Articles de revues sur le sujet « Diari quotidiani »

Nel diario al centro del saggio la registrazione del quotidiano si estende per un arco di tempo di trenta anni, dal 1959 al 1989. La scrittura registra in modo particolare la “normalità” della quotidianità, piuttosto che gli eventi eccezionali, introducendo il lettore in un lungo spaccato di vita dello scrivente. Nel descrivere ed analizzare questo testo il saggio parte dal dato linguistico, mostrando come il linguaggio, insieme ai contenuti espressi, si faccia testimone di un periodo storico e di un programma (oltre che di una storia) di vita allo stesso tempo. La tesi di fondo è che in un diario giornaliero la scrittura non sia soltanto uno strumento di registrazione, ma anche di ri-costruzione dell’esperienza.

Abstract Much attention has been given to the fact that O'Neill unusually involved the material of his life in the composition of his plays, but little has gone to the various diaries he kept on a daily basis through two decades of his career. Biographers and literary historians have used them to establish particular facts and for the self-reflective comments he made now and then, but this essay looks at them as peculiarly self-expressive documents of private experience, especially when read in conjunction with the problematic diaries kept by the women to whom he was married through that period of his life—Agnes Boulton and Carlotta Monterey.

- Aim of the study was to investigate the emotional experience in everyday life, considering both the subjective aspect and the physiological components. The subjective experience has been collected by a diary, while the physiological component were measured by a holter. The analysis of the subjective experiences showed that the families of emotion most frequently experienced were: joy, anger, fear and sadness and there was a balance between positive and negative emotions. Furthermore there was a significative relation between specific emotions and specific antecedents, with a prevalence of social antecedent. A multivariate analysis of the subjective and physiological data showed specific patterns for the different emotions and a coherence between subjective response and the physiological component of the sympathetic system.Parole chiave: emotions, everyday life, psychophysiology, heart rateParole chiave: emozioni, vita quotidiana, psicofisiologia, battito cardiaco

Wuhan. Diari da una città chiusa narra il quotidiano vivere in lockdown della città simbolo di inizio pandemia di Covid-19 del 2020. L’autrice, Fang Fang, non ha mancato di esprimere nei suoi resoconti giudizi sull’inerzia burocratica della macchina statale cinese e sull'inosservanza dei doveri da parte di diversi funzionari amministrativi. L’opera è uno straordinario successo editoriale internazionale, eppure non sono mancate critiche degli internauti cinesi connesse alla mancanza di autenticità dell’opera, alla narrazione definita come ‘unilaterale’ e soprattutto alla decisione dell’autrice di far varcare i confini nazionali ai suoi Diari, scelta percepita da una parte dell’opinione pubblica cinese come un vero tradimento alla nazione. Numerose invero sono state anche le voci a sostegno di Fang Fang, al suo coraggio per aver messo nero su bianco diverse questioni sociali e politiche. Ciò nonostante, l’opera pare non soddisfi appieno il desiderio di ‘energia positiva’ del quale il popolo cinese avrebbe avuto necessità durante l’inizio dell’epidemia. Proprio la decisione di pubblicazione del volume all’estero è rea di aver esposto la sofferenza dei cittadini di Wuhan a livello globale e ciò riporta a tutte le considerazioni connesse alla concezione culturale millenaria di preservazione della ‘faccia’, un comportamento considerato in sé e per sé una sconfitta nazionale. Wuhan. Diari da una città chiusa, è quindi sia la storia di una città che tradimento alla nazione?

- Emotional processes are complex events, with a mental component, referring to the qualia of subjective experience, and a somatic component, referring to the level of psychophysiological activation. The research on everyday emotions, that has the relevant advantage to investigate the emotional adaptation process to individual's environment in an ecological perspective, avoiding the laboratory artefacts, focused exclusively on the subjective aspects, providing a partial view of emotion. The aim of the present study was to explore how basic emotions are experienced in the everyday life, investigating, in an integrated approach, both the subjective and somatic changes that accompany emotion. The subjective components were measured through a diary, while the psychophysiological components were measured through a Holter that continuously monitored the cardiac activity during 24 hours. Then, two indexes were studied: the heart rate and the heart rate variability that provides information on the sympatheticparasympathetic balance. Results showed that the subjective experience of everyday basic emotions significantly differed in their intensity and frequency. From the somatic point of view, some significant differences emerged among basic emotions, suggesting that also in the everyday life and ecological context, specific emotions represent distinct and discrete physiological events. The present study obtained results that encourage advancing in this field of research through a new integrated approach, providing useful indications to face off the methodological caveats.

Este trabajo analiza el Hospital Militar de Ponte de Lima entre su fundación y su cierre, prestando particular atención a su vida diaria y a las dificultades que tuvo que afrontar. Anuncia una nueva actitud del Estado en lo tocante a los heridos y enfermos de guerra. En el contexto de la “Guerra de las Naranjas”, 1801, el Estado se vio obligado a crear estructuras sanitarias al no poder contar con los hospitales de las Santas Casas. Con base en la correspondencia procuramos conocer la realidad cotidiana, dando protagonismo a lo sucedido en esta unidad de tratamiento diariamente.

En les pràctiques professionals vinculades als diversos àmbits educatius de magisteri, educació i treball social, pedagogia, etc. hi ha preguntes centrals de difícil resposta. Una de les més urgents és la sensació compartida entre les diverses professions que els models teòrics de la pràctica educativa i la seva concreció quotidiana tenen poc a veure, una constatació que genera una certa perplexitat i frustració entre els mateixos professionals. Així, sorgeix l’interrogant de saber per què el treball educatiu diari acaba resultant sovint contradictori amb els propòsits i les voluntats expressades en teories, documents, formacions i declaracions. Crec que aquests interrogants es poden abordar pertinentment si utilitzem la perspectiva de G. Lakoff i M. Jonhson, que ens qüestiona sobre quina és la metàfora que organitza la pràctica educativa quotidiana, la domina i hi dóna sentit. Segons la meva opinió, i sempre en una primera aproximació genèrica i intuïtiva, les metàfores de l’educació com a acte burocràtic o com a art són les dominants en el nostre entorn. Davant aquest domini i la incapacitat d’aquestes dues metàfores, d’aquests dos models de teoria i pràctica educativa, per portar-nos a una educació de qualitat, s’esbossa una primera aproximació a una metàfora educativa alternativa basada en l’educació com a artesania o ofici reprenent l’obra de R. Sennett L’artesà. Una metàfora educativa alternativa que ja s’està construint a partir de pràctiques com l’«educació lenta», «educar per ser», els «professionals reflexius», etc. Propostes que parteixen de la concepció, les idees, l’estructura i la pragmàtica educativa entesa com un ofici, un exercici d’artesania col·lectiva que intrínsecament s’implementa a partir d’elements com el temps lent, la centralitat de l’error, les relacions de cooperació, l’acompanyament actiu..., i que ens pot portar a una educació de millor qualitat tant per a educands i educandes com per a educadors i educadores.

Nel presente articolo, si prendono in esame due opere di due autori decisamente lontani l’uno dall’altra, ma che si incontrano negli stessi luoghi nei loro sentimenti. La prima opera è “Le voci di Marrakech” (1968), dello scrittore bulgaro di famiglia ebrea e premio Nobel per la Letteratura, Elias Canetti, mentre la seconda è “Ultimo tè a Marrakech”, un diario di viaggio uscito nel 2000, della scrittrice e poetessa italiana, Toni Maraini. Entrambi questi viaggi nel mondo arabo, sono ritratto socioculturale del Marocco contemporaneo, conditi da squarci di vita quotidiana, i quali in modi e forme differenti, offrono la possibilità di compiere una serie di analisi e di riflessioni che interessano la tesa relazione ontologica tra occidente e oriente, ma anche una vasta gamma di campi interdisciplinari: dal femminismo alla teoria postcoloniale;dalla politica ai cultural studies

When Samuel Pepys heard Nell Gwyn and Elizabeth Knipp deliver the prologue to Robert Howard'sThe Duke of Lerma, he recorded the experience in his diary: “Knepp and Nell spoke the prologue most excellently, especially Knepp, who spoke beyond any creature I ever heard.” By 20 February 1668, when Pepys noted his thoughts, he had known Knipp personally for two years, much to the chagrin of his wife. He had met Knipp backstage and in the audience of the two playhouses. He knew her family and they shared a social circle; he had sung with her in domestic and social settings. Pepys had had much experience of Elizabeth Knipp's quotidian language and conversational mode of speech. The prologue, which offered the not-yet-in-role Nell Gwyn and the costumed Mrs. Knipp preparing for the play, begins in prose before breaking into bouncing rhyme to end more conventionally. Mrs. Knipp might seem to appear here as herself, yet Pepys eulogizes Knipp's speaking of the prologue as a theatrical experience. He does not compare her onstage performance of apparently natural speech to quotidian conversation nor does he talk of her acting. Rather, he judges it as an oratorical performance against other stage performances: she “spoke beyond any creature I ever heard.” This article explores what theperformanceof the prologues and epilogues in the newly established duopoly of Restoration London theatres can reveal about how performers were known and represented, and what they tell us about the increasing individuation of those performers and the implications of this for acting and acting style.

De nombreuses études montrent que la mention de l’origine ethnique ou nationale des criminels est une pratique répandue dans les médias occidentaux. Pour identifier la valeur que les journalistes attribuent à cette information, nous avons analysé les éditoriaux publiés par six quotidiens belges, relatifs à l’affaire Joe Van Holsbeeck, du nom d’un adolescent tué par des individus qui tentaient de voler son lecteur MP3. L’analyse met en évidence que cette information sort le crime de son contexte immédiat pour l’inscrire dans un système de représentations préexistantes. En ce sens, la mention de l’origine ethnique ou nationale des suspects a une portée davantage référentielle qu’indicielle.

Nel 1884 Edmondo De Amicis si reca in Argentina invitato dal direttore del quotidiano El Nacional a tenere delle conferenze su Garibaldi, Cavour, Mazzini ed altri personaggi della storia italiana. In questo modo prepara anche il terreno per il libro Cuore che arriverà in Argentina tre anni dopo e che sarà accolto trionfalmente, venendo addirittura adottato come libro di testo nella scuola. Verso la fine del secolo però una recrudescenza della cultura nazionalistica che si vedeva minacciata da quella degli emigranti, soprattutto italiani, fa sì che il libro di De Amicis venga proibito dal Consejo Nacional de Educación e sostituito da traduzioni che manipolavano l’originale, nazionalizzandolo in modo da salvaguardare lo “spirito nazionale argentino”. L’articolo analizza la tipologia di tre diversi modelli di traduzione: Corazón argentino. Diario de un niño di Carlota Garrido de la Peña, del 1913; Corazón, Traducción y adaptación para el niño argentino di Germán Berdiales e Fernando Tognetti, del 1937; e Corazón. Adaptación escénica al ambiente nacional del libro de E. de [sic] Amicis, di Germán Berdiales e Pedro Inchauspe, del 1921.

ABSTRACTTwenty years after its initial publication, Laurel Thatcher Ulrich's Pulitzer Prize winning monograph A midwife's tale: the life of Martha Ballard based on her diary, 1785–1812 (1990) still serves as a major benchmark in women's labour/economic history mainly because it provides scholars with a window into the life of a turn-of-the-nineteenth-century lay American rural healer not through the comments of an outsider, but through the words of the healer herself. While, on the surface, Ballard's encoded, repetitive, and quotidian diary may seem trivial and irrelevant to historians, as Ulrich notes, ‘it is in the very dailiness, the exhaustive, repetitious dailiness, that the real power of Martha Ballard's book lies … For her, living was to be measured in doing’ (p. 9). By piecing together ‘ordinary’ primary source material to form a meaningful, extraordinary socio-cultural narrative, Ulrich elucidates how American midwives, such as Martha Ballard, functioned within the interstices of the private and public spheres. A midwife's tale is thus not only methodologically significant, but also theoretically important: by illustrating the economic contributions that midwives made to their households and local communities, and positioning the organizational skill of multitasking as a source of female empowerment, it revises our understanding of prescribed gender roles during the early American Republic (1783–1848). Even though A midwife's tale is clearly limited in terms of time (turn-of-the-nineteenth century) and place (rural Maine), it deserves the renewed attention of historians – especially those interested in gender relations and wage-earning, the economic value of domestic labour, and women's work before industrialization.

Les rubriques d’opinion de la presse sont devenues de vraies tribunes, un lieu approprié pour le débat d’idées où se réunissent toute une série d’intellectuels qui débattent leurs opinions sur tout type de sujets d’actualité. Dans la presse espagnole, ces articles ne sont pas seulement signés par des figures nationales : une grande partie est rédigée par des personnalités étrangères dont les textes doivent être traduits pour leur nouveau public. L’objectif du présent travail est de découvrir de quelle manière la traduction fonctionne dans les rubriques d’opinion de la presse espagnole, comment elle est utilisée et dans quel but. Nous avons donc centré notre analyse sur la position adoptée par le quotidien espagnol El País, dans le cas d’un événement de grande retombée médiatique : le printemps arabe qui a commencé en janvier 2011. À l’aide d’une méthode descriptive, nous avons étudié le poids de la traduction dans le cadre des activités d’une entreprise journalistique afin d’établir ses axes d’action, de déterminer ses lignes de conduite et sa portée dans la culture cible.

