Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Diamond industry and trade – History – 18th century »

The idea that India suffered deindustrialization during the 19th century has a long pedigree. The image of skilled weavers thrown back on the soil was a powerful metaphor for the economic stagnation Indian nationalists believed was brought on by British rule. However, whether and why deindustrialization actually happened in India remains open to debate. Quantitative evidence on the overall level of economic activity in 18th and 19th century India is scant, let alone evidence on its breakdown between agriculture, industry, and services. Most of the existing assessments of deindustrialization rely on very sparse data on employment and output shares. Data on prices are much more plentiful, and this paper offers a new (price dual) assessment of deindustrialization in 18th and 19th century India supported by newly compiled evidence on relative prices. A simple model of deindustrialization links relative prices to employment shares. We think the paper sheds new light on whether and when deindustrialization happened, whether it was more or less dramatic in India than elsewhere, and what its likely causes were. The existing literature primarily attributes India’s deindustrialization to Britain’s productivity gains in textile manufacture and to the world transport revolution. Improved British productivity, first in cottage production and then in factory goods, led to declining world textile prices, making production in India increasingly uneconomic (Roy 2002). These forces were reinforced by declining sea freight rates which served to foster trade and specialization for both Britain and India. As a result, Britain first won over India’s export market and eventually took over its domestic market as well. This explanation for deindustrialization was a potent weapon in the Indian nationalists’ critique of colonial rule (see e.g. Dutt 1906/1960, Nehru 1947). The historical literature suggests a second explanation for deindustrialization in the economic malaise India suffered following the dissolution of Mughal hegemony in the 18th century. We believe the turmoil associated with this political realignment ultimately led to aggregate supply-side problems for Indian manufacturing, even if producers in some regions benefited from the new order. While deindustrialization is easy enough to define, an assessment of its short and long run impact on living standards and GDP growth is more contentious and hinges on the root causes of deindustrialization.

Статья является частью исследования, посвященного изучению правового статуса и норм государственного регулирования питейного промысла в России. В статье приведен анализ формирования государственной регалии на пития с XVI в. и до начала реформ Екатерины II в XVIII в. Целью ретроспективного анализа является выявление изменений в государственно-правовом регулировании питейного промысла и определение эффективности мероприятий, осуществляемых российским государством. Начиная с правления Ивана IV торговля алкоголем рассматривалась государством как источник пополнения казны. Но на разных этапах истории России винная монополия сталкивалась с различными проблемами: тайным корчемством, вольным обращением с казенными доходами, распространением пьянства и беспорядков из-за чрезмерной активности откупщиков в попытках собрать прибыль на питейный налог, конкуренцией между целовальниками и откупщиками за сбыт алкоголя, конкуренцией дворянства и купечества за право производства хмельных напитков, проблемами со сбором доходов от продажи питей в казну и др. Перечисленный перечень проблем стал причиной того, что Екатерина II решила радикально изменить порядок регулирования винокурения, а также винной торговли. This paper is part of a research devoted to the study of the law status and rules of state regulation of the drinking industry in Russia. The author analyzes the formation of the state alcohol monopoly from the 16th century until the beginning of the reforms of Catherine II in the 18th century. The purpose of the retrospective analysis is to characterize changes in the state-legal regulation of drinking trade and to analyze the effectiveness of measures carried out by the Russian state. Since the reign of Ivan IV, the alcohol trade was considered by the state as a source of replenishment of the treasury. But at different stages of Russian history, the alcohol monopoly faced various problems. Among them are the secret sale of alcoholic beverages, unfair treatment of state revenues, the spread of drunkenness and riots due to excessive activity of tax farmers in attempts to collect profits for the drinking tax, competition between "loyal people" and tax farmers for the sale of alcohol, competition of the nobility and merchants for the right to produce alcoholic beverages, problems with collecting income from the sale of alcohol drinks to the treasury, etc. The enumerated list of problems was the reason that Catherine II decided to radically change the procedure for regulating distilling industry, as well as wine trade.

