth Politics, Leisure, and Sexuality in Post-Dictatorship Greece, 1974–1981 ». Historein 16, n^o 1-2 (30 juin 2017) : 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.10279.

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Voglis, Polymeris. « Review of Kostis Kornetis' Children of the Dictatorship : Student Resistance, Cultural Politics and the "Long 1960s'" in Greece ». Historein 15, n^o 1 (3 décembre 2015) : 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.299.

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Book review of Kostis Kornetis, Children of the Dictatorship: Student Resistance, Cultural Politics and the 'Long 1960s' in Greece, New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2013. 373 pp.

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Papacosma, S. Victor. « Book review : The Metaxas Dictatorship : Aspects of Greece 1936-1940 ». Journal of Modern Greek Studies 15, n^o 1 (1997) : 143–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.1997.0002.

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Kornetis, Kostis. « The Memory of Southern European Dictatorships in Popular TV Shows ». Contemporary European History 32, n^o 1 (23 janvier 2023) : 46–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777322000741.

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Ever since the ground-breaking historical mini-series Holocaust (1978), television has proven to play a major role in structuring the collective memory about the past.1 This medium has, moreover, displayed a capacity to trigger a collective rendering of, and coming to terms with, painful, hidden or forgotten aspects of the past. Media specialist Garry R. Edgerton has even argued that ‘television is the principal means by which most people learn about history’.2 Even though such assertions might be tempered by today's predominance of social media – especially in generational terms – an inquiry into the politics of memory in popular television is still relevant for the field of public history, as well as for memory studies. This is particularly pertinent when representing dictatorship in the European South. Alongside public history projects of all kinds (including museums, memorials, commemorative plaques and practices), filmic representations (be it for cinematic or television use) structure the collective imaginary about the recent past. This essay briefly discusses TV shows that deal with and shape public understandings of the dictatorships in Spain (the final phase of Francoism, post-1968), Greece (the Colonels’ dictatorship, post-1969) and Portugal (the final phase of the Estado Novo (New State), post-1968).

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Kyprianos, Pantelis. « Reception and Perception of May 1968 in Greece ». Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 6, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2019) : 117–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.265.

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How is May ’68 received in the public space? How has it been perceived in the collective consciousness in Greece since that day? To investigate the image of May ’68 portrayed by the mass media (public space) and the idea that young Greeks have of it today (collective memory), I relied on three categories of sources: i) Analysis of the texts referring to the events; ii) Interviewing former students who participated in the uprising against the Dictatorship at the Polytechnic in 1973; and iii) Discussions with today’s students to see whether or not they have an image of May ’68, and if so, what it is. This paper is made up of five sections. In the first I provide an overview of the situation in Greece in 1968, in the second I briefly set out the main positions on May ’68 of well-known French social scientists, and in the third I discuss how the period was perceived and the weight of its role in the uprising of Greek students at the Polytechnic in 1973. In the fourth section I paint a brief picture of how May ’68 has been viewed in Greece from the fall of the dictatorship in 1974 to today. Finally, in the fifth and final section, I summarise how today’s students perceive the events.

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Sumah, Stefan, et Anze Sumah. « Questioning on Several Forms of Fascism ». Academicus International Scientific Journal 26 (juillet 2022) : 104–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7336/academicus.2022.26.07.

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The concept of fascism has been defined quite precisely by researchers in the field of political science and sociology, who also defined its main features or characteristics. However, with the word fascism (and its derivatives, e.g. fascists, fascist…) members of the left often label their opponents, thus, this is word is often misused. In essence, fascism is a word that has become synonymous with the word totalitarianism. With the analysis that was based on similar characteristics we concluded that totalitarianisms of both poles (if the classical left–right political spectrum is applied) exhibit more common features than, for instance, totalitarianisms and classical dictatorships, which are also often called fascist or semi-fascist regimes. Thus, German Nazism (often also presented as one of the forms of fascism) and Russian Bolshevism (as one of the extremes forms of socialism) or Titoism in Yugoslavia have more in common than e.g. German Nazism and Pinochet’s dictatorship in Chile or the dictatorship of colonels in Greece (both also frequently referred to as fascistic regimes or semi-fascist regimes). Using the word fascism is often not so much about denoting the actual content as it is more for political propaganda and slandering the opponent. If it was based on actual characteristics, fascism (fascist, fascists…) could become an adjective to denote all totalitarianisms (left fascism, right-wing fascism, Islamic fascism…).