Resumo: Os textos de Adília Lopes colocam um desafio ao leitor que os quiser classificar segundo o género, seja segundo o que alguns chamaram os modos literários (categorias meta-históricas) relacionados com a perspetiva do discurso – lírico? narrativo? – seja na perspetiva da visão do homem – trágico? cómico? ou tragicómico? – seja quanto aos géneros literários (como categoria histórica) – poema? crónica? diário? – ou ainda aos subgéneros: paródia? citação? Ao longo dos textos desta autora vai-se construindo uma personagem autoral e desenhando uma crónica de costumes e vivências do quotidiano citadino, de uma classe média alta lisboeta, sob uma perspetiva em que o género, no sentido de gender é essencial. Em Estar em casa, última obra da autora, publicada em 2018, o modo menor, prosaico, pouco glorioso e paródico como é visto esse quotidiano desenha uma crónica tuga (crónica, diário ou romance?) como parece subentender o verso “Um poema um romance tuga” (LOPES, 2018, p. 20) ao usar a designação pejorativa tuga por português. Esse romance tuga é criado com base nas vozes que habitam a casa e o universo familiar do eu lírico/narradora (memórias), composto não só pelo mundo que a rodeia como pelo universo de leituras que influenciam direta e indiretamente a escrita. É nesse sentido que se analisa a obra mais recente da autora, Estar em casa. A citação de vozes várias e de textos numa perspetiva antropofágica e paródica é associada à defesa de uma imagem do corpo da mulher segundo as novas perspetivas do conceito positivo do corpo gordo.Palavras-chave: Adília Lopes; género; paródia; conceito positivo do corpo gordo; casa/mundo.Abstract: The texts of Adília Lopes pose a challenge to the reader who wants to classify them according to the genre, according to what some have called the literary modes (meta-historical categories) related to the perspective of the discourse – lyric? narrative? – whether from the perspective of man’s vision – tragic? comic? or tragicomic? – as for literary genres (as historical category) – poem? chronic daily? – or to subgenera: parody? quote? Throughout the author’s texts, an authorial character is constructed and a chronicle of customs and experiences of the daily life of a city of Lisbon, from a middle-class, under a perspective in which gender, is essential. In Estar em Casa, the last work of the author, published in 2018, the minor, prosaic, little glorious and parodic mode as seen in this everyday life draws a chronic tuga (chronicle, diary or novel?) As seems to imply the verse “A poem a romance tuga“, when using the pejorative designation tuga, by Portuguese. This tuga novel is created based on the voices that inhabit the home and the familiar universe of the lyrical / story teller (memories), composed not only by the world around it but also by the universe of readings that directly and indirectly influence writing. It is in this sense that the most recent work of the author, Estar em casa, is analyzed. The quote of various voices in an anthropophagic and parodic perspectives is associated with the defense of an image of the woman’s body, according to the new perspectives of the positive concept of the fat body.Keywords: Adília Lopes; genre; gender; parody; positive concept of fat body; home/world.

ResumoA máquina é social antes de uma configuração técnica, ela é produção antes de reprodução. A máquina se opõe à estrutura, ao mecanicismo e implica finitude, destruição e criação. O texto aborda a partir do pensamento de Deleuze-Guattari a ideia de rostidade, passando pelas configurações de subjetivação, bem como seus possíveis atravessamentos pelas dobras da educação. Como a educação pode fomentar o rosto? Que agenciamentos atravessam nessa produção maquínica de subjetivação? Como Deleuze-Guattari compreendem a produção da rostidade? Um rosto não é encontrar ou procurar, nem equivale a fomentar um conceito, mas ele passa por maquinismo e por um conjunto de vigilância. Ele também fomenta resistência, cava espaço de invenção, produz seus desdobramentos, configurando um verdadeiro criacionismo. Sobre ele, há uma guerra, uma labuta diária que leva a educação e seus processos a se arrastarem por dobras (im)possíveis. Não se chega em um rosto acabado, finalizado, sendo, portanto, uma batalha, uma guerra diária para a criação do rosto. Do mesmo modo que não há um solo unificado, mesmo na luta permanente para compor um rosto universalizante. Pela superfície do rosto navega a multiplicidade, permitindo embaralhar a máquina de codificação. Nesse cenário, o território da educação é fissurado por linhas de fuga, como forma de resistir ao padrão unificador.ResumenLa maquina es social ante de una configuración técnica ella es producción ante de reproducción. La maquina se opone a la estructura, al mecanismo e implica finitud, destruición y creación. El texto aborda el pensamiento de Deleuze- Guattari la idea de rostidad pasando a las configuraciones de subjetivación, bien como sus posibles pasajes por las doblas de la educación .¿Cómo la educación puede fomentar el rosto? ¿Qué agenciamientos atraviesan en esta producción maquinica de subjetivación? ¿Cómo Deleuze- Guattari comprende la producción de la rostidad? Un rosto no es encuentra o procurar, ni equivale en formentar un concepto más el pasa por maquinismo y por un conjunto de vigilancia. Él también fomenta resistencia, cava espacio de invención, produce sus desdoblamientos, configurando su verdadera creación. Sobre él hay una guerra, una labuta diaria que lleva a la educación y sus procesos a arrastraren por doblas (im)posibles. No llega en rosto acabado, finalizado, siendo, por lo tanto, una batalla de día, guerra diaria para la creación del rosto. A lo mismo modo que no hay un piso unificado, mismo en una luta permanente para construir un rosto universalizante. Por la superficie del rosto navega la multiplicidad permitiendo misturar la máquina de codificación. En este escenario, el territorio de la educación fijo por líneas de fuga, como forma de resistir al padrón unificado.RésuméLa machine est sociale avant d’être une configuration technique, elle est une production avant d’être une reproduction. La machine est opposée à la structure, elle implique la finitude, la destruction et la création. Ce texte aborde, à partir de Deleuze et Guattari, l´idée de visage – à trarvers les configurations de subjectivité –, aussi bien que les possibles passages de cette idée par les plis de l’éducation. Comment l’éducation peut favoriser le visage? Quels assemblages passent par cette production machinique de subjectivité? Comment Deleuze-Guattari comprennent la production du visage? Un visage n’est pas “trouver” ou “chercher”, ni équivaut à “favoriser” un concept, mais il passe par une machinerie et par un ensemble de surveillance. Sur lui, il y a une guerre, il y a un labeur quotidien qui conduit l’éducation et ses processus à se glisser par des plis (im) possibles.

ResuméLa confrontation à la mort d’un enfant, à la souff rance de sa famille, aux limites et possibilités de la médecine, aux dilemmes éthiques, au sentiment de culpabilité sont des éléments présents dans la prise en charge palliative pour les professionnels de santé qui s’engagent à travailler dans ce domaine. Il s’agit de diff érents facteurs qui interagissent à diff érents moments de la prise en charge et qui contribuent pour tisser un parcours de formation composé à la fois par les expériences formelles et informelles inscrites dans le quotidien du travail. Afi n de réfl échir sur les apprentissages acquis à partir de la temporalité et de la spatialité inscrite dans ce type de soin, cet article a pour but présenter les résultats d’un travail de recherche mené dans un service de réanimation pédiatrique à Paris dont les participants ont été les professionnels de santé de l’équipe médicale et paramédicale. Il s’agit d’une recherche qualitative, de base anthropologique où l’approche biographique a été mise en relation avec les observations participantes, ainsi qui a guidé de façon épistémologique et méthodologique la réalisation des entretiens biographiques non directifs avec les professionnels. Les résultats montrent qu’il y a une dynamique qui se tisse entre la temporalité de la maladie de l’enfant, l’accompagnement de la famille et la prise de décision par l’équipe biomédicale qui fait émerger un espace producteur des apprentissages. Dans cet espace s’inscrit des apprentissages autour de la dynamique du travail en équipe, du dialogue, de la réflexion qui favorisent le développement et la consolidation d’une approche éthique autour du soin palliatif.Mots clés: Soin palliatif. Apprentissage. Expérience, Biographisation.A abordagem biográfi ca e a temporalidade dos cuidados paliativos para crianças portadoras de doenças crônicas: aprendizados que se tecem entre a vida e a morteResumoA confrontação à morte de uma criança, ao sofrimento da sua família, aos limites e possibilidades da medicina, aos dilemas éticos, ao sentimento de culpa são elementos presentes no cuidado paliativo para os profissionais de saúde que se engajam neste campo. Tratam-se de múltiplos fatores que interagem em diferentes momentos do cuidado e contribuem para tecer uma trajetória de formação composta tanto por experiências formais, quanto informais inscritas no quotidiano do trabalho. Com vistas a refletir sobre os aprendizados adquiridos a partir das dimensões de espaço e tempo inscritos nesse tipo de cuidado, o presente artigo tempo como objetivo apresentar os resultados de um trabalho de pesquisa realizado com os profissionais de saúde em um serviço de cuidados intensivos em Paris/ França. Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa, de base antropológica e biográfica, na qual foram conjugadas observações participantes com entrevistas biográficas não diretivas com os profissionais. Os resultados mostram que há uma dinâmica que se constrói entre a temporalidade da doença na criança, o acompanhamento da família e as tomadas de decisões pela equipe biomédica que contribui para erigir um espaço produtor de aprendizagens. Neste espaço inscrevem-se aprendizados em torno da dinâmica do trabalho em equipe, do dialogo, da reflexão que favorecem o desenvolvimento e a consolidação de uma abordagem ética do cuidado paliativo.Palavras-chave: Cuidado paliativo. Aprendizado. Experiência. Biografização.The biographical approach and the temporality of palliative care for children with chronic diseases: learning that weaves between life and deathAbstractConfrontation with the death of a child, the suffering of his family, the limits and possibilities of medicine, the ethical dilemmas, the feeling of guilt are elements present in palliative care for health professionals who engage in this field. These are multiple factors that interact at different times of care and contribute to weave a training path composed of both formal and informal experiences inscribed in the daily work. In order to reflect on the lessons learned from the dimensions of space and time inscribed in this type of care, this article aims to present the results of a research work carried out with health professionals in an intensive care service in Paris. / France. This is a qualitative, anthropological and biographical research, in which participant observations were combined with non-directive biographical interviews with professionals. The results show that there is a dynamic that is built between the temporality of the disease in children, family monitoring and decision making by the biomedical team that contributes to erect a learning space. In this space we learn about the dynamics of teamwork, dialogue, reflection that favor the development and consolidation of an ethical approach to palliative care.Keywords: Palliative care. Learning. Experience. Biographization.El enfoque biográfi co y la temporalidad de los cuidados paliativos para niños con enfermedades crónicas: aprendizaje que teje entre la vida y la muerteResumenLa confrontación con la muerte de un niño, el sufrimiento de su familia, los límites y las posibilidades de la medicina, los dilemas éticos, el sentimiento de culpa son elementos presentes en los cuidados paliativos para los profesionales de la salud que participan en este campo. Estos son múltiples factores que interactúan en diferentes momentos de la atención y contribuyen a tejer un camino de capacitación compuesto por experiencias formales e informales inscritas en el trabajo diario. Con el fin de reflexionar sobre las lecciones aprendidas de las dimensiones de espacio y tiempo inscritas en este tipo de atención, este artículo tiene como objetivo presentar los resultados de un trabajo de investigación llevado a cabo con profesionales de la salud en un servicio de cuidados intensivos en París. / Francia. Esta es una investigación cualitativa, antropológica y biográfica, en la que las observaciones de los participantes se combinaron con entrevistas biográficas no directivas con profesionales. Los resultados muestran que existe una dinámica que se construye entre la temporalidad de la enfermedad en los niños, el monitoreo familiar y la toma de decisiones por parte del equipo biomédico que contribuye a erigir un espacio de aprendizaje. En este espacio aprendemos sobre la dinámica del trabajo en equipo, el diálogo, la reflexión que favorecen el desarrollo y la consolidación de un enfoque ético de los cuidados paliativos.Palabras clave: Cuidados paliativos. Aprendizaje. Experiencia. Biografía.

RESUMOA escola é um espaço dinâmico recheado de práticas plurais que ocorrem nos cotidianos escolares e que muitas vezes passam despercebidas do olhar de gestores e professores. Esse projeto de pesquisa e de ações surge justamente a partir de uma prática de preconceito ocorrida dentro da escola e denunciada por um estudante. A partir da denúncia desses preconceitos, despertei o olhar para as diferentes práticas que ocorrem dentro da escola e constituí a presente pesquisa que buscou perceber os preconceitos vividos principalmente por estudantes LGBTs (Lésbicas, gays, bissexuais, travestis e transexuais), no espaço escolar e, concomitantemente a essas pesquisas, realizei em parceria com professores da escola trabalhos buscando debater e conscientizar sobre outros diferentes preconceitos/discriminações ali presentes. A partir disso, foi possível problematizar práticas de preconceito arraigadas e presentes na escola, almejando proporcionar um ambiente de respeito às diversidades. Esses debates, posteriormente, assumiram lugar nas aulas dos professores, ao trabalharem de alguma maneira essas temáticas em suas disciplinas.Escola. Preconceitos. LGBTs. Rethinking school routines: possibilities and practices for prejudices deconstruction ABSTRACTThe school is a dynamic space full of plural practices that occur in school daily life and that often go unnoticed by managers and teachers. This research and action project arises precisely from a practice of prejudice that occurred within the school and reported by a student. From the denunciation of these prejudices, we awakened our gaze to the different practices that occur within the school and constituted the present research that sought to understand the prejudices experienced mainly by LGBT students (Lesbians, gays, bisexuals, transvestites and transsexuals), in the school and , concomitantly with these surveys, there were works seeking to debate and raise awareness about other different prejudices / discrimination present there. From this, it was possible to problematize ingrained prejudice practices present in the school, aiming to provide an environment of respect for diversity. These debates, later, took place in the teachers' classes, when working in some way these themes in their subjects.School. Prejudices. LGBTs. Repensando los cotidianos escolares: posibilidades y prácticas para deconstruir prejuiciosRESUMENLa escuela es un espacio dinámico lleno de prácticas plurales que ocurren en la vida diaria de la escuela y que a menudo pasan desapercibidas para los gerentes y maestros. Este proyecto de investigación y acción surge precisamente de una práctica de prejuicios que ocurrieron dentro de la escuela y reportados por un estudiante. A partir de la denuncia de estos prejuicios, me desperté para observar las diferentes prácticas que ocurren dentro de la escuela y constituí la presente investigación que buscó comprender los prejuicios experimentados principalmente por estudiantes LGBT (lesbianas, gays, bisexuales, travestis y transexuales), en el espacio escolar y, simultáneamente a esta investigación, llevé a cabo, en colaboración con los maestros de escuela, acciones para debatir y crear conciencia sobre otros prejuicios/discriminaciones diferentes presentes allí. A partir de esto, fue posible problematizar las prácticas de prejuicios arraigadas y presentes en la escuela, con el objetivo de proporcionar un ambiente de respeto por la diversidad. Estos debates, más tarde, tuvieron lugar en las clases de maestros, cuando se trabajaban de alguna manera estos temas en sus asignaturas.Escuela. Prejuicios. LGBT. Ripensare la scuola ogni giorno: possibilità e pratiche per decostruire i pregiudiziSINTESELa scuola è uno spazio dinamico pieno di pratiche plurali che si verificano nella vita quotidiana della scuola e spesso passano inosservate da manager e insegnanti. Questo progetto di ricerca e azione nasce proprio da una pratica di pregiudizi verificatisi all'interno della scuola e segnalati da uno studente. Dalla denuncia di questi pregiudizi, mi sono svegliato per osservare le diverse pratiche che si verificano all'interno della scuola e hanno costituito la presente indagine che ha cercato di comprendere i pregiudizi vissuti principalmente dagli studenti LGBT (lesbiche, gay, bisessuali, travestiti e transessuali), in lo spazio scolastico e, contemporaneamente a questa ricerca, ho svolto, in collaborazione con gli insegnanti della scuola, azioni di dibattito e sensibilizzazione su altri pregiudizi / discriminazioni diverse lì. Da ciò è stato possibile problematizzare le pratiche di pregiudizio radicate e presenti nella scuola, con l'obiettivo di fornire un ambiente di rispetto per la diversità. Questi dibattiti, in seguito, si sono svolti durante le lezioni degli insegnanti, quando queste materie erano in qualche modo trattate sulle loro materie. Scuola. Pregiudizio. LGBT.