AbstractThe Habsburg Empire was a sovereign dynasty ruled by the Habsburgs between the 15th and 20th centuries. Although its borders were not defined before the 19th century, what is now Austria, Hungary, some areas of the Czech Republic, the Netherlands and Italy were at some point part of the Empire. Starting in the 17th century, the Empire had Vienna as the capital, which was a hub for culture and craft where silk was a valued commodity. Despite the political and cultural importance of the Empire, little is known of its trade practices and sources of raw material. Using a combination of X-Ray Fluorescence (XRF) and High Performance Liquid Chromatography-Photodiode Array Detector (HPLC-PDA) for the study of a Viennese swatch book, we conducted the first systematic approach to understanding the industry. Benedict Codecasa, a prominent merchant active in Vienna between the late 18th and early 19th century sold silk and other textile goods. Authorized by the Royal Court, Codecasa was assumed to sell luxurious and high-quality textiles. However, our results suggested colored goods were dyed with more focus on aesthetics (finding a similar color) rather than quality through unique recipes. This greatly contrasts with other contemporary textile industries praised for their quality and which, in turn, might be related to comparatively lesser quality textiles sold in Vienna.

In the history of Bukovinian social life in the 1840–1850s, an important role is played by the fierce struggle for the introduction of rail transport. This struggle took place in the deepening crisis of the feudal system and the development of capitalism in the Austrian Empire. Primitive medieval methods of transporting goods and passengers by waterways and unpaved roads, which for centuries met the needs of feudal Bukovyna, became a brake on the economic, social and political progress of the Bukovyna region. The beginning of the transport revolution in England had a huge public response in Austria-Hungary. The rapidly developing relationship between scientists and engineers from Austria, Western Europe and America in this period made a large contribution to the process, as the newest means of transportation were spreading in the early 19th century, first of all, in the industrialized regions of Europe. These regions had enough funds for the construction of roads because they could develop different methods of production. Today we are mostly interested in the projects of construction of typical means of transportation on agricultural lands with practically no industry. In the early 19th century, Bukovyna was one of them. The purpose of this article is to thoroughly analyze unpaved roads of the late 18th – early 19th century, as well as the project of the first wooden trackway as the forerunner of the Bukovyna railways. To achieve this purpose, the authors first reviewed how railways were constructed in the Austrian Empire during 1830s – 1850s. Then, in contrast with the first railway networks that emerged and developed in the Austrian Empire, the authors made an analysis of the condition and characteristics of unpaved roads in Bukovyna. The government's attention to Bukovyna's roads was explained by their military, economic and political significance for the Austrian Empire by the end of the 18th – early 19th century. There was a number of state trackways built on the territory of Bukovyna which crossed the region and ensured the military interconnection of two Austrian provinces named – Galicia and Transylvania, as well as approached the borders of the Russian Empire and the Danube principalities. At the same time, they helped to restore the suspended trade flow in Bukovyna. In addition, the authors considered the first attempt to create a wooden trackway as a prototype and predecessor of the Bukovyna railway. It is evident that such an idea played a significant role in shaping the development strategy of the region in the minds of Austrian and Bukovinian officials, and became a forerunner for main and regional railways in Bukovyna.