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ΚΑΤΣΟΥΔΑΣ, ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ. « ΜΙΑ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ ΠΟΥ ΔΕΝ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ. ΟΙ ΙΣΠΑΝΟΙ ΕΘΝΙΚΙΣΤΕΣ ΚΑΙ Η 4η ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΟΥ ». Μνήμων 26 (1 janvier 2004) : 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mnimon.837.

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Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.

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Emen, Gözde. « Turkey’s Relations with Greece in the 1920s : The Pangalos Factor ». Turkish Historical Review 7, n^o 1 (12 avril 2016) : 33–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-00701006.

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Based mainly on Turkish archival material and newspapers, this article argues that the short dictatorship of General Pangalos (1925–1926) in Greece not only stalled the solution of problems remaining from the Lausanne negotiations, but also heightened Turkish concerns over Greek expansionist ambitions towards Turkey in a way unlike any other period in early Turkish-Greek relations. Despite the General’s popularity among the migrants from Anatolia, the Turkish press and authorities were aware of the lack of general popular support behind Pangalos. Pangalos’s attempts to create alliances particularly with Britain and Italy and the increasing possibility of such a coalition against Turkey led the Turkish authorities and the press to watch developments in Greece very closely.

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Soursos, Nathalie Patricia. « The Dictator's Photo Albums : Photography under the Metaxas Dictatorship ». Journal of Modern European History 16, n^o 4 (novembre 2018) : 509–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2018-4-509.

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The Dictator's Photo Albums: Private and Public Photographs in the Metaxas-Dictatorship The Greek authoritarian «Fourth of August Regime» (1936–1941) focussed in its propaganda on promoting the dictator Ioannis Metaxas as father, grandfather and «First peasant» and while in foreign policy the close ties to the Balkan Entente was advertised, the transfer of ideas from the European fascist regimes was negated. By examining 57 photo albums preserved today in the Hellenic Parliament Archives the article discusses photo albums as a source for the interpretation of the Metaxas dictatorship and as a source for the history of photography in Greece. It examines the private photo album aesthetics and its use in three official brochures with an exceptional high amount of photographs: Fourth of August 1936–1938, Fourth of August 1938–1939 and Four Years of Government by I. Metaxas, 1936–1940. The article's main argument is, that due to their photo album aesthetic the propaganda brochures were invoking the intimacy of a family album.

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Angelis, Vangelis. « Change and Continuity : Comparing the Metaxas Dictatorship and the Colonels' Junta in Greece ». Mediterranean Quarterly 27, n^o 3 (septembre 2016) : 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-3697821.

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Papanikos, Gregory T. « Cultural Differences in Children’s Recommended Punishment of Moral Transgressions ». Athens Journal of Social Sciences 9, n^o 4 (30 septembre 2022) : 305–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajss.9-4-1.

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Migration flows are as old as human history itself. In Greece, the first movements of people are recorded in the 13th century BCE and not stopped ever since. Inflows and outflows of people are a permanent future of Greek history. However, a distinction should be made between three types of flows. Firstly, people are forced to leave their country because of national agreements of resettlements. A world example of such resettlement was the exchange of population between Greece and Turkey in the first part of the 20th century. Secondly, people flee an area to save their lives because of war and prosecutions, including genocides. An example of such migration was the outflow of Greeks from Asia Minor because of the war between Turkey and Greece. Thirdly, people migrate for social reasons which may include economic, political and educational purposes. This was definitely the case of the post-Second World War period in Greece when many Greeks moved outside of Greece to find better jobs abroad (e.g., Germany); study abroad (e.g., U.K.); and to live in a democratic country (e.g., Canada, Sweden, etc.), because in Greece a dictatorship (1967-1974) had abolished democracy. Greece has also been on the receiving end of many migrants from all over the world for the same reasons. The latest example is the flow of Ukrainians who are coming to Greece due to the Russian-Belarus invasion of their country. These migration flows are examined in this paper. Keywords: migrants, refugees, migration policy, Greece, Ukraine

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Patrikiou, Alexandra. « On the historiography of the language question in post-1974 Greece ». Historein 16, n^o 1-2 (30 juin 2017) : 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.10249.

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The works of Alexis Dimaras, Rena Stavridi-Patrikiou and Anna Frangoudaki have undeniably shaped, each in a different way but positively all together, the framework within which the historiography of the language question evolved since the early years of the Metapolitefsi, as the post-dictatorship period is known in Greece. Commenting on the different interpretations and exposing main convergences and divergences between these works, one will be able to contemplate their contributions to historiography and to scholarly thought in general. The aim of this paper is to examine these works as products of their time and to demonstrate how in a period of transitions and ideological redefinitions a renewed relation to the past may have been developed.