PT. Este trabalho discute os resultados de pesquisa de mestrado que investigou como a Reportagem Seriada é praticada por jornalistas profissionais da imprensa nacional escrita. O referencial teórico contempla os estudos em Jornalismo Literário (Bak; Martinez, 2018; Martinez, 2018; Bak; Reynolds, 2011; Lima, 2009) e em Reportagens Seriadas (Souza Júnior, 2011; Meyer, 1996; Andretta, 2008, 2013; Gapy, 2018). Do ponto de vista metodológico, emprega revisão de literatura e análise de conteúdo (Bardin, 2016). Devido à dificuldade de rastreamento das peças, percebeu-se a necessidade de se repensar a noção conceitual porque o termo até então usado, Série de Reportagens, remetia à localização de produções de suítes ou às coleções de matérias sobre um único assunto publicadas como uma grande reportagem numa única edição (Gapy, 2019). O que nos levou a optar pelo termo Reportagem Seriada por entender que este não leva a dúvidas relacionadas às suítes ou grandes reportagens -- o que é entendido como uma das duas principais contribuições deste estudo. A segunda contribuição, a nosso ver, é a metodologia exploratória desenhada para esta análise. Desta forma, o corpus consistiu em um jornal de cada uma das cinco regiões brasileiras, mais um diário local: 1) Região Norte – A Crítica, de Manaus (AM); 2) Região Nordeste: Diario de Pernambuco, Recife (PE); Local – Cruzeiro do Sul, Sorocaba (SP); 4) Região Sul – Correio do Povo, Porto Alegre (RS); 5) Região Sudeste –Tribuna de Minas, Juiz de Fora (MG); 6) Região Centro-Oeste - Correio Braziliense, Brasília (DF). Além da sugestão de termo e metodologia empregados, os resultados apontam a falta de planejamento que permeia o processo produtivo, da proposta de reportagens seriadas por repórteres/editores à divulgação das mesmas nos veículos. Os achados também ressaltam que os jornalistas estão usando esse espaço para propor pautas que primam pelas narrativas de transformação, optando por temas de cunho social e desenvolvimento humano. *** EN. The article presents the conclusions drawn from a graduate thesis aimed at understanding the practices of serial reportage by professional journalists in the Brazilian print press. The theoretical framework draws on studies in literary journalism (Bak ; Martinez, 2018 ; Martinez, 2018 ; Bak ; Reynolds, 2011 ; Lima, 2009) and serial reportage (Souza Júnior, 2011 ; Meyer, 1996 ; Andretta, 2008, 2013 ; Gapy, 2018). The methodology of the study consists in a bibliographical review and content analysis (Bardin, 2016). Difficulties in finding productions on this topic led to redefine the concept. The term « Série de Reportagens» referred indeed to a localized serial production or collection of narratives on one topic, published as a grand reportage in one issue (Gapy, 2019). Instead, we want to introduce the term Reportagem Seriada (series of reportages / serial reportage), making a distinction with sequels or grand reportage. This constitutes the main critical contribution of the study, along with the exploratory methodology developed for the analysis. The corpus consists in five newspapers from the five federal regions in Brazil, and one local daily newspaper (Cruzeiro do Sul, Sorocaba – São Paulo) : 1) Northern region - A Crítica, from Manaus (Amazonas) ; 2) North-eastern region - Diário de Pernambuco, Recife (Pernambuco) ; 3) Southern region - Correio do Povo, Porto Alegre (Rio Grande do Sul) ; 4) South-eastern region - Tribuna de Minas, Juiz de Fora (Minas Gerais) ; 5) Central-western region - Correio Braziliense, Brasília (Federal District). In parallel to redefining the concept and the specificity of the methodology deployed, conclusions underline a lack of programing in the production process – from the pitching serial reportage by reporters to its dissemination in the media. Conclusions also shed light on how journalists use these work processes to push forward social and human development narratives. *** FR. Cet article présente les résultats d'une recherche de mémoire de master qui a pour objectif de comprendre comment le reportage en série est pratiqué par les journalistes professionnels dans la presse écrite brésilienne. Le cadre théorique engage les études en journalisme littéraire (Bak ; Martinez, 2018 ; Martinez, 2018 ; Bak ; Reynolds, 2011 ; Lima, 2009) et en reportage sériel (Souza Júnior, 2011 ; Meyer, 1996 ; Andretta, 2008, 2013 ; Gapy, 2018). D’un point de vue méthodologique, la recherche s’appuie sur une revue de littérature et sur une analyse de contenu (Bardin, 2016). La difficulté d’accès aux productions sur le sujet a révélé la nécessité de renommer le concept. En effet, le terme « série de reportages », employé jusqu'alors, nous renvoyait plutôt à la localisation de productions en série ou de collections de récits sur un même sujet, publiées en tant que grand reportage en une seule édition (Gapy, 2019). Ainsi, nous avons choisi le terme Reportagem Seriada (reportage en série/reportage sériel), de façon à le distinguer des dossiers ou des grands reportages, cette redéfinition terminologique étant perçue comme le premier apport principal de cette recherche. Le deuxième, à notre avis, renvoie à la méthodologie exploratoire conçue pour l’analyse. Le corpus se compose d’un journal de chacune des cinq régions du Brésil, et d’un seul quotidien local (Cruzeiro do Sul, Sorocaba – São Paulo) : 1) Région Nord - A Crítica, de Manaus (Amazonas) ; 2) Région Nord-Est - Diário de Pernambuco, Recife (Pernambuco) ; 4) Région Sud - Correio do Povo, Porto Alegre (Rio Grande do Sul) ; 5) Région Sud-Est - Tribuna de Minas, Juiz de Fora (Minas Gerais) ; 6) Région Centre-Ouest - Correio Braziliense, Brasília (District Fédéral). Au-delà de cette redéfinition conceptuelle et de la spécificité de la méthodologie employée, les résultats soulignent le manque de planification du processus de production, de la proposition des reportages en série par les reporters/rédacteurs à leur diffusion par les médias. Les résultats montrent également que les journalistes profitent de cette modalité pour proposer des récits de transformation, en y insérant des sujets sociaux et de développement humain. ***

AbstractThere is a scarcity of scholarship that sheds light on international doctoral students’ identity construction in quotidian encounters beyond the formal curriculum. In this autoethnographic study, based on my diary entries, via a socio-constructivist lens, I teased out my multidimensional identity construction by referring to situations, activities and relations embedded in daily experiences during my overseas study sojourn. My autoethnography reveals that how I make sense of my becoming and being as a Chinese sojourning in Australia for doctoral education transcends the experientiality of doing research alone, but incorporates gendered, sociocultural and professional facets within my past-present-future life trajectory. As I navigated these encounters, strategically mobilising my agency and utilising structural contexts towards the aim of achieving ontological security, I engaged in negotiating a transformative identity. The research calls for more studies in the future that explore the complexities and nuances of international doctoral students’ identity construction in quotidian realities.

El trabajo diario con pantallas de visualización de datos (PVD) debe interrumpirse con tareas alternativas o, si la alternancia de tareas no es posible o no resulta suficiente para disminuir los riesgos laborales, con las pausas necesarias. En relación con las pausas, el convenio colectivo puede ordenar su periodicidad, duración y organización. Le temps quotidien de travail sur des postes munis d'écrans doit être périodiquement interrompu par des changements d'activié ou subsidiairement par des pauses reduisant la charge de travail sur écran. La périodicité, la durée et l'organisation des pauses spécifiques peuvent être déterminées par convention collective.

Les relacions de gènere són un element essencial per entendre l’esdevenir de la formació i dissolució de les parelles i llurs nivells de fecunditat en el món occidental. Arguments teòrics recents postulen que la transició cap a una major simetria de gènere hauria d’esperonar la formació de parelles i la fecunditat. I es posa com a exemple la recuperació de la fecunditat en alguns països escandinaus. En aquest context, l’augment progressiu dels nivells d’estudi i d’ocupació de la població femenina hauria d’empènyer aquesta transició. Malgrat això, diversos estudis apunten que les desigualtats de gènere en la distribució dels usos del temps persisteixen i tendeixen a augmentar amb l’arribada dels fills. En aquest número de Perspectives Demogràfiques, examinem en detall les diferències de gènere en els usos del temps en el context espanyol. I ho fem atenent quina és la situació familiar de les persones i, en el cas de les parelles, la posició relativa de les dones respecte als homes en relació al nivell d’estudis i contribució als ingressos de la llar. Amb dades de l’Enquesta d’Usos del Temps de 2009-2010 (INE), analitzem el temps diari que homes i dones dediquen a les activitats quotidianes en diferents moments del seu cicle de vida. Com a principals conclusions cal destacar que la desigualtat entre homes i dones es dona des de la infància, i que el naixement de la descendència és el principal factor que les acreix. Les desigualtats de gènere es mantenen, encara que no de la mateixa magnitud, fins i tot en els casos on les dones tenen un major nivell educatiu i uns ingressos superiors als de les seves parelles.

This article proposes use the Transkribus software to report on a "user experiment" in a French-speaking context. It is based on the semi-automated transcription project using the diary of the jurist Eugène Wilhelm (1866-1951). This diary presents two main challenges. The first is related to the time covered by the writing process-66 years. This leads to variations in the form of the writing, which becomes increasingly "unreadable" with time. The second challenge is related to the concomitant use of two alphabets: Roman for everyday text and Greek for private issues. After presenting the project and the specificities related to the use of the tool, the experiment presented in this contribution is structured around two aspects. Firstly, I will summarise the main obstacles encountered and the solutions provided to overcome them. Secondly, I will come back to the collaborative transcription experiment carried out with students in the classroom, presenting the difficulties observed and the solutions found to overcome them. In conclusion, I will propose an assessment of the use of this Human Text Recognition software in a French-speaking context and in a teaching situation. Cet article propose de restituer une « expérience utilisateur » du logiciel Transkribus en contexte francophone. Il s’appuie sur le projet de transcription semi-automatisée du journal intime du juriste Eugène Wilhelm (1866-1951). Ce journal comporte deux défis principaux : le premier est lié à la durée de la rédaction, 66 années, qui engendre des variations dans la forme de l’écriture, cette dernière devenant de plus en plus « illisible » le temps passant. Le second défi est lié à l’emploi concomitant de deux alphabets ; romain pour tout ce qui relève du quotidien et grec pour le for privé.L’expérience utilisateur restituée dans cette contribution s’articule autour de deux aspects. Dans un premier temps, après avoir présenté le projet et les spécificités liées à l’usage de l’outil, les principaux obstacles rencontrés et les solutions apportées pour y remédier seront synthétisés. Puis, je reviendrai sur l’expérience collaborative de transcription conduite avec des étudiants en salle de cours en présentant les difficultés observées et les solutions trouvées pour y remédier. En conclusion, je proposerai un bilan relatif à l’utilisation de ce logiciel d’HTR (Human Text Recognition) en contexte francophone et en situation d’enseignement