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Kotsonopoulos, Loudovikos. « Children of the Dictatorship : Student Resistance, Cultural Politics, and the ‘Long 1960s’ in Greece ». Journal of Contemporary European Studies 22, n^o 4 (2 octobre 2014) : 531–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2014.975461.

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Sotiropoulos, Dimitri A. « Children of the dictatorship : student resistance, cultural politics, and the ‘long 1960s’ in Greece ». Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 16, n^o 3 (19 avril 2016) : 463–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2016.1165491.

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Dafermos, M., A. Chronaki et M. Kontopodis. « Cultural-Historical Activity Theory Travels to Greece : Actors, Contexts and Politics of Reception and Interpretation ». Cultural-Historical Psychology 16, n^o 2 (2020) : 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/chp.2020160205.

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This article explores how socio-cultural, cultural-historical and activity theory approaches to education and psychology have traveled to Greece over the last three decades. It explores the history of introducing these approaches in the Greek context while identifying key dimensions of the process, such as: diverse interpretation of original works, key actors in academic teaching and research and linkages with educational policy and activism beyond the university spaces. Greece with its specific history of military dictatorship, constitutional change, varied struggles for democracy within the university, European integration, and current crisis and neoliberal reforms is seen as a sample case; taking this case as a point of departure, the authors develop a meta-theoretical frame on how to discuss the various ways in which socio-cultural-historical approaches have traveled across socio-cultural, historical, institutional, political, regional, and also, increasingly globalized contexts of education.

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PAPAETI, ANNA. « The Songs of Fire (1975) : Sonic Narratives of Resistance and Collective Memory ». Twentieth-Century Music 20, n^o 1 (février 2023) : 6–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572222000482.

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AbstractThis article focuses on the documentary The Songs of Fire by Nikos Koundouros (1975). Shot immediately after the fall of the military dictatorship (1967–74) in Greece, it exhumes the elation of three public concerts and demonstrations, capturing the enthusiasm for the return to democracy expressed through singing and chanting. The article focuses on the ways in which popular songs became the vehicles of the popular demand for democracy during the early transition to democracy. It shows how the film was crucial in establishing a narrative of resistance in collective memory that was centred on singing and listening, investigating the ways in which this sonic narrative, performed collectively and publicly, also betrays a latent reaction to a brutal regime fought by the few. It argues that collective singing seems to merge in memory with the ‘singing resistance’ performed individually and in secret during the dictatorship. Extended back in time, this sonic narrative registers an unconscious desire to repress the fact that large parts of society had remained silent during the regime's seven-year rule.

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Christopoulou, Valia. « A national perspective and international threads to postmodernism at the Fifth Hellenic Week of Contemporary Music ». Muzikologija, n^o 26 (2019) : 107–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz1926107c.

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The Fifth Hellenic Week of Contemporary Music (Athens, 1976) has been mainly considered in the context of a major political event: the fall of the military dictatorship in 1974. However, it may also be seen as a landmark for the transition to a postmodern era in Greece. The musical works presented during the Week, as well as their reception by the musical community are indicative of this transition. This paper aims at exploring those two perspectives and places the emphasis on the second, through an analytical comment on Le Tricot Rouge by Giorgos Kouroupos and the critiques in the press.

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CHRISTIAENS, KIM. « ‘Communists are no Beasts’ : European Solidarity Campaigns on Behalf of Democracy and Human Rights in Greece and East–West Détente in the 1960s and Early 1970s ». Contemporary European History 26, n^o 4 (17 octobre 2017) : 621–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000364.

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Ever since the collapse of the Greek military regime in 1974 European campaigns over human rights and democracy in Greece have been commonly understood within an anti-totalitarian narrative that has celebrated resistance against both communist dictatorship and right-wing authoritarianism as part of a common journey towards a democratic continent. This article analyses the little-studied history of European solidarity movements with Greece during the 1960s and early 1970s that stretched across both the West and East of the continent. In so doing, it suggests that these campaigns were a facet of the politics of détente and rapprochement that brought together Western and Eastern Europe. Communist peace movements played a central role in these human rights campaigns. This was far from a common anti-totalitarian movement; rather, campaigns for Greece were enmeshed within movements that worked on a wide range of issues – from support for Eastern European dissidents and anti-fascism to world peace and protest against the Vietnam War. Nor were they about ‘a return to Europe’: above all they thrived on common connections in East and West with the Third World.

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Draenos, Stan. « United States Foreign Policy and the Liberal Awakening in Greece, 1958-1967 ». Historical Review/La Revue Historique 5 (13 janvier 2009) : 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.224.

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This paper traces the evolution and outcome of the US opening to the Greek Center triggered by the May 1958 parliamentary elections. It focuses on the role which that opening played in the liberal awakening that took shape under the banner of the Center Union (CU) party, founded in September 1961. After John F. Kennedy assumed the US presidency (January 1961), New Frontier liberals, including Andreas Papandreou, son of CU leader George Papandreou, pushed more aggressively for this opening, which was validated by the Center Union's rise to power in November 1963, the same month as the Kennedy assassination. During the Johnson Administration, US liberal policies in Greece were tested and found wanting, as Cold War fears trumped the US embrace of reform and change in Greece. The American retreat drove US policies towards bankruptcy, culminating in an uneasy acceptance of the 1967 Greek military dictatorship, wreaking permanent damage on Greek-US relations.

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Koshel, Alexey S. « MINI-PARLIAMENTS IN THE POST-DICTATORSHIP DEMOCRACIES OF WESTERN EUROPE AND LATIN AMERICA ». RUDN Journal of Law 24, n^o 4 (15 décembre 2020) : 942–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2020-24-4-942-964.

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The article investigtes the powers and parliamentary procedures in the standing committees and commissions of several countries of Western Europe and Latin America. The author believes that one of the modern paradigms for the development of parliamentary democracy is to strengthen the role of standing committees in the work of parliament by transferring to the committee level a number of constitutional powers of parliaments. In this regard, the author clarifies approaches to the classification of the committee structure of parliaments and looks at committee parliamentary procedures in Italy, Germany, Greece, Portugal, Spain, Brazil and Argentina at the present stage. The author comes to certain conclusions regarding the paradigm of the committee parliamentary procedure, including further improvement of domestic constitutional-legal matter in the context of the ongoing development of parliamentary democracy in the Russian Federation.

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Douros, Dimitris, et Dimitris Angelis-Dimakis. « Perceptions and Uses of the Land : Agrarian Rhetoric and Agricultural Policy in Greece under Metaxas’ Regime (1936-1941) ». Perspectivas - Journal of Political Science 25 (17 décembre 2021) : 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/perspectivas.3208.

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This paper aims to explore the ways in which the concepts of ’Nature’ and ’Land’ were incorporated and mobilized in the rhetoric of the dictatorial regime established in Greece by Ioannis Metaxas on August 4, 1936. Firstly, it examines the links between the construction of a national landscape and the emergence of a novel nationalist ideology in interwar Greece. Then, it looks into different ways in which politicized ideas of nature informed agronomic researches and practices and were translated in Metaxas’ political thought and policies. These ideological connotations of Land and Nature inscribe themselves in the philosophical and economic doctrine of the ’peasantist nationalism’. Based mostly on radical agrarianism and neo-romanticism, this discourse gained momentum in the early 1930s and permeated autarchic economic and agrarian policies, especially after the collapse of parliamentary rule. Along those lines, Metaxas’ dictatorship and its perceptions of the environment arguably align with features and trajectories of the authoritarian regimes that flourished all around Europe in the interwar period.

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Van Steen, Gonda. « The Story of Ali Retzo : Brechtian Theater in Greece under the Military Dictatorship ». Journal of Modern Greek Studies 31, n^o 1 (2013) : 85–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2013.0010.

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Pendakis, Katherine L. « On the value of failing and keeping a distance : narrating returns to post-dictatorship Greece ». Identities 25, n^o 6 (27 mars 2017) : 687–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.2017.1299552.

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Mylonas, Harris. « Kostis Kornetis.Children of the Dictatorship : Student Resistance, Cultural Politics, and the “Long 1960s” in Greece. » American Historical Review 120, n^o 4 (octobre 2015) : 1563.2–1565. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/120.4.1563a.

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Karydaki, Danae. « Freud under the Acropolis : The challenging journey of psychoanalysis in 20th-century Greece (1915–1995) ». History of the Human Sciences 31, n^o 4 (octobre 2018) : 13–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695118791719.

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Psychoanalysis was introduced to Greece in 1915 by the progressive educator Manolis Triantafyllidis and was further elaborated by Marie Bonaparte, Freud’s friend and member of the Greek royal family, and her psychoanalytic group in the aftermath of the Second World War. However, the accumulated traumas of the Nazi occupation (1941–1944), the Greek Civil War (1946–1949), the post-Civil-War tension between the Left and the Right, the military junta (1967–1974) and the social and political conditions of post-war Greece led this project and all attempts to establish psychoanalysis in Greece, to failure and dissolution. The restoration of democracy in 1974 and the rapid social changes it brought was a turning point in the history of Greek psychoanalysis: numerous psychoanalysts, who had trained abroad and returned after the fall of the dictatorship, were hired in the newly established Greek National Health Service (NHS), and contributed to the reform of Greek psychiatry by offering the option of psychoanalytic psychotherapy to the non-privileged. This article draws on a range of unexplored primary sources and oral history interview material, in order to provide the first systematic historical account in the English language of the complex relationship between psychoanalysis and Greek society, and the contribution of psychoanalytic psychotherapy to the creation of the Greek welfare state. In so doing, it not only attempts to fill a lacuna in the history of contemporary Greece, but also contributes to the broader historiography of psychotherapy and of Europe.