Objetivo: Refletir sobre as repercussões da pandemia do novo coronavírus na vida cotidiana da mulher. Método: Estudo teórico-reflexivo embasado em discussões vigentes sobre a pandemia em interface entre sustentabilidade e equidade de gênero, com análise fundamentada em noções e pressupostos da Sociologia Compreensiva e do Quotidiano por Michel Maffesoli. Resultados: Foram previstas repercussões econômicas, emocionais, na segurança e autonomia da mulher. Nas econômicas prevê-se crescimento do desemprego. As emocionais supõe-se que a mulher chegará à exaustão e atingirá seu limiar de tolerância expresso em incertezas, medo, angústia, raiva, preocupação, impotência e frustrações, atingindo com maior intensidade, as profissionais de enfermagem. As repercussões na segurança e autonomia se darão pela maior exposição à violência doméstica e ausência feminina nos processos decisórios sobre a doença. Conclusão: a trágica crise representa empecilho para a conquista da autonomia feminina e aponta para drásticas modificações na vida da mulher, cuja sobrevivência exigirá adaptações a uma nova rotina e incluirá mudanças de hábitos, esforço pessoal e solidariedade de amigos e instituições. Este material reúne informações relevantes que contribuem para a sensibilização e esclarecimento da sociedade sobre o quadro que se configura, compreendendo que modificações somente ocorrerão quando as atuais assimetrias entre homens e mulheres forem superadas.Descritores: Infecções por Coronavírus; Mulher; Equidade de Gênero; Atividades Cotidianas; Desenvolvimento Sustentável.REPERCUSSIONS OF COVID-19 IN WOMEN'S DAILY LIFE: REFLECTIONS UNDER MICHEL MAFFESOLI'S SOCIOLOGICAL VIEWObjective: to reflect about repercussions of the pandemic caused by the new coronavirus in the daily life of women. Method: theoretical-reflective study based on current discussions on the pandemic at the interface between sustainability and gender equity, with analysis based on notions and assumptions of Comprehensive Sociology and Daily Life by Michel Maffesoli. Results: economic, emotional, security and women's autonomy repercussions were predicted. About economics is expected to increase unemployment. The emotional ones assume that the woman will reach exhaustion and reach her tolerance threshold expressed in uncertainties, fear, anguish, anger, concern, impotence, and frustrations, reaching nursing professionals with greater intensity. The repercussions on security and autonomy will occur due to the greater exposure to domestic violence and the absence of women in decision-making processes about the disease. Conclusion: the tragic crisis represents an obstacle to the achievement of female autonomy and points to drastic changes in the life of women, whose survival will require adaptations to a new routine and will include changes in habits, personal effort and solidarity from friends and institutions. This material gathers relevant information that contributes to the awareness and clarification of society about the situation that is taking shape, understanding that changes will only occur when the current asymmetries between men and women are overcom.Descriptors: Women; Gender Equity; Activities of Daily Living; Coronavirus Infections; Sustainable Development.REPERCUSIONES DEL COVID-19 EN EL DIARIO DE LA MUJER: REFLEXIONES BAJO LA VISIÓN SOCIOLÓGICA DE MICHEL MAFFESOLIObjetivo: reflexionar sobre las repercusiones de la pandemia causada por el nuevo coronavirus en la vida cotidiana de las mujeres. Método: estudio teórico-reflexivo basado en debates actuales sobre la pandemia en la interfaz entre sostenibilidad y equidad de género, con análisis basado en nociones y suposiciones de Sociología integral y vida cotidiana por Michel Maffesoli. Resultados: se predijeron repercusiones económicas, emocionales y de seguridad y autonomía de la mujer. En la economía, se espera que el desempleo crezca. En los aspetos emocionales suponen que la mujer alcanzará el agotamiento y alcanzará su limite de tolerancia expresado en incertidumbres, miedo, angustia, ira, preocupación, impotencia y frustraciones, llegando a profesionales de enfermería con mayor intensidad. Las repercusiones em la seguridad y la autonomía se producirán debido a la mayor exposición a la violencia doméstica y la ausencia de mujeres en los procesos de toma de decisiones sobre la enfermedad. Conclusión: la trágica crisis representa un obstáculo para el logro de la autonomía femenina y apunta a cambios drásticos en la vida de las mujeres, cuya supervivencia requerirá adaptaciones a una nueva rutina e incluirá cambios en los hábitos, el esfuerzo personal y la solidaridad de amigos e instituciones. Este material reúne información relevante que contribuye a la conciencia y la clarificación de la sociedad sobre la situación que está tomando forma, entendiendo que los cambios solo ocurrirán cuando se superen las asimetrías actuales entre hombr.Descriptores: Mujeres; Equidad de Género; Actividades Cotidianas; Infecciones por Coronavirus; Desarrollo Sostenible.

The COVID-19 pandemic has been heralded as a watershed moment for remote work, an exodus of the American workforce that will never fully reverse. As major corporations debate returning to the office full-time, and other workers press or are pressed into returning to the office, this panel situates the present realities of remote work within telework’s long history. From the paperless office to the electronic cottage, much of the focus in mainstream discourses surrounding telework has been on demonstrating the technological feasibility of leaving workers at home and workforce adaptability, with secondary celebrations of ecological soundness and potential for employment growth. Discourses around the benefit of telework also frequently draw on blanket statements about what remote work affords workers—from wellness and eschewing commute times, to increasing flexibility—but do not directly take up the lived quotidian experiences of doing labor in this configuration. This panel intervenes by yoking the politics and fantasies of remote work with worker experience during work from home, especially of self-management of both individual affect, group and power dynamics, and environment. Within this frame, this collection of papers suggests that, while remote work suggests a dislocation of office and home and the creation of a third space, the overlays of work and home are always top of mind for individual workers, whether in their homes with children or while traveling as “digital nomads.” The panel suggests that navigating this collapse creates a “third space,” and is a site of ever-present negotiation for workers, both individually and in social dynamics across organizations. This panel works across a number of methods including ethnography, archival research of both born-digital and traditional objects and draws on interviews and survey data. The panel points to not only how workers act in front of the screen, but what is supporting remote work off and behind it: domestic architectures, impression management, and paid and unpaid forms of domestic labor. The panel opens with a pair of papers that look at the historical development of work from home in order to situate the COVID-19 pandemic and its use of remote work as both a form of rupture and as a continuation of the logics, fantasies, and environments that pre-date this massive and rapid expansion into remote work. In “Home/Work: The Long History of the Future of Work,” Devon Powers reads the history of progress and futural narratives attached to telework, and the renovations both material and ideological to the spaces that are enfolded into remote work: home and the office. Powers pays special attention to the collapse of work and home, and the creation of a third space that is actually only an expansion of an existing one—the everywhere office. In “Make It Work: Hiding Children in Telework,” Hannah Zeavin takes up the feminization of remote work, which is subtended by the fantasy that, by working from home, women might “have it all”: they can do childcare and paid labor at once. Zeavin examines how workers have negotiated this collapse of waged and unwaged labor by disappearing and hiding the visual and sonic evidence of children during work from home. Nancy Baym et al look to the management of the worker’s own visibility in “Video On/Off: Managing Visibility in Remote Videoconferencing” with 44% of American workers suddenly home in the COVID-19 pandemic. The authors ran a five-month longitudinal diary study of meetings at a large technology company between April and August 2020, comprised of 849 employees. The paper looks at reasons for (dis)comfort with appearing on camera during work and how workers negotiate the contradictions of on and off. In “Abruptly Online: Public Employees’ Adaptation to Virtual Communication in Times of Crisis," Sierra Bray and Cynthia Barboza-Wilkes consider the special category of public employees and the challenges and benefits of work from home in a group of workers who had a novel relationship to working online. Andrea Alarcon, in “Outsourcing the Home: the Digital Nomad Tactic ” looks at the apotheosis of work from home in the rise of the “digital nomad.” Alarcon intervenes by pointing to the unacknowledged support and costs of “nomadic life” in the city of Medellin and the workers who travel and collapse the identities of tourist and laborer, and vacation with work.

Abstract Introduction We describe a case of a 40-year-old male with recurrent episodes of fever, polyarthralgia, myalgia and pharyngitis. Investigations revealed intermittent transaminitis and high serum ferritin, but also positive streptococcal serology, despite negative microbiology. This case illustrates the challenges faced when diagnosing adult-onset Still’s disease (AOSD) and distinguishing between alternative diagnoses, such as post streptococcal reactive arthritis (PSRA). It is important to differentiate between these conditions as they have different organ involvement, monitoring requirements, treatments and prognoses. This case has prompted a review of studies where the frequencies of clinical and serological features are noted in these two conditions. Case description A 40-year-old male was referred to acute medicine with 3 months of headache, fatigue, polyarthralgia, myalgia, night sweats, lymphadenopathy and otalgia. He reported a severe pharyngitis at symptom onset, 12 weeks earlier, for which he was given 20 days of phenoxymethylpenicillin by his GP. His sore throat improved, but his other symptoms persisted. His GP then suspected sinusitis, so prescribed doxycycline. He had no significant past medical history other than a tonsillectomy in his 20s and had been on no regular medication. On admission, he reported fever, headache, sweats, myalgia and arthralgia of the elbows and wrists. He had no meningism and denied any rashes, nasal discharge, joint swelling, neurological symptoms, weight loss or symptoms to suggest underlying malignancy. An ENT specialist felt sinusitis to be unlikely. On examination, the initial positive findings included tenderness of the right mastoid process, low grade cervical lymphadenopathy, tender wrists, erythematous pharynx and myalgia of the thighs. There was no rash, clinical synovitis, or organomegaly. Investigations included: Throat cultures: negative; Urine dip: trace blood; Anti-Streptolysin O Titres (ASOT): 1600 units/ml; Anti-DNAse B titres: 800; WCC: 16, neutrophils: 73%; ESR: 62; CRP: 120; Ferritin: 1322 (5x upper limit of normal); Transaminitis: ALT: 234, AST: 123; LDH: 428; CK: 47; ANCA, ANA, rheumatoid factor, anti-CCP, CMV, EBV, hepatitis A, B & C, HIV: negative; Echocardiogram: normal; CT head, chest, abdomen, pelvis: normal Our patient was referred to rheumatology and treatment for presumed AOSD was commenced with 30mg prednisolone (weaning dose) and methotrexate. His arthralgia and systemic symptoms vastly improved within one month. At that stage his ASOT was noted to have risen further to 3200 units/ml. He has stopped all medications after one year of treatment. Two months after cessation of methotrexate he remains asymptomatic, with marginally elevated ferritin but otherwise normal routine bloods. Discussion This case illustrates the difficulties involved in establishing an AOSD diagnosis. Despite meeting the Yamaguchi criteria, serositis, maculopapular rash and documented quotidian fever were absent. ASOT levels were elevated and rose after presentation, whilst pharyngitis had been evident at symptom onset, which could imply an alternative differential of PSRA. Identification of AOSD is important as it necessitates monitoring for cardiopulmonary manifestations and rarely macrophage activation syndrome. In AOSD, IL6-IL1 blockade is used for recalcitrant disease. For PSRA, it is important to ensure there are no features of acute rheumatic fever, renal disease, or cardiac disease. PSRA was less likely due to liver and ferritin abnormalities, which persisted long after CRP normalisation, persistent lymphadenopathy and negative throat swabs. The rise in ASOT was considered a false positive. The table compares clinical and serological features for the conditions. Table: Clinical and laboratory features in AOSD and PSRA AOSDPSRACLINICALJointsMild, oligoarticular and transientMay evolve into severe, destructive polyarticular formNon-migratory symmetrical polyarthritisUsually resolves in weeks but can last for monthsPredominantly affects knees, ankles and wristsRashEvanescent salmon pink macular/maculopapularOccurs with feverKoebner phenomenon (73%)Scarlatine rash at disease onsetGuttate psoriasisErythema nodosum/multiformeLeukocytoclastic vasculitisFeverDaily/twice daily lasting less than 4 hoursMay be present at initial point of infectionPharyngitisFrequently (70%)Usually precedes joint symptoms by 14 daysLiver50%No dataSpleen50%No dataCardiacPericarditis, myocarditis (30-40%)No increased risk in adultsPulmonaryPleuritis, transient pulmonary infiltrates (30-40%)No dataHaematologicalTTP/HUS/MAS (rare)No dataSEROLOGICALPositive Rheumatoid Factor0-7%0%Positive ASOTNo data82-100%ComplementNo dataNormal in 100%Deranged LFTs35-76%17%Hyperferritinaemia86-100%No dataRaised ESR100%76-100%Raised CRP100%100%Leucocytosis67-81%12-47%Anaemia62%No data Key learning points There can be diagnostic uncertainty regarding the diagnosis of AOSD, particularly as other conditions may share clinical features, such as recurrent pharyngitis with polyarthralgia/arthritis. PSRA is an important condition to keep in mind when investigating and managing these patients. Both conditions can present with polyarthralgia, but the chronic arthritis of AOSD can progress to destructive arthropathy. The rashes in both conditions generally differ, helping to distinguish between the two. Persistent pyrexia and pharyngitis would be rare in PSRA unless the patient is having recurrent streptococcal infections. Therefore, it is important to perform ENT examination with bacterial throat swabs and for the patient to keep a fever diary. Similarly, cervical lymphadenopathy should only be present during the acute phase of the streptococcal infection rather than persistently, as in the case of AOSD. Hepatosplenomegaly and haematological manifestations are more strongly associated with AOSD, so if these features are present there is greater diagnostic certainty, as long as infection and malignancy can be ruled out. ASOT can be falsely positive due to cross reactivity with myeloma, liver disease, hypergammaglobulinaemia, and autoimmune disease associated with increased rheumatoid factor. ASOT levels peak at 3 weeks and decrease at 8 weeks, and only decreases to pre-infectious levels at 8 months. Anti-DNAse B peaks at 6-8 weeks, decreases at 12 weeks and returns to pre-infectious levels at 12 months. Therefore, the timeline of possible streptococcal infection is important, as even if the infection was months prior, ASOT may be elevated. Repeating both titres is useful, as a disproportionate rise in anti-DNASe B compared with ASOT suggests an acute infection. ASOT may remain elevated for many months in the pharyngeal carrier state. It would be interesting to clarify the experience of other centres in the identification of raised ASOT in AOSD. Conflicts of interest The authors have declared no conflicts of interest.