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Accornero, Guya. « Children of dictatorship. Student resistance, cultural politics and the “long 1960s” in Greece, by Kostis Kornetis ». Democratization 21, n^o 7 (20 juin 2014) : 1349–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2014.920327.

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Dixon, Kathleen. « Review of children of the dictatorship : student resistance, cultural politics, and the “long 1960s” in Greece ». Transnational Social Review 8, n^o 1 (2 janvier 2018) : 108–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21931674.2017.1421331.

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Λιαλιούτη, Ζηνοβία. « Kostis Kornetis, Children of the dictatorship. Student resistance, cultural politics, and the "Long 1960s" in Greece ». Επιστήμη και Κοινωνία : Επιθεώρηση Πολιτικής και Ηθικής Θεωρίας 32 (20 juillet 2015) : 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/sas.571.

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Nafpliotis, Alexandros. « "A gift from God" : Anglo-Greek relations during the dictatorship of the Greek colonels ». Historical Review/La Revue Historique 11 (5 décembre 2014) : 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.329.

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The focus of this article is an analysis of the Greek junta’s relations with the Wilson and Heath governments in the United Kingdom from 1967 to 1974. Emphasis is placed on diplomatic relations between the two traditional allies. The reactions of the military leaders of the regime in Athens and its representatives in Britain to policies pursued by London towards the establishment, consolidation and eventual demise of the colonels’ dictatorship are presented through the examination (for the first time) of official documents from both the UK and Greece. It is argued that the Greek military regime struggled to cultivate relations with Britain primarily for reasons of domestic and international prestige. Whereas Whitehall pursued a policy of “good working relations” with the junta in order to promote British interests vis-à-vis NATO, Cyprus and trade, the leadership in Athens was solely interested in using British support to gain legitimacy internationally and domestically.

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Panourgiá, Neni. « Children of the Dictatorship : Student Resistance, Cultural Politics, and the “Long 1960s” in Greece. By Kostis Kornetis. » Oral History Review 43, n^o 2 (20 juin 2016) : 472–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ohr/ohw058.

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Christofis, Nikos. « Book Review : Europe : Children of the Dictatorship : Student Resistance, Cultural Politics and the ‘Long 1960s’ in Greece ». Political Studies Review 13, n^o 3 (7 juillet 2015) : 451–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12100_95.

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Giannakopoulos, Anestis, et Evangelos Albanidis. « Attempts at the Militarization of Physical Education and Sport During the Dictatorship Period in Greece, 1967–1974 ». International Journal of the History of Sport 32, n^o 11-12 (13 août 2015) : 1359–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2015.1062000.

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Antoniou, Dimitris. « Children of the Dictatorship : Student Resistance, Cultural Politics, and the “Long 1960s” in Greece by Kostis Kornetis ». Journal of Modern Greek Studies 33, n^o 1 (2015) : 198–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2015.0021.

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Gordon, Daniel A. « Militant around the clock ? Left-wing youth politics, leisure and sexuality in post-dictatorship Greece 1974–1981 ». European Review of History : Revue européenne d'histoire 24, n^o 4 (21 avril 2017) : 653–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2017.1303999.

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Foukas, Vassilis. « Challenges in Greek education during the 1960s : the 1964 educational reform and its overthrow ». Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 5, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2018) : 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.215.

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In Greece, during the 1960s a new period began which marked a break with the past and the start of a new approach for the future. After the post-war period, Greek society began to balance the State budget and create the conditions for the country’s accession to the European Common Market. This was the context in which, in 1964, the second meaningful educational reform of the 20th century was attempted. However, in 1965, the educational reform was quickly blocked on account of the unstable political situation and the imminent dictatorship. This paper examines the changes in Education adopted as part of the 1964 educational reform within their historical and political context, and provides an overview of the major political and educational events that led to their early overthrow in 1965.

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Dimic, Ljubodrag. « Yugoslav diplomacy and the Greek coup d’État of 1967 ». Balcanica, n^o 50 (2019) : 397–425. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1950397d.

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Intensive conversations with members of political parties, closely reading the press, talks with other foreign diplomats, analytical evaluations of many individual events and their contextualization in the wider picture of the situation in Greece allowed Yugoslav diplomats to accurately assess the situation in the country, identify the potential of the military junta and the centers of putschist support in Greece and abroad, follow their showdown with left-wing and democratic options, recognize the ambitions of the putschist regime and the nature of their dictatorship, have insight into the situation of the opposition, make out te contours of a possible state-political system, monitor relations with neighboring countries, closely follow the regime?s position to the Macedonian minority, follow the moves of the monarch, assess the permanence of compromises, observe the pressure of the international public and the controversial behavior of the Great Powers, and offer prognoses of the course of events in the near future. Yugoslav diplomats collected some of the relevant information on the situation in Greece in other capitals (London, Ankara, Nicosia, Paris?). This information contributed to a wider evaluation of the existing circumstances and a sharper picture of the developments in Greece. The general opinion was that the Yugoslav diplomats were much better informed and more agile than their counterparts from other Eastern European counties, who were seen as ?slow?, ?unsure?, ??onfused?, ?contradictory? and so on. In the days and months following the coup, the Yugoslav diplomatic mission in Athens was a center where many came to be informed, consult with their peers, verify their assessments and hear Belgrade?s views. Besides the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, collected information was sent to Josip Broz Tito, Edvard Kardelj, Koca Popovic, Mijalko Todorovic, Marko Nikezic, Ivan Gosnjak, Petar Stambolic and Ivan Miskovic.

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Marantzidis, Nikos, et Rori Lamprini. « Sinistra e destra in Grecia dal XX al XXI secolo ». MEMORIA E RICERCA, n^o 41 (février 2013) : 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-041005.

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Left and Right in Greece from the 20th into the 21st century The article explores the evolution of left/right division in Greece, drawing upon macro sociological theories regarding social and political cleavages. It analyses the major historical divisions that have given meaning to the left/right dichotomy and have structured Greek party system over a century. Among a series of wars, civil quarrels, economical and political crises, which have taken place throughout the Twentieth century, two civil conflicts have marked political rivalries and configured political identities: the National Schism (1915-1917) and the Civil War (1943-1949). They have established a three-camp party system, which had endured until the 1967-1974 military dictatorship. The democratization of the country and the liberalization of political institutions in the post-junta era gave birth to new coalitions and political formations, which established a two-party system on the basis of right/anti-right dichotomy. The outbreak of economic crisis in 2010 and the austerity measures that came as a consequence have divided society and politics in two camps: the advocates and opponents of the Memorandum. The political stances regarding the management of the crisis has magnified the significance of pro/anti-memorandum cleavage and, thus, weakened the importance of the left/right division.

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Poulos, Margarite. « Nikolaos Papadogiannis.Militant around the Clock ? Left-Wing Youth Politics, Leisure, and Sexuality in Post-Dictatorship Greece, 1974–1981. » American Historical Review 121, n^o 3 (juin 2016) : 1035–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.3.1035.

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Nikolopoulou, Maria. « Subversive literary representations of 1821 in the Metapolitefsi (1974‐81) ». Journal of Greek Media & ; Culture 7, n^o 2 (1 octobre 2021) : 259–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jgmc_00037_1.

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The article examines the afterlife of the Greek War of Independence during the Transition period in Greece (1974‐81), focusing on literature. The military dictatorship (1967‐74) presented itself as the heir of this national revolution. Representations of the 1821 were popularized and mediatized through film, paintings and the public spectacles organized by the regime, culminating in the 150-year anniversary in 1971. This triggered an alternative use of these representations, by songwriters, playwrights and writers who aimed to subvert them through mimicry. Focusing on three novels by young writers of the period, Yoryis Yatromanolakis’s Leimonario (The Spiritual Meadow) (1974), Nikos Platis’s Gkount mpai mister pap (‘Goodbye Mr. Pap’) (1976) and Takis Theodoropoulos’s Ο vios stin politeia tou Thodori Kotronithodorikolou (‘Life in the times of Thodoris Kotronithodorikolos’) (1977), the article examines how these young writers subverted the representations of heroism constructed by the dictatorship through the use of surrealist and avant-garde techniques. The use of pastiche, the corporeal and the fantastic by Yatromanolakis creates an alternative discourse of heroism. In the case of Platis and Theodoropoulos, surrealist techniques, and images of transgressive sexuality create a grotesque gallery of heroes, by emphasizing the hybridity and performativity of their identities. These writers also experimented with the ways in which history is represented in narrative, through reversal of temporality, the nightmarish, corporeality and the private. The article also examines the texts’ reception, at a time when new grand narratives of national history were being shaped.