In January of this year, artist Christian Marclay’s 24-hour video installation The Clock came to Melbourne. As Ben Lerner explains in 10:04, the autofictional novel Lerner published in 2014, The Clock by Christian Marclay “is a clock: it is a twenty-four hour montage of thousands of scenes from movies and a few from TV edited together so as to be shown in real time; each scene indicates the time with a shot of a timepiece or its mention in dialogue, time in and outside of the film is synchronized” (52). I went to see The Clock at ACMI several times, with friends and alone, in the early morning and late at night. Each time I sank back into the comfortable chairs and settled into the communal experience of watching time pass on a screen in a dark room. I found myself sucked into the enforced narrative of time, the way in which the viewer – in this case myself, and those sharing the experience with me – sought to impose a sort of meaning on the arguably meaningless passing of the hours. In this essay, I will explore how we can expand our thinking of the idea of autofiction, as a genre, to include contemporary forms of digital media such as social media or activity trackers, as the authors of these new forms of digital media act as author-characters by playing with the divide between fact and fiction, and requiring their readers to ascertain meaning by interpreting the clues layered within. I will analyse the ways in which the meaning of autofictional texts—such as Lerner’s 10:04, but also including social media feeds, blogs and activity trackers—shifts depending on their audience. I consider that as technology develops, we increasingly use data to contextualise ourselves within a broader narrative – health data, media, journalistic data. As the sociologist John B. Thompson writes, “The development of the media not only enriches and transforms the process of self-formation, it also produces a new kind of intimacy which did not exist before … individuals can create and establish a form of intimacy which is essentially non-reciprocal” (208). New media and technologies have emerged to assist in this process of self-formation through the collection and publication of data. This essay is interested in analysing this process of self-formation, and its relationship to the genre of autofiction.Contemporary Digital Media as AutofictionWhile humans have always recorded themselves throughout history, with the rise of new technologies the instinct to record the self is increasingly becoming an automatic one; an instinct we can tie to what media theorist Nick Couldry terms as “presencing”: an “emerging requirement in everyday life to have a public presence beyond one’s bodily presence, to construct an objectification of oneself” (50). We are required to participate in ‘presencing’ by opting-in to new media; it is now uncommon – even unfavourable – for someone not to engage in any forms of social media or self-monitoring. We are now encouraged to participate in ‘presencing’ through the recording and online publication of data that would have once been considered private, such as employment histories and activity histories. Every Instagram photo, Snapchat or TikTok video contributes to an accumulating digital presence, an emerging narrative of the self. Couldry notes that presencing “is not the same as calling up a few friends to tell them some news; nor, although the audience is unspecific, is it like putting up something on a noticeboard. That is because presencing is oriented to a permanent site in public space that is distinctively marked by the producer for displaying that producer’s self” (50).In this way, we can see that in effect we are all becoming increasingly positioned to become autofiction authors. As an experimental form of literature, autofiction has been around for a long time, the term having first been introduced in the 1970s, and with Serge Doubrovsky widely credited with having introduced the genre with the publication of his 1977 novel Fils (Browning 49). In the most basic terms, autofiction is simply a work of fiction featuring a protagonist who can be interpreted as a stand-in for its author. And while autofiction is also confused with or used interchangeably with other genres such as metafiction or memoir, the difference between autofiction and other genres, writes Arnaud Schmitt, is that autoficton “relies on fiction—runs on fiction, to be exact” (141). Usually the reader can pick up on the fact that a novel is an autofictional one by noting that the protagonist and the author share a name, or key autobiographical details, but it is debatable as to whether the reader in fact needs to know that the work is autofictional in the first place in order to properly engage with it as a literary text.The same ideas can be applied to the application of digital media today. Kylie Cardell notes that “personal autobiographical but specifically diaristic (confessional, serial, quotidian) disclosure is increasingly positioned as a symptomatic feature of online life” (507). This ties in with Couldry’s idea of ‘presencing’; confession is increasingly a requirement when it comes to participation in digital media. As technology advances, the ways in which we can present and record the self evolve, and the narrative we can produce of the self expands alongside our understanding of the relationship between fact and fiction. Though of course we have always fabricated different narratives of the self, whether it be through diary entries or letter-writing, ‘presencing’ occurs when we literally present these edited versions of ourselves to an online audience. Lines become blurred between fiction and non-fiction, and the ability to distinguish between ‘fake’ and ‘real’ becomes almost impossible.Increasingly, such a distinction fails to seem important, and in some cases, this blurred line becomes the point, or a punchline; we can see this most clearly in TikTok videos, wherein people (specifically, or at least most typically, young people—Generation Z) play with ideas of truth and unreality ironically. When a teenager posts a video of themselves on TikTok dancing in their school cafeteria with the caption, “I got suspended for this, don’t let this flop”, the savvy viewer understands without it needing to be said that the student was not actually suspended – and also understands that even less outlandish or unbelievable digital content is unreliable by nature, and simply the narrative the author or producer wishes to convey; just like the savvy reader of an autofiction novel understands, without it actually being said, that the novel is in part autobiographical, even when the author and protagonist do not share a name or other easily identifiable markers.This is the nature of autofiction; it signals to the reader its status as a work of autofiction by littering intertextual clues throughout. Readers familiar with the author’s biography or body of work will pick up on these clues, creating a sense of uneasiness in the reader as they work to discern what is fact and what is not.Indeed, in 10:04, Lerner flags the text as a work of autofiction by sketching a fictional-not-fictional image of himself as an author of a story, ‘The Golden Vanity’ published in The New Yorker, that earned him a book deal—a story the ‘real’ Ben Lerner did in fact publish, two years before the publication of 10:04: “a few months before, the agent had e-mailed me that she believed I could get a “strong six-figure” advance based on a story of mine that had appeared in The New Yorker” (Lerner 4).In a review of 10:04 for the Sydney Review of Books, Stephanie Bishop writes:we learn that he did indeed write a proposal, that there was a competitive auction … What had just happened? Where are we in time? Was the celebratory meal fictional or real? Can we (and should we) seek to distinguish these categories?Here Lerner is ‘presencing’, crafting a multilayered version of himself across media by assuming that the reader of his work is also a reader of The New Yorker (an easy assumption to make given that his work often appears in, and is reviewed in, The New Yorker). Of course, this leads to the question: what becomes of autofiction when it is consumed by someone who is unable to pick up on the many metareferences layered within its narrative? In this case, the work itself becomes a joke that doesn’t land – much like a social media feed being consumed by someone who is not its intended audience.The savvy media consumer also understands that even the most meaningless or obtuse of media is all part of the overarching narrative. Lerner highlights the way we try and impose meaning onto (arguably) meaningless media when he describes his experience of watching time pass in Marclay’s The Clock:Big Ben, which I would come to learn appears frequently in the video, exploded, and people in the audience applauded… But then, a minute later, a young girl awakes from a nightmare and, as she’s comforted by her father (Clark Gable as Rhett Butler), you see Big Ben ticking away again outside their window, no sign of damage. The entire preceding twenty-four hours might have been the child’s dream, a storm that never happened, just one of many ways The Clock can be integrated into an overarching narrative. Indeed it was a greater challenge for me to resist the will to integration. (Lerner 52-53)This desire to impose an overarching narrative that Lerner speaks of – and which I also experienced when watching The Clock, as detailed in the introduction to this essay – is what the recording of the self both aims to achieve and achieves by default; it is the point and also the by-product. The Self as DataThe week my grandmother died, in 2017, my father bought me an Apple Watch. I had recently started running and—perhaps as an outlet for my grief—was looking to take my running further. I wanted a smart watch to help me record my runs; to turn the act of running into data that I could quantify and thus understand. This, in turn, would help me understand something about myself. Deborah Lupton explains my impulse here when she writes, “the body/self is portrayed as a conglomerate of quantifiable data that can be revealed using digital devices” (65). I wanted to reveal my ‘self’ by recording it, similar to the way the data accumulated in a diary, when reflected upon, helps a diarist understand their life more broadly. "Is a Fitbit a diary?”, asks Kylie Cardell. “The diary in the twenty-first century is already vastly different from many of its formal historical counterparts, yet there are discursive resonances. The Fitbit is a diary if we think of diary as a chronological record of data, which it can be” (348). The diary, as with the Apple Watch or Fitbit, is simply just a record of the self moving through time.Thus I submitted myself to the task of turning as much of myself into digital data as was possible to do so. Every walk, swim, meditation, burst of productivity, lapse in productivity, and beat of my heart became quantified, as Cardell might say, diarised. There is a very simple sort of pleasure in watching the red, green and blue rings spin round as you stand more, move more, run more. There is something soothing in knowing that at any given moment in time, you can press a button and see exactly what your heart is doing; even more soothing is knowing that at any given time, you can open up an app and see what your heart has been doing today, yesterday, this month, this year. It made sense to me that this data was being collected via my timepiece; it was simply the accumulation of my ‘self,’ as viewed through the lens of time.The Apple Watch was just the latest in a series of ways I have tasked technology with the act of quantifying myself; with my iPhone I track my periods with the Clue app. I measure my mental health with apps such as Shine, and my daily habits with Habitica. I have tried journaling apps such as Reflectly and Day One. While I have never actively tracked my food intake, or weight, or sex life, I know if I wanted to I could do this, too. And long before the Apple Watch, and long before my iPhone, too, I measured myself. In the late 2000s, I kept an online blog. Rebecca Blood notes that the development of blogging technology allowed blogging to become about “whatever came to mind. Walking to work. Last night’s party. Lunch” (54). Browning expands on this, noting that bloggingemerged as a mode of publication in the late ’90s, expressly smudging the boundaries of public and private. A diaristic mode, the blog nonetheless addresses (a) potential reader(s), often with great intimacy — and in its transition to print, as a boundary-shifting form with ill-defined goals regarding its readership. (49)(It is worth noting here that while of course many different forms of blogging exist and have always existed, this essay is only concerned with the diaristic blog that Blood and Browning speak of – arguably the most popular, and at least the most well known, form of blog.)My blog was also ostensibly about my own life, but really it was a work of autofiction, in the same way that my Apple Watch data, when shared, became a work of autofiction – which is to say that I became the central character, the author-character, whose narrative I was shaping with each post, using time as the setting. Jenny Davis writes:if self-quantifiers are seeking self-knowledge through numbers, then narratives and subjective interpretations are the mechanisms by which data morphs into selves. Self-quantifiers don’t just use data to learn about themselves, but rather, use data to construct the stories that they tell themselves about themselves.Over time, I became addicted to the blogging platform’s inbuilt metrics. I would watch with interest as certain posts performed better than others, and eventually the inevitable happened: I began – mostly unconsciously – to try and mould the content of my blogs to achieve certain outcomes – similar to the way that now, in 2019, it is hard to say whether I use an app to assist myself to meditate/journal/learn/etc, or whether I meditate/journal/learn/etc in order to record myself having done so.David Sedaris notes how the collection of data subconsciously, automatically leads to its manipulation in his essay collection, Calypso:for reasons I cannot determine my Fitbit died. I was devastated when I tapped the broadest part of it and the little dots failed to appear. Then I felt a great sense of freedom. It seemed that my life was now my own again. But was it? Walking twenty-five miles, or even running up the stairs and back, suddenly seemed pointless, since, without the steps being counted and registered, what use were they? (Sedaris, 49)In this way, the data we collect on and produce about ourselves, be it fitness metrics, blog posts, Instagram stories or works of literature or art, allows us to control and shape our own narrative, and so we do, creating what Kylie Cardell describes as “an autobiographical representation of self that is coherent and linear, “excavated” from a mass of personal data” (502).Of course, as foregrounded earlier, it is important to highlight the way ideas of privacy and audience shift in accordance with the type of media being consumed or created. Within different media, different author-characters emerge, and the author is required to participate in ‘presencing’ in different ways. For instance, data that exists only for the user does not require the user, or author, to participate in the act of ‘presencing’ at all – an example of this might be the Clue app, which records menstruation history. This information is only of interest to myself, and is not published or shared anywhere, with anyone. However even data intended for a limited audience still requires participation in ‘presencing’. While I only ‘share’ my Apple Watch’s activity with a few people, even just the act of sharing this activity influences the activity itself, creating an affect in which the fact of the content’s consumption shapes the creation of the content itself. Through consumption of Apple Watch data alone, a narrative can be built in which I am lazy, or dedicated, an early riser or a late sleeper, the kind of person who prefers setting their own goals, or the kind of person who enjoys group activities – and knowing that this narrative is being built requires me to act, consciously, in the experience of building it, which leads to the creation of something unreal or fictional interspersed with factual data. (All of which is to admit that sometimes I go on a run not because I want to go on a run, but because I want to be the sort of person who has gone on a run, and be seen as such: in this way I am ‘presencing’.)Similarly, the ephemeral versus permanent nature of data shared through media like Snapchat or Instagram dictates its status as a work of autofiction. When a piece of data – for instance, a photograph on Instagram – is published permanently, it contributes to an evolving autofictional narrative. The ‘Instagrammed’ self is both real and unreal, both fictional and non-fictional. The consumer of this data can explore an author’s social media feed dating back years and consume this data in exactly the way the author intends. However, the ‘stories’ function on Instagram, for instance, allows the consumption of this data to change again. Content is published for a limited amount of time—usually 24 hours—then disappears, and is able to be shared with either the author’s entire group of followers, or a select audience, allowing an author more creative freedom to choose how their data is consumed.Anxiety and AutofictionWhy do I feel the need to record all this data about myself? Obviously, this information is, to an extent, useful. If you are a person who menstruates, knowing exactly when your last period was, how long it lasted and how heavy it was is useful information to have, medically and logistically. If you run regularly, tracking your runs can be helpful in improving your time or routine. Similarly, recording the self in this way can be useful in keeping track of your moods, your habits, and your relationships.Of course, as previously noted, humans have always recorded ourselves. Cardell notes that “although the forms, conditions, and technology for diary keeping have changed, a motivation for recording, documenting, and accounting for the experience of the self over time has endured” (349). Still, it is hard to ignore the fact that ultimately, we seem to be entering some sort of age of digital information hoarding, and harder still to ignore the sneaking suspicion that this all seems to speak to a growing anxiety – and specifically, an anxiety of the self.Gayle Greene writes that “all writers are concerned with memory, since all writing is a remembrance of things past; all writers draw on the past, mine it as a quarry. Memory is especially important to anyone who cares about change, for forgetting dooms us to repetition” (291). If all writers are concerned with memory, as Greene posits, then perhaps we can draw the conclusion that autofiction writers are concerned with an anxiety of forgetting, or of being forgotten. We are self-conscious as authors of autofictional media; concerned with how our work is and will continue to be perceived – and whether it is perceived at all. Marjorie Worthington believes that that the rise in self-conscious fiction has resulted in an anxiety of obsolescence; that this anxiety in autofiction occurs “when a cultural trope (such as 'the author' is deemed to be in danger of becoming obsolete (or 'dying')” (27). However, it is worth considering the opposite – that an anxiety of obsolescence has resulted in a rise of self-conscious fiction, or autofiction.This fear of obsolescence is pervasive in new digital media – Instagram stories and Snapchats, which once disappeared forever into a digital void, are now able to be saved and stored. The fifteen minutes of fame has morphed into fifteen seconds: in this way, time works both for and against the anxious author of digital autofiction. Technologies evolve quicker than we can keep up, with popular platforms becoming obsolete at a rapid pace. This results in what Kylie Cardell sees as an “anxiety around the traces of lives accumulating online and the consequences of 'accidental autobiography,' as well as the desire to have a 'tidy,' representable, and 'storied' life” (503).This same desire can be seen at the root of autofiction. The media theorist José van Dijck notes thatwith the advent of photography, and later film and television, writing tacitly transformed into an interior means of consciousness and remembrance, whereupon electronic forms of media received the artificiality label…writing gained status as a more authentic container of past recollection. (15)Autofiction, however, disrupts this tacit transformation. It is a co-mingling of a desire to record the self, as well as a desire to control one’s own narrative. The drive to represent oneself in a specific way, with consideration to one’s audience and self-brand, has become the root of social media, but is so pervasive now that it is often an unexamined, subconscious one. In autofiction, this drive is not subconscious, it is self-conscious.ConclusionAs technology has developed, new ways to record, present and evaluate the self have emerged. While an impulse to self-monitor has always existed within society, with the rise of ‘presencing’ through social media this impulse has been made public. In this way, we can see presencing, or the public practice of self-performing through media, as an inherently autofictional practice. We can understand that the act of presencing stems from a place of anxiety and self-consciousness, and understand that is in fact impossible to create autofiction without self-consciousness. As we begin to understand that all digital media is becoming inherently autofictional in nature, we’re increasingly required to force to draw our own conclusions about the media we consume—just like the author-character of 10:04 is forced to draw his own conclusions about the passing of time, as represented by Big Ben, when interacting with Marclay’s The Clock. By analysing and comparing the ways in which the emerging digital landscape and autofiction both share a common goal of recording and preserving an interpretation of the ‘self’, we can then understand a deeper understanding of the purpose that autofiction serves. ReferencesBishop, Stephanie. “The Same but Different: 10:04 by Ben Lerner.” Sydney Review of Books 6 Feb. 2015. <https://sydneyreviewofbooks.com/10-04-ben-lerner/>.Blood, Rebecca. "How Blogging Software Reshapes the Online Community." Communications of the ACM 47.12 (2004): 53-55.Browning, Barbara. "The Performative Novel." TDR: The Drama Review 62.2 (2018): 43-58. Davis, Jenny. “The Qualified Self.” Cyborgology 13 Mar. 2013. <http://thesocietypages.org/cyborgology/2013/03/13/the-qualified-self/>.Cardell, Kylie. “The Future of Autobiography Studies: The Diary.” a/b: Auto/Biography Studies 32.2 (2017): 347-350.Cardell, Kylie. “Modern Memory-Making: Marie Kondo, Online Journaling, and the Excavation, Curation, and Control of Personal Digital Data.” a/b: Auto/Biography Studies 32.3 (2017): 499-517.Couldry, Nick. Media, Society, World: Social Theory and Digital Media Practice. Great Britain: Polity Press, 2012.Greene, Gayle. “Feminist Fiction and the Uses of Memory.” Signs 16.2 (1991): 290-321.Lerner, Ben. 10:04. London: Faber and Faber, 2014.Lerner, Ben. “The Golden Vanity.” The New Yorker 11 June 2012. <https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2012/06/18/the-golden-vanity>.Lupton, Deborah. “You Are Your Data: Self-Tracking Practices and Concepts of Data.” Lifelogging. Ed. Stefan Selke. Wiesbaden: Springer, 2016. 61-79.Schmitt, Arnaud. “David Shields's Lyrical Essay: The Dream of a Genre-Free Memoir, or beyond the Paradox.” a/b: Auto/Biography Studies 31.1 (2016): 133-146.Sedaris, David. Calypso. United States: Little Brown, 2018.Thompson, John B. The Media and Modernity: A Social Theory of the Media. California: Stanford University Press, 1995.Van Dijck, José. Mediated Memories in the Digital Age. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2007.Worthington, Marjorie. The Story of "Me": Contemporary American Autofiction. Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 2018.