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Panagiotopoulos, Dimitris, et Juan Carmona-Zabala. « The first peasant and his fellow travellers : state control over Greek agricultural institutions under Metaxas ». Rural History 30, n^o 02 (12 septembre 2019) : 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793319000128.

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AbstractState control over Greece’s agricultural institutions increased during Metaxas’s authoritarian regime (1936–41). Analysing such state control allows us to address, in the Greek context, two questions with regard to fascist agrarian regimes. First, considering the trajectory of agricultural policy before the emergence of these regimes, how much of what they did was new, and how much was not? Second, how did the cadres of agricultural specialists participate in, or at least accommodate, the new regimes? Our research shows that Metaxas received support from the agronomists who had been active in Greece under previous liberal administrations. Such support did not take the form of laudatory statements or ideology-driven activism. It was rather a discreet acceptance of the new circumstances, combined with defection from one’s previous political camp. Metaxas’s dictatorship inherited most traits that made it a fascist agricultural regime from previous liberal administrations.

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Παπαδημητρίου, Δέσποινα. « ROBIN HIGAHM - THANOS VEREMIS (επιμ.), Aspects of Greece 1936-40 : The Metaxas Dictatorship, ELIAMEP-VRYONIS CENTER, 1993, 240 σελ. » Ελληνική Επιθεώρηση Πολιτικής Επιστήμης 5, n^o 2 (4 décembre 2017) : 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hpsa.15293.

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Horn, Gerd-Rainer. « Nikolaos Papadogiannis, Militant Around the Clock ? Left-Wing Youth Politics, Leisure, And Sexuality in Post-Dictatorship Greece 1974-1981 ». Journal of Contemporary History 52, n^o 2 (avril 2017) : 467–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416688182k.

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Samatas, Minas. « Surveillance in Athens 2004 and Beijing 2008 ». Urban Studies 48, n^o 15 (24 octobre 2011) : 3347–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098011422399.

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All post-9/11 Olympic Games and sport mega events deploy super-surveillance systems, as a future security investment, albeit at the expense of rights and freedoms. This paper compares the Athens 2004 and Beijing 2008 Olympic Games’ surveillance systems, to assess their authoritarian effects and legacies in democratic and authoritarian Olympic host regimes. In democratic Greece, memories of the dictatorship have caused reaction and resistance to the perpetuation of the Olympic surveillance systems. In China, the police state has used these systems for Olympic and regime security, reinforcing population and Internet control. Drawing on these two cases, it is demonstrated that post-9/11 Olympic security and surveillance have authoritarian effects, which are dependent on global factors like anti-terrorist and neo-liberal policies, and local factors such as the type of host regime, culture and society. It is also argued that these surveillance systems have an emerging anti-democratic legacy which stretches beyond the hosting of the Olympics.

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Kallis, Aristotle. « Neither Fascist nor Authoritarian : The 4th of August Regime in Greece (1936-1941) and the Dynamics of Fascistisation in 1930s Europe ». East Central Europe 37, n^o 2-3 (25 mars 2010) : 303–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x534504.

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The 4th of August regime in Greece under Ioannis Metaxas has long been treated by theories of ‘generic fascism’ as a minor example of authoritarianism or at most a case of failed fascism. This derives from the ideas that the Metaxas dictatorship did not originate from any original mass ‘fascist’ movement, lacked a genuinely fascist revolutionary ideological core and its figurehead came from a deeply conservative-military background. In addition, the regime balanced the introduction ‘from above’ of certain ‘fascist’ elements (inspired by the regimes in Germany, Italy and Portugal) with a pro-British foreign policy and a strong deference to both the Crown and the church/religion. Nevertheless, in this chapter, I argue that the 4th of August regime should be relocated firmly within the terrain of fascism studies. The establishment and consolidation of the regime in Greece reflected a much wider process of political and ideological convergence and hybridisation between anti-democratic/anti-liberal/anti-socialist conservative forces, on the one hand, and radical rightwing/fascist politics, on the other. It proved highly receptive to specific fascist themes and experiments (such as the single youth organisation, called EON), which it transplanted enthusiastically into its own hybrid of ‘radicalised’ conservatism. Although far less ideologically ‘revolutionary’ compared to Italian Fascism or German National Socialism, the 4th of August regime’s radicalisation between 1936 and 1941 marked a fundamental departure from conventional conservative-authoritarian politics in a direction charted by the broader fascist experience in Europe.

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Vamvakidou, Ifigenia, Argyris Kyridis, Christina Tziamtzi, Christos Zagkos, Evagelia Kalerante et Eleni Gogou. « Posters as a Form of Political Discourse : Posters of the Communist Youth of Greece in the Dictatorship Era (1967–1974) ». International Journal of the Image 2, n^o 2 (2012) : 255–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2154-8560/cgp/v02i02/44250.

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Rozakou, Katerina. « Militant around the Clock ? Left-wing Youth Politics, Leisure, and Sexuality in Post-Dictatorship Greece, 1974–1981 by Nikolaos Papadogiannis ». Journal of Modern Greek Studies 34, n^o 2 (2016) : 435–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2016.0045.

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Simonia, N. A., et A. V. Torkunov. « European Uunion Energy Security and Russia ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, n^o 4(43) (28 août 2015) : 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-4-43-18-26.

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The article deals with the retrospective of relations between Russia, USA and EU in the sphere of energy security, as well as their interaction regarding the current political crisis in the Ukraine. Particular attention is paid to the evolution of the key actors'positions and the development of their relations within the framework of the regulatory regimes established by the most significant agreements in the energy sphere. In conclusion the authors claim that what they say in their article not only does substantially reinforce the arguments set forth by Professor Giuseppe Guarino, who argues about the negative consequences caused by the dictatorship of the Brussels's bureaucracy within the EU, but also inflicts another blow on the Maastricht Treaty and the Treaty of Lisbon in terms of external policy and trade, since the both Treaties were designed to convert the EU in a real competitor of the United States in the then forming multipolar World. The Brussel's bureaucracy, having turned into a dutiful instrument of the US geopolitical strategy, hindered the movement of the EU in that direction, while its dictatorship in energy security aggravates the crisis situation of the EU, almost pushing the EU to the brink of collapse and disintegration. We have lately witnessed an evolving and growing phenomenon of the so called "Euroscepticism". The results of the Europarliament elections in late May, 2014, were a graphic demonstration of the symptoms of this alarming for the EU disease, when the anti-EU parties in the four out 22 EU countries won the elections (France, United Kingdom, Denmark, and Greece) Those results, regardless of the panic headlines in mass media and statements like "shocking" or "earthquake" made by some politicians, were not able to significantly affect the nature of the European Parliament, though they can significantly complicate its work. This is so far the first "alarming bell" tolling for the EU.

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Bulanov, Dmitry Alekseevich, Alexandra Magomedovna Magomedova, Sofia Andreevna Shumakova et Valentina Alekseevna Grits. « THE INFLUENCE OF DICTATORIAL REGIMES OF THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE STATE ». Chronos 7, n^o 10(72) (13 novembre 2022) : 105–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.52013/2658-7556-72-10-30.

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Today, the whole world strives to create a unified democratic society, as only in democratic regimes do citizens have a direct and indirect opportunity to participate in the direct development of their state, as well as to solve the most important issues for their country, but these theses are mainly adhered to by the countries of Europe and North America in which democratic political regimes without radical changes. At the same time, there is an analogue of a democratic political regime as an authoritarian or totalitarian dictatorship, in which units have access to solving state issues, but despite this, both types of political regimes are present in the world. The purpose of this work is a comprehensive and comprehensive analysis of dictatorial and democratic regimes in Republican Spain and the Kingdom of Greece, to compare them, as well as the impact that was exerted on the overall situation of the country as a whole, as well as on the reaction of neighboring countries and other countries to the policies of these countries.

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Bulanov, Dmitry Alekseevich, Alexandra Magomedovna Magomedova, Sofia Andreevna Shumakova et Valentina Alekseevna Grits. « THE INFLUENCE OF DICTATORIAL REGIMES OF THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE STATE ». Chronos 7, n^o 11(73) (13 décembre 2022) : 186–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.52013/2658-7556-73-11-56.

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Today, the whole world strives to create a unified democratic society, as only in democratic regimes do citizens have a direct and indirect opportunity to participate in the direct development of their state, as well as to solve the most important issues for their country, but these theses are mainly adhered to by the countries of Europe and North America in which democratic political regimes without radical changes. At the same time, there is an analogue of a democratic political regime as an authoritarian or totalitarian dictatorship, in which units have access to solving state issues, but despite this, both types of political regimes are present in the world. The purpose of this work is a comprehensive and comprehensive analysis of dictatorial and democratic regimes in Republican Spain and the Kingdom of Greece, to compare them, as well as the impact that was exerted on the overall situation of the country as a whole, as well as on the reaction of neighboring countries and other countries to the policies of these countries.

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