This essay combines life writing with meditations on the significance of walking as integral to the ritual practice of pilgrimage, where the individual improves her soul or health through the act of walking to a shrine containing healing relics of a saint. Braiding together insights from medieval literature, contemporary ecocriticism, and memory studies, I reflect on my own pilgrimage practice as it impacts the land itself. Canterbury, England serves as the central shrine for four pilgrimages over decades: 1966, 1994, 1997, and 2003.The act of memory was not invented in the Anthropocene. Rather, the nonhuman world has taught humans how to remember. From ice-core samples retaining the history of Europe’s weather to rocks embedded with fossilized extinct species, nonhuman actors literally petrifying or freezing the past—from geologic sites to frozen water—become exposed through the process of anthropocentric discovery and human interference. The very act of human uncovery and analysis threatens to eliminate the nonhuman actor which has hospitably shared its own experience. How can humans script nonhuman memory?As for the history of memory studies itself, a new phase is arguably beginning, shifting from “the transnational, transcultural, or global to the planetary; from recorded to deep history; from the human to the nonhuman” (Craps et al. 3). Memory studies for the Anthropocene can “focus on the terrestrialized significance of (the historicized) forms of remembrance but also on the positioning of who is remembering and, ultimately, which ‘Anthropocene’ is remembered” (Craps et al. 5). In this era of the “self-conscious Anthropocene” (Craps et al. 6), narrative itself can focus on “the place of nonhuman beings in human stories of origins, identity, and futures point to a possible opening for the methods of memory studies” (Craps et al. 8). The nonhuman on the paths of this essay range from the dirt on the path to the rock used to build the sacred shrine, the ultimate goal. How they intersect with human actors reveals how the “human subject is no longer the one forming the world, but does indeed constitute itself through its relation to and dependence on the object world” (Marcussen 14, qtd. in Rodriguez 378). Incorporating “nonhuman species as objects, if not subjects, of memory [...] memory critics could begin by extending their objects to include the memory of nonhuman species,” linking both humans and nonhumans in “an expanded multispecies frame of remembrance” (Craps et al. 9). My narrative—from diaries recording sacred journey to a novel structured by pilgrimage—propels motion, but also secures in memory events from the past, including memories of those nonhuman beings I interact with.Childhood PilgrimageThe little girl with brown curls sat crying softly, whimpering, by the side of the road in lush grass. The mother with her soft brown bangs and an underflip to her hair told the story of a little girl, sitting by the side of the road in lush grass.The story book girl had forgotten her Black Watch plaid raincoat at the picnic spot where she had lunched with her parents and two older brothers. Ponchos spread out, the family had eaten their fresh yeasty rolls, hard cheese, apples, and macaroons. The tin clink of the canteen hit their teeth as they gulped metallic water, still icy cold from the taps of the ancient inn that morning. The father cut slices of Edam with his Swiss army knife, parsing them out to each child to make his or her own little sandwich. The father then lay back for his daily nap, while the boys played chess. The portable wooden chess set had inlaid squares, each piece no taller than a fingernail paring. The girl read a Junior Puffin book, while the mother silently perused Agatha Christie. The boy who lost at chess had to play his younger sister, a fitting punishment for the less able player. She cheerfully played with either brother. Once the father awakened, they packed up their gear into their rucksacks, and continued the pilgrimage to Canterbury.Only the little Black Watch plaid raincoat was left behind.The real mother told the real girl that the story book family continued to walk, forgetting the raincoat until it began to rain. The men pulled on their ponchos and the mother her raincoat, when the little girl discovered her raincoat missing. The story book men walked two miles back while the story book mother and girl sat under the dripping canopy of leaves provided by a welcoming tree.And there, the real mother continued, the storybook girl cried and whimpered, until a magic taxi cab in which the father and boys sat suddenly appeared out of the mist to drive the little girl and her mother to their hotel.The real girl’s eyes shone. “Did that actually happen?” she asked, perking up in expectation.“Oh, yes,” said the real mother, kissing her on the brow. The girl’s tears dried. Only the plops of rain made her face moist. The little girl, now filled with hope, cuddled with her mother as they huddled together.Without warning, out of the mist, drove up a real magic taxi cab in which the real men sat. For magic taxi cabs really exist, even in the tangible world—especially in England. At the very least, in the England of little Susie’s imagination.Narrative and PilgrimageMy mother’s tale suggests how this story echoes in yet another pilgrimage story, maintaining a long tradition of pilgrimage stories embedded within frame tales as far back as the Middle Ages.The Christian pilgrim’s walk parallels Christ’s own pilgrimage to Emmaus. The blisters we suffer echo faintly the lash Christ endured. The social relations of the pilgrim are “diachronic” (Alworth 98), linking figures (Christ) from the past to the now (us, or, during the Middle Ages, William Langland’s Piers Plowman or Chaucer’s band who set out from Southwark). We embody the frame of the vera icon, the true image, thus “conjur[ing] a site of simultaneity or a plane of immanence where the actors of the past [...] meet those of the future” (Alworth 99). Our quotidian walk frames the true essence or meaning of our ambulatory travail.In 1966, my parents took my two older brothers and me on the Pilgrims’ Way—not the route from London to Canterbury that Chaucer’s pilgrims would have taken starting south of London in Southwark, rather the ancient trek from Winchester to Canterbury, famously chronicled in The Old Road by Hilaire Belloc. The route follows along the south side of the Downs, where the muddy path was dried by what sun there was. My parents first undertook the walk in the early 1950s. Slides from that pilgrimage depict my mother, voluptuous in her cashmere twinset and tweed skirt, as my father crosses a stile. My parents, inspired by Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales, decided to walk along the traditional Pilgrims’ Way to Canterbury. Story intersects with material traversal over earth on dirt-laden paths.By the time we children came along, the memories of that earlier pilgrimage resonated with my parents, inspiring them to take us on the same journey. We all carried our own rucksacks and walked five or six miles a day. Concerning our pilgrimage when I was seven, my mother wrote in her diary:As good pilgrims should, we’ve been telling tales along the way. Yesterday Jimmy told the whole (detailed) story of That Darn Cat, a Disney movie. Today I told about Stevenson’s Travels with a Donkey, which first inspired me to think of walking trips and everyone noted the resemblance between Stevenson’s lovable, but balky, donkey and our sweet Sue. (We hadn’t planned to tell tales, but they just happened along the way.)I don’t know how sweet I was; perhaps I was “balky” because the road was so hard. Landscape certainly shaped my experience.As I wrote about the pilgrimage in my diary then, “We went to another Hotel and walked. We went and had lunch at the Boggly [booglie] place. We went to a nother hotel called The Swan with fether Quits [quilts]. We went to the Queens head. We went to the Gest house. We went to aother Hotle called Srping wells and my tooth came out. We saw some taekeys [turkeys].” The repetition suggests how pilgrimage combines various aspects of life, from the emotional to the physical, the quotidian (walking and especially resting—in hotels with quilts) with the extraordinary (newly sprung tooth or the appearance of turkeys). “[W]ayfaring abilities depend on an emotional connection to the environment” (Easterlin 261), whether that environment is modified by humans or even manmade, inhabited by human or nonhuman actors. How can one model an “ecological relationship between humans and nonhumans” in narrative (Rodriguez 368)? Rodriguez proposes a “model of reading as encounter [...] encountering fictional story worlds as potential models” (Rodriguez 368), just as my mother did with the Magic Taxi Cab story.Taxis proliferate in my childhood pilgrimage. My mother writes in 1966 in her diary of journeying along the Pilgrims’ Way to St. Martha’s on the Hill. “Susie was moaning and groaning under her pack and at one desperate uphill moment gasped out, ‘Let’s take a taxi!’ – our highborn lady as we call her. But we finally made it.” “Martha’s”, as I later learned, is a corruption of “Martyrs”, a natural linguistic decay that developed over the medieval period. Just as the vernacular textures pilgrimage poems in the fourteeth century, the common tongue in all its glorious variety seeps into even the quotidian modern pilgrim’s journey.Part of the delight of pilgrimage lies in the characters one meets and the languages they speak. In 1994, the only time my husband and I cheated on a strictly ambulatory sacred journey occurred when we opted to ride a bus for ten miles where walking would have been dangerous. When I ask the bus driver if a stop were ours, he replied, “I'll give you a shout, love.” As though in a P. G. Wodehouse novel, when our stop finally came, he cried out, “Cheerio, love” to me and “Cheerio, mate” to Jim.Language changes. Which is a good thing. If it didn’t, it would be dead, like those martyrs of old. Like Latin itself. Disentangling pilgrimage from language proves impossible. The healthy ecopoetics of languages meshes with the sustainable vibrancy of the land we traverse.“Nettles of remorse…”: Derek Walcott, The Bounty Once my father had to carry me past a particularly tough patch of nettles. As my mother tells it, we “went through orchards and along narrow woodland path with face-high nettles. Susie put a scarf over her face and I wore a poncho though it was sunny and we survived almost unscathed.” Certain moments get preserved by the camera. At age seven in a field outside of Wye, I am captured in my father’s slides surrounded by grain. At age thirty-five, I am captured in film by my husband in the same spot, in the identical pose, though now quite a bit taller than the grain. Three years later, as a mother, I in turn snap him with a backpack containing baby Sarah, grumpily gazing off over the fields.When I was seven, we took off from Detling. My mother writes, “set off along old Pilgrims’ Way. Road is paved now, but much the same as fifteen years ago. Saw sheep, lambs, and enjoyed lovely scenery. Sudden shower sent us all to a lunch spot under trees near Thurnham Court, where we huddled under ponchos and ate happily, watching the weather move across the valley. When the sun came to us, we continued on our way which was lovely, past sheep, etc., but all on hard paved road, alas. Susie was a good little walker, but moaned from time to time.”I seem to whimper and groan a lot on pilgrimage. One thing is clear: the physical aspects of walking for days affected my phenomenological response to our pilgrimage which we’d undertaken both as historical ritual, touristic nature hike, and what Wendell Berry calls a “secular pilgrimage” (402), where the walker seeks “the world of the Creation” (403) in a “return to the wilderness in order to be restored” (416). The materiality of my experience was key to how I perceived this journey as a spiritual, somatic, and emotional event. The link between pilgrimage and memory, between pilgrimage poetics and memorial methods, occupies my thoughts on pilgrimage. As Nancy Easterlin’s work on “cognitive ecocriticism” (“Cognitive” 257) contends, environmental knowledge is intimately tied in with memory (“Cognitive” 260). She writes: “The advantage of extensive environmental knowledge most surely precipitates the evolution of memory, necessary to sustain vast knowledge” (“Cognitive” 260). Even today I can recall snatches of moments from that trip when I was a child, including the telling of tales.Landscape not only changes the writer, but writing transforms the landscape and our interaction with it. As Valerie Allen suggests, “If the subject acts upon the environment, so does the environment upon the subject” (“When Things Break” 82). Indeed, we can understand the “road as a strategic point of interaction between human and environment” (Allen and Evans 26; see also Oram)—even, or especially, when that interaction causes pain and inflames blisters. My relationship with moleskin on my blasted and blistered toes made me intimately conscious of my body with every step taken on the pilgrimage route.As an adult, my boots on the way from Winchester to Canterbury pinched and squeezed, packed dirt acting upon them and, in turn, my feet. After taking the train home and upon arrival in London, we walked through Bloomsbury to our flat on Russell Square, passing by what I saw as a new, less religious, but no less beckoning shrine: The London Foot Hospital at Fitzroy Square.Now, sadly, it is closed. Where do pilgrims go for sole—and soul—care?Slow Walking as WayfindingAll pilgrimages come to an end, just as, in 1966, my mother writes of our our arrival at last in Canterbury:On into Canterbury past nice grassy cricket field, where we sat and ate chocolate bars while we watched white-flannelled cricketers at play. Past town gates to our Queen’s Head Inn, where we have the smallest, slantingest room in the world. Everything is askew and we’re planning to use our extra pillows to brace our feet so we won’t slide out of bed. Children have nice big room with 3 beds and are busy playing store with pounds and shillings [that’s very hard mathematics!]. After dinner, walked over to cathedral, where evensong was just ending. Walked back to hotel and into bed where we are now.Up to early breakfast, dashed to cathedral and looked up, up, up. After our sins were forgiven, we picked up our rucksacks and headed into London by train.This experience in 1966 varies slightly from the one in 1994. Jim and I walk through a long walkway of tall, slim trees arching over us, a green, lush and silent cloister, finally gaining our first view of Canterbury with me in a similar photo to one taken almost thirty years before. We make our way into the city through the West Gate, first passing by St. Dunstan’s Church where Henry II had put on penitential garb and later Sir Thomas More’s head was buried. Canterbury is like Coney Island in the Middle Ages and still is: men with dreadlocks and slinky didjeridoos, fire tossers, mobs of people, tourists. We go to Mercery Lane as all good pilgrims should and under the gate festooned with the green statue of Christ, arriving just in time for evensong.Imagining a medieval woman arriving here and listening to the service, I pray to God my gratefulness for us having arrived safely. I can understand the fifteenth-century pilgrim, Margery Kempe, screaming emotionally—maybe her feet hurt like mine. I’m on the verge of tears during the ceremony: so glad to be here safe, finally got here, my favorite service, my beloved husband. After the service, we pass on through the Quire to the spot where St. Thomas’s relic sanctuary was. People stare at a lit candle commemorating it. Tears well up in my eyes.I suppose some things have changed since the Middle Ages. One Friday in Canterbury with my children in 2003 has some parallels with earlier iterations. Seven-year-old Sarah and I go to evensong at the Cathedral. I tell her she has to be absolutely quiet or the Archbishop will chop off her head.She still has her head.Though the road has been paved, the view has remained virtually unaltered. Some aspects seem eternal—sheep, lambs, and stiles dotting the landscape. The grinding down of the pilgrimage path, reflecting the “slowness of flat ontology” (Yates 207), occurs over vast expanses of time. Similarly, Easterlin reflects on human and more than human vitalism: “Although an understanding of humans as wayfinders suggests a complex and dynamic interest on the part of humans in the environment, the surround itself is complex and dynamic and is frequently in a state of change as the individual or group moves through it” (Easterlin “Cognitive” 261). An image of my mother in the 1970s by a shady tree along the Pilgrims’ Way in England shows that the path is lower by 6 inches than the neighboring verge (Bright 4). We don’t see dirt evolving, because its changes occur so slowly. Only big time allows us to see transformative change.Memorial PilgrimageOddly, the erasure of self through duplication with a precursor occurred for me while reading W.G. Sebald’s pilgrimage novel, The Rings of Saturn. I had experienced my own pilgrimage to many of these same locations he immortalizes. I, too, had gone to Somerleyton Hall with my elderly mother, husband, and two children. My memories, sacred shrines pooling in familial history, are infused with synchronic reflection, medieval to contemporary—my parents’ periodic sojourns in Suffolk for years, leading me to love the very landscape Sebald treks across; sadness at my parents’ decline; hope in my children’s coming to add on to their memory palimpsest a layer devoted to this land, to this history, to this family.Then, the oddest coincidence from my reading pilgrimage. After visiting Dunwich Heath, Sebald comes to his friend, Michael, whose wife Anne relays a story about a local man hired as a pallbearer by the local undertaker in Westleton. This man, whose memory was famously bad, nevertheless reveled in the few lines allotted him in an outdoor performance of King Lear. After her relating this story, Sebald asks for a taxi (Sebald 188-9).This might all seem unremarkable to the average reader. Yet, “human wayfinders are richly aware of and responsive to environment, meaning both physical places and living beings, often at a level below consciousness” (Easterlin “Cognitive” 265). For me, with a connection to this area, I startled with recollection emerging from my subconscience. The pallbearer’s name in Sebald’s story was Mr Squirrel, the very same name of the taxi driver my parents—and we—had driven with many times. The same Mr Squirrel? How many Mr Squirrels can there be in this small part of Suffolk? Surely it must be the same family, related in a genetic encoding of memory. I run to my archives. And there, in my mother’s address book—itself a palimpsest of time with names and addressed scored through; pasted-in cards, names, and numbers; and looseleaf memoranda—there, on the first page under “S”, “Mr. Squirrel” in my mother’s unmistakable scribble. She also had inscribed his phone number and the village Saxmundum, seven miles from Westleton. His name had been crossed out. Had he died? Retired? I don’t know. Yet quick look online tells me Squirrell’s Taxis still exists, as it does in my memory.Making KinAfter accompanying a class on a bucolic section of England’s Pilgrims’ Way, seven miles from Wye to Charing, we ended up at a pub drinking a pint, with which all good pilgrimages should conclude. There, students asked me why I became a medievalist who studies pilgrimage. Only after the publication of my first book on women pilgrims did I realize that the origin of my scholarly, long fascination with pilgrimage, blossoming into my professional career, began when I was seven years old along the way to Canterbury. The seeds of that pilgrimage when I was so young bore fruit and flowers decades later.One story illustrates Michel Serres’s point that we should not aim to appropriate the world, but merely act as temporary tenants (Serres 72-3). On pilgrimage in 1966 as a child, I had a penchant for ant spiders. That was not the only insect who took my heart. My mother shares how “Susie found a beetle up on the hill today and put him in the cheese box. Jimmy put holes in the top for him. She named him Alexander Beetle and really became very fond of him. After supper, we set him free in the garden here, with appropriate ceremony and a few over-dramatic tears of farewell.” He clearly made a great impression on me. I yearn for him today, that beetle in the cheese box. Though I tried to smuggle nature as contraband, I ultimately had to set him free.Passing through cities, landscape, forests, over seas and on roads, wandering by fields and vegetable patches, under a sky lit both by sun and moon, the pilgrim—even when in a group of fellow pilgrims—in her lonesome exercise endeavors to realize Serres’ ideal of the tenant inhabitant of earth. Nevertheless, we, as physical pilgrims, inevitably leave our traces through photos immortalizing the journey, trash left by the wayside, even excretions discretely deposited behind a convenient bush. Or a beetle who can tell the story of his adventure—or terror—at being ensconced for a time in a cheese box.On one notorious day of painful feet, my husband and I arrived in Otford, only to find the pub was still closed. Finally, it became time for dinner. We sat outside, me with feet ensconced in shoes blessedly inert and unmoving, as the server brought out our salads. The salad cream, white and viscous, was presented in an elegantly curved silver dish. Then Jim began to pick at the salad cream with his fork. Patiently, tenderly, he endeavored to assist a little bug who had gotten trapped in the gooey sauce. Every attempt seemed doomed to failure. The tiny creature kept falling back into the gloppy substance. Undaunted, Jim compassionately ministered to our companion. Finally, the little insect flew off, free to continue its own pilgrimage, which had intersected with ours in a tiny moment of affinity. Such moments of “making kin” work, according to Donna Haraway, as “life-saving strateg[ies] for the Anthropocene” (Oppermann 3, qtd. in Haraway 160).How can narrative avoid the anthropocentric centre of writing, which is inevitable given the human generator of such a piece? While words are a human invention, nonhuman entities vitally enact memory. The very Downs we walked along were created in the Cretaceous period at least seventy million years ago. The petrol propelling the magic taxi cab was distilled from organic bodies dating back millions of years. Jurassic limestone from the Bathonian Age almost two hundred million years ago constitutes the Caen stone quarried for building Canterbury Cathedral, while its Purbeck marble from Dorset dates from the Cretaceous period. Walking on pilgrimage propels me through a past millions—billions—of eons into the past, dwarfing my speck of existence. Yet, “if we wish to cross the darkness which separates us from [the past] we must lay down a little plank of words and step delicately over it” (Barfield 23). Elias Amidon asks us to consider how “the ground we dig into and walk upon is sacred. It is sacred because it makes us neighbors to each other, whether we like it or not. Tell this story” (Amidon 42). And, so, I have.We are winding down. Time has passed since that first pilgrimage of mine at seven years old. Yet now, here, I still put on my red plaid wollen jumper and jacket, crisp white button-up shirt, grey knee socks, and stout red walking shoes. Slinging on my rucksack, I take my mother’s hand.I’m ready to take my first step.We continue our pilgrimage, together.ReferencesAllen, Valerie. “When Things Break: Mending Rroads, Being Social.” Roadworks: Medieval Britain, Medieval Roads. Eds. Valerie Allen and Ruth Evans. Manchester: Manchester UP, 2016.———, and Ruth Evans. Introduction. Roadworks: Medieval Britain, Medieval Roads. Eds. Valerie Allen and Ruth Evans. Manchester: Manchester UP, 2016.Alworth, David J. Site Reading: Fiction, Art, Social Form. Princeton: Princeton UP, 2016.Amidon, Elias. “Digging In.” Dirt: A Love Story. Ed. Barbara Richardson. Lebanon, NH: ForeEdge, 2015.Barfield, Owen. History in English Words. Grand Rapids: William B. 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Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 2010. 257-274.Haraway, Donna. “Anthropocene, Capitalocene, Plantationocene, Chthulucene: Making Kin.” Environmental Humanities 6 (2015): 159-65.James, Erin, and Eric Morel. “Ecocriticism and Narrative Theory: An Introduction.” English Studies 99.4 (2018): 355-365.Marcussen, Marlene. Reading for Space: An Encounter between Narratology and New Materialism in the Works of Virgina Woolf and Georges Perec. PhD diss. University of Southern Denmark, 2016.Oppermann, Serpil. “Introducing Migrant Ecologies in an (Un)Bordered World.” ISLE 24.2 (2017): 243–256.Oram, Richard. “Trackless, Impenetrable, and Underdeveloped? Roads, Colonization and Environmental Transformation in the Anglo-Scottish Border Zone, c. 1100 to c. 1300.” Roadworks: Medieval Britain, Medieval Roads. Eds. Valerie Allen and Ruth Evans. 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“...children’s play seems to become more and more a product of the educational and cultural orientation of parents...” — Stephen Kline, The Making of Children’s Culture We live in a world saturated by design and through design artefacts, one can glean unique insights into a culture's values and norms. In fact, some academics, such as British media and film theorist Ben Highmore, see the two areas so inextricably intertwined as to suggest a wholesale “re-branding of the cultural sciences as design studies” (14). Too often, however, everyday objects are marginalised or overlooked as objects of scholarly attention. The field of material culture studies seeks to change that by focussing on the quotidian object and its ability to reveal much about the time, place, and culture in which it was designed and used. This article takes on one such object, a mid-century children's toy tea set, whose humble journey from 1968 Sears catalogue to 2014 thrift shop—and subsequently this author’s basement—reveals complex rhetorical messages communicated both visually and verbally. As material culture studies theorist Jules Prown notes, the field’s foundation is laid upon the understanding “that objects made ... by man reflect, consciously or unconsciously, directly or indirectly, the beliefs of individuals who made, commissioned, purchased or used them, and by extension the beliefs of the larger society to which they belonged” (1-2). In this case, the objects’ material and aesthetic characteristics can be shown to reflect some of the pervasive stereotypes and gender roles of the mid-century and trace some of the prevailing tastes of the American middle class of that era, or perhaps more accurately the type of design that came to represent good taste and a modern aesthetic for that audience. A wealth of research exists on the function of toys and play in learning about the world and even the role of toy selection in early sex-typing, socialisation, and personal identity of children (Teglasi). This particular research area isn’t the focus of this article; however, one aspect that is directly relevant and will be addressed is the notion of adult role-playing among children and the role of toys in communicating certain adult practices or values to the child—what sociologist David Oswell calls “the dedifferentiation of childhood and adulthood” (200). Neither is the focus of this article the practice nor indeed the ethicality of marketing to children. Relevant to this particular example I suggest, is as a product utilising messaging aimed not at children but at adults, appealing to certain parents’ interest in nurturing within their child a perceived era and class-appropriate sense of taste. This was fuelled in large part by the curatorial pursuits of the Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) in New York, coupled with an interest and investment in raising their children in a design-forward household and a desire for toys that reflected that priority; in essence, parents wishing to raise modern children. Following Prown’s model of material culture analysis, the tea set is examined in three stages, through description, deduction and speculation with each stage building on the previous one. Figure 1: Porcelain Toy Tea Set. Description The tea set consists of twenty-six pieces that allows service for six. Six cups, saucers, and plates; a tall carafe with spout, handle and lid; a smaller vessel with a spout and handle; a small round bowl with a lid; a larger oval bowl with a lid, and a coordinated oval platter. The cups are just under two inches tall and two inches in diameter. The largest piece, the platter is roughly six inches by four inches. The pieces are made of a ceramic material white in colour and glossy in texture and are very lightweight. The rim or edge of each piece is decorated with a motif of three straight lines in two different shades of blue and in different thicknesses, interspersed with a set of three black wiggly lines. Figure 2: Porcelain Toy Tea Set Box. The set is packaged for retail purposes and the original box appears to be fully intact. The packaging of an object carries artefactual evidence just as important as what it contains that falls into the category of a “‘para-artefact’ … paraphernalia that accompanies the product (labels, packaging, instructions etc.), all of which contribute to a product’s discourse” (Folkmann and Jensen 83). The graphics on the box are colourful, featuring similar shades of teal blue as found on the objects, with the addition of orange and a silver sticker featuring the logo of the American retailer Sears. The cover features an illustration of the objects on an orange tabletop. The most prominent text that confirms that the toy is a “Porcelain Toy Tea Set” is in an organic, almost psychedelic style that mimics both popular graphics of this era—especially album art and concert posters—as well as the organic curves of steam that emanate from the illustrated teapot’s spout. Additional messages appear on the box, in particular “Contemporary DESIGN” and “handsome, clean-line styling for modern little hostesses”. Along the edges of the box lid, a detail of the decorative motif is reproduced somewhat abstracted from what actually appears on the ceramic objects. Figure 3: Sears’s Christmas Wishbook Catalogue, page 574 (1968). Sears, Roebuck and Co. (Sears) is well-known for its over one-hundred-year history of producing printed merchandise catalogues. The catalogue is another important para-artefact to consider in analysing the objects. The tea set first appeared in the 1968 Sears Christmas Wishbook. There is no date or copyright on the box, so only its inclusion in the catalogue allows the set to be accurately dated. It also allows us to understand how the set was originally marketed. Deduction In the deduction phase, we focus on the sensory aesthetic and functional interactive qualities of the various components of the set. In terms of its function, it is critical that we situate the objects in their original use context, play. The light weight of the objects and thinness of the ceramic material lends the objects a delicate, if not fragile, feeling which indicates that this set is not for rough use. Toy historian Lorraine May Punchard differentiates between toy tea sets “meant to be used by little girls, having parties for their friends and practising the social graces of the times” and smaller sets or doll dishes “made for little girls to have parties with their dolls, or for their dolls to have parties among themselves” (7). Similar sets sold by Sears feature images of girls using the sets with both human playmates and dolls. The quantity allowing service for six invites multiple users to join the party. The packaging makes clear that these toy tea sets were intended for imaginary play only, rendering them non-functional through an all-capitals caution declaiming “IMPORTANT: Do not use near heat”. The walls and handles of the cups are so thin one can imagine that they would quickly become dangerous if filled with a hot liquid. Nevertheless, the lid of the oval bowl has a tan stain or watermark which suggests actual use. The box is broken up by pink cardboard partitions dividing it into segments sized for each item in the set. Interestingly even the small squares of unfinished corrugated cardboard used as cushioning between each stacked plate have survived. The evidence of careful re-packing indicates that great care was taken in keeping the objects safe. It may suggest that even though the set was used, the children or perhaps the parents, considered the set as something to care for and conserve for the future. Flaws in the glaze and applique of the design motif can be found on several pieces in the set and offer some insight as to the technique used in producing these items. Errors such as the design being perfectly evenly spaced but crooked in its alignment to the rim, or pieces of the design becoming detached or accidentally folded over and overlapping itself could only be the result of a print transfer technique popularised with decorative china of the Victorian era, a technique which lends itself to mass production and lower cost when compared to hand decoration. Speculation In the speculation stage, we can consider the external evidence and begin a more rigorous investigation of the messaging, iconography, and possible meanings of the material artefact. Aspects of the set allow a number of useful observations about the role of such an object in its own time and context. Sociologists observe the role of toys as embodiments of particular types of parental messages and values (Cross 292) and note how particularly in the twentieth century “children’s play seems to become more and more a product of the educational and cultural orientation of parents” (Kline 96). Throughout history children’s toys often reflected a miniaturised version of the adult world allowing children to role-play as imagined adult-selves. Kristina Ranalli explored parallels between the practice of drinking tea and the play-acting of the child’s tea party, particularly in the nineteenth century, as a gendered ritual of gentility; a method of socialisation and education, and an opportunity for exploratory and even transgressive play by “spontaneously creating mini-societies with rules of their own” (20). Such toys and objects were available through the Sears mail-order catalogue from the very beginning at the end of the nineteenth century (McGuire). Propelled by the post-war boom of suburban development and homeownership—that generation’s manifestation of the American Dream—concern with home décor and design was elevated among the American mainstream to a degree never before seen. There was a hunger for new, streamlined, efficient, modernist living. In his essay titled “Domesticating Modernity”, historian Jeffrey L. Meikle notes that many early modernist designers found that perhaps the most potent way to “‘domesticate’ modernism and make it more familiar was to miniaturise it; for example, to shrink the skyscraper and put it into the home as furniture or tableware” (143). Dr Timothy Blade, curator of the 1985 exhibition of girls’ toys at the University of Minnesota’s Goldstein Gallery—now the Goldstein Museum of Design—described in his introduction “a miniaturised world with little props which duplicate, however rudely, the larger world of adults” (5). Noting the power of such toys to reflect adult values of their time, Blade continues: “the microcosm of the child’s world, remarkably furnished by the miniaturised props of their parents’ world, holds many direct and implied messages about the society which brought it into being” (9). In large part, the mid-century Sears catalogues capture the spirit of an era when, as collector Thomas Holland observes, “little girls were still primarily being offered only the options of glamour, beauty and parenthood as the stuff of their fantasies” (175). Holland notes that “the Wishbooks of the fifties [and, I would add, the sixties] assumed most girls would follow in their mother’s footsteps to become full-time housewives and mommies” (1). Blade grouped toys into three categories: cooking, cleaning, and sewing. A tea set could arguably be considered part of the cooking category, but closer examination of the language used in marketing this object—“little hostesses”, et cetera—suggests an emphasis not on cooking but on serving or entertaining. This particular category was not prevalent in the era examined by Blade, but the cultural shifts of the mid-twentieth century, particularly the rapid popularisation of a suburban lifestyle, may have led to the use of entertaining as an additional distinct category of role play in the process of learning to become a “proper” homemaker. Sears and other retailers offered a wide variety of styles of toy tea sets during this era. Blade and numerous other sources observe that children’s toy furniture and appliances tended to reflect the style and aesthetic qualities of their contemporary parallels in the adult world, the better to associate the child’s objects to its adult equivalent. The toy tea set’s packaging trumpets messages intended to appeal to modernist values and identity including “Contemporary Design” and “handsome, clean-line styling for modern little hostesses”. The use of this coded marketing language, aimed particularly at parents, can be traced back several decades. In 1928 a group of American industrial and textile designers established the American Designers' Gallery in New York, in part to encourage American designers to innovate and adopt new styles such as those seen in the L’ Exposition Internationale des Arts Decoratifs et Industriels Modernes (1925) in Paris, the exposition that sparked international interest in the Art Deco or Art Moderne aesthetic. One of the gallery founders, Ilonka Karasz, a Hungarian-American industrial and textile designer who had studied in Austria and was influenced by the Wiener Werkstätte in Vienna, publicised her new style of nursery furnishings as “designed for the very modern American child” (Brown 80). Sears itself was no stranger to the appeal of such language. The term “contemporary design” was ubiquitous in catalogue copy of the nineteen-fifties and sixties, used to describe everything from draperies (1959) and bedspreads (1961) to spice racks (1964) and the Lady Kenmore portable dishwasher (1961). An emphasis on the role of design in one’s life and surroundings can be traced back to efforts by MoMA. The museum’s interest in modern design hearkens back almost to the institution’s inception, particularly in relation to industrial design and the aestheticisation of everyday objects (Marshall). Through exhibitions and in partnership with mass-market magazines, department stores and manufacturer showrooms, MoMA curators evangelised the importance of “good design” a term that can be found in use as early as 1942. What Is Good Design? followed the pattern of prior exhibitions such as What Is Modern Painting? and situated modern design at the centre of exhibitions that toured the United States in the first half of the nineteen-fifties. To MoMA and its partners, “good design” signified the narrow identification of proper taste in furniture, home decor and accessories; effectively, the establishment of a design canon. The viewpoints enshrined in these exhibitions and partnerships were highly influential on the nation’s perception of taste for decades to come, as the trickle-down effect reached a much broader segment of consumers than those that directly experienced the museum or its exhibitions (Lawrence.) This was evident not only at high-end shops such as Bloomingdale’s and Macy’s. Even mass-market retailers sought out well-known figures of modernist design to contribute to their offerings. Sears, for example, commissioned noted modernist designer and ceramicist Russel Wright to produce a variety of serving ware and decor items exclusively for the company. Notably for this study, he was also commissioned to create a toy tea set for children. The 1957 Wishbook touts the set as “especially created to delight modern little misses”. Within its Good Design series, MoMA exhibitions celebrated numerous prominent Nordic designers who were exploring simplified forms and new material technologies. In the 1968 Wishbook, the retailer describes the Porcelain Toy Tea Set as “Danish-inspired china for young moderns”. The reference to Danish design is certainly compatible with the modernist appeal; after the explosion in popularity of Danish furniture design, the term “Danish Modern” was commonly used in the nineteen-fifties and sixties as shorthand for pan-Scandinavian or Nordic design, or more broadly for any modern furniture design regardless of origin that exhibited similar characteristics. In subsequent decades the notion of a monolithic Scandinavian-Nordic design aesthetic or movement has been debunked as primarily an economically motivated marketing ploy (Olivarez et al.; Fallan). In the United States, the term “Danish Modern” became so commonly misused that the Danish Society for Arts and Crafts called upon the American Federal Trade Commission (FTC) to legally restrict the use of the labels “Danish” and “Danish Modern” to companies genuinely originating in Denmark. Coincidentally the FTC ruled on this in 1968, noting “that ‘Danish Modern’ carries certain meanings, and... that consumers might prefer goods that are identified with a foreign culture” (Hansen 451). In the case of the Porcelain Toy Tea Set examined here, Sears was not claiming that the design was “Danish” but rather “Danish-inspired”. One must wonder, was this another coded marketing ploy to communicate a sense of “Good Design” to potential customers? An examination of the formal qualities of the set’s components, particularly the simplified geometric forms and the handle style of the cups, confirms that it is unlike a traditional—say, Victorian-style—tea set. Punchard observes that during this era some American tea sets were actually being modelled on coffee services rather than traditional tea services (148). A visual comparison of other sets sold by Sears in the same year reveals a variety of cup and pot shapes—with some similar to the set in question—while others exhibit more traditional teapot and cup shapes. Coffee culture was historically prominent in Nordic cultures so there is at least a passing reference to that aspect of Nordic—if not specifically Danish—influence in the design. But what of the decorative motif? Simple curved lines were certainly prominent in Danish furniture and architecture of this era, and occasionally found in combination with straight lines, but no connection back to any specific Danish motif could be found even after consultation with experts in the field from the Museum of Danish America and the Vesterheim National Norwegian-American Museum (personal correspondence). However, knowing that the average American consumer of this era—even the design-savvy among them—consumed Scandinavian design without distinguishing between the various nations, a possible explanation could be contained in the promotion of Finnish textiles at the time. In the decade prior to the manufacture of the tea set a major design tendency began to emerge in the United States, triggered by the geometric design motifs of the Finnish textile and apparel company Marimekko. Marimekko products were introduced to the American market in 1959 via the Cambridge, Massachusetts-based retailer Design Research (DR) and quickly exploded in popularity particularly after would-be First Lady Jacqueline Kennedy appeared in national media wearing Marimekko dresses during the 1960 presidential campaign and on the cover of Sports Illustrated magazine. (Thompson and Lange). The company’s styling soon came to epitomise a new youth aesthetic of the early nineteen sixties in the United States, a softer and more casual predecessor to the London “mod” influence. During this time multiple patterns were released that brought a sense of whimsy and a more human touch to classic mechanical patterns and stripes. The patterns Piccolo (1953), Helmipitsi (1959), and Varvunraita (1959), all designed by Vuokko Eskolin-Nurmesniemi offered varying motifs of parallel straight lines. Maija Isola's Silkkikuikka (1961) pattern—said to be inspired by the plumage of the Great Crested Grebe—combined parallel serpentine lines with straight and angled lines, available in a variety of colours. These and other geometrically inspired patterns quickly inundated apparel and decor markets. DR built a vastly expanded Cambridge flagship store and opened new locations in New York in 1961 and 1964, and in San Francisco in 1965 fuelled in no small part by the fact that they remained the exclusive outlet for Marimekko in the United States. It is clear that Marimekko’s approach to pattern influenced designers and manufacturers across industries. Design historian Lesley Jackson demonstrates that Marimekko designs influenced or were emulated by numerous other companies across Scandinavia and beyond (72-78). The company’s influence grew to such an extent that some described it as a “conquest of the international market” (Hedqvist and Tarschys 150). Subsequent design-forward retailers such as IKEA and Crate and Barrel continue to look to Marimekko even today for modern design inspiration. In 2016 the mass-market retailer Target formed a design partnership with Marimekko to offer an expansive limited-edition line in their stores, numbering over two hundred items. So, despite the “Danish” misnomer, it is quite conceivable that designers working for or commissioned by Sears in 1968 may have taken their aesthetic cues from Marimekko’s booming work, demonstrating a clear understanding of the contemporary high design aesthetic of the time and coding the marketing rhetoric accordingly even if incorrectly. Conclusion The Sears catalogue plays a unique role in capturing cross-sections of American culture not only as a sales tool but also in Holland’s words as “a beautifully illustrated diary of America, it’s [sic] people and the way we thought about things” (1). Applying a rhetorical and material culture analysis to the catalogue and the objects within it provides a unique glimpse into the roles these objects played in mediating relationships, transmitting values and embodying social practices, tastes and beliefs of mid-century American consumers. Adult consumers familiar with the characteristics of the culture of “Good Design” potentially could have made a connection between the simplified geometric forms of the components of the toy tea set and say the work of modernist tableware designers such as Kaj Franck, or between the set’s graphic pattern and the modernist motifs of Marimekko and its imitators. But for a much broader segment of the population with a less direct understanding of modernist aesthetics, those connections may not have been immediately apparent. The rhetorical messaging behind the objects’ packaging and marketing used class and taste signifiers such as modern, contemporary and “Danish” to reinforce this connection to effect an emotional and aspirational appeal. These messages were coded to position the set as an effective transmitter of modernist values and to target parents with the ambition to create “appropriately modern” environments for their children. 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