Abstract: Customs Policies of the Russian Government in the first half of the Eighteenth Century and their Implementation in Narva The 18th century in Northern Europe began with a long war that profoundly altered the correlation of forces in the Baltic Sea region. During the war, the Russian authorities carried out large-scale reforms, the objective of which was to modernise the Russian state. The war and the reforms called for large expenditures, and the areas conquered during warfare were treated as a source of revenue, where customs duties could be imposed and collected. The authorities implemented a set of measures to increase state revenues, and the replacement of the old export customs duty system by a new one was among those measures. Russian authorities extended and imposed these reforms on Narva and Vyborg, which were annexed by the Russian state at the time. Though there is a sufficient number of research papers on the 18th century Russian customs duty system, they mainly focus on the subject of either the duty system in general or its implementation in St Petersburg or Arkhangelsk. Less attention has been paid to Narva in this matter. The subject of this article is the examination of the Russian government customs policy in the first half of the 18th century and its implementation in Narva. The causes of the government’s customs policy measures will be researched and the changes that took place will be noted. The object of this article is to analyse the formulation and introduction of customs tariffs in the first half of the 18th century and also to clarify how consistently Russian customs duty policy was implemented in Narva. Particular cases in relation to the introduced tariffs will be examined and the consequent steps taken by the government to resolve them will be observed. Also, incoming receivables of the city treasury received from half of the portorium duty in periods when different tariffs were in effect will be discussed and compared. In the course of this research, records preserved in the Estonian National Archives were consulted: i.e., orders from the Russian government to the Narva customs office, and statistical data on customs duty income. It has become evident from this research that the new customs tariff was introduced in Narva in 1724 because the authorities wished to promote the recently built St Petersburg port, while at the same time hindering competition from Narva in trade. By comparison, hitherto existing tariffs from the era of Swedish rule remained in effect nearly throughout the entire 18th century in other Estonian and Livonian trading cities. The Russian authorities consistently extended the subsequent tariffs of 1731 and 1757 to Narva. Thereby the Russian government altered the customs system that had been in effect in the era of Swedish rule, setting Narva apart from other Baltic trading cities. In this way, Russian customs policy affected Narva considerably more than any other Baltic trading city, and these alterations influenced the operations of the Narva customs office and the customs duties collected. The tariff of 1724 was by its nature protectionist and therewith high rates were set up. Depending on the capability of Russian enterprises to supply the state with commodities, the import rate amounted to 37.5, 25 and 12.5 kopecks from a rouble ad valorem. At the same time it was necessary to pay customs duties in standard weight thalers at the compulsory exchange rate of 50 kopecks for a thaler. Nonetheless, the actual price of a thaler was higher than the price of a rouble; consequently the real import rate corresponded to 75, 50 and 25 per cent ad valorem. The required payment of the duty in thalers stemmed from the Russian government’s need for silver. The fact that imported commodities came from the west, where roubles were not in use, also contributed to this requirement. After the death of Peter I, the government’s point of view changed. The ruling circles realised that Russian industry was not yet sufficiently advanced and was unable to completely satisfy the state’s needs. Moreover, the privileges granted to entrepreneurs did not always contribute to the development of enterprises because their owners abused the rights they had obtained and produced defective products. Additionally, such measures hindered trade by also depriving Russian consumers of the opportunity to buy essential products. On the whole, this also proved harmful for the state, since it furnished favourable conditions for the development of smuggling. The written petitions of foreign and Russian merchants to the Collegium of Commerce, the Senate and Empress Catherine I show that customs duties rates were too high. Therefore it became a necessity to decrease the tariff rate that had been introduced in 1724. In 1726, the Supreme Privy Council decided to establish a trade committee to improve commerce and work out a new customs tariff. As a result of the committee’s activity, the new customs tariff was published in 1731. This tariff considerably reduced the import rate. The previous 75, 50 and 25 per cent import rates were decreased to 20, 10 and 5 per cent, respectively. The first rate was to be levied on commodities that were produced sufficiently in Russia, the second rate was for goods that were produced in relatively small quantities, and the latter rate was for goods that were in short supply in Russia. The customs tariff of 1731 was in force until 1757, when it was replaced with a new one that was also protectionist, similarly to the tariff of 1724. During the era of Swedish rule, Narva was granted the right to half of the portorium duty, i.e. the accrued revenue of the port duty. The Russian authorities preserved this privilege of Narva; however, the portorium was allotted according to different principles than before. Thus, in the era of Swedish rule, Narva received half of the portorium from all articles of commerce, whereas under Russian rule, the portorium from only a certain portion of commodities was allotted to the city. Customs tariffs, particularly in 1724, were implemented in haste, without the respective preliminary notification. As a result, merchants could not prepare the necessary documents or modify contracts in time. For that reason, the authorities admitted numerous exceptions and gave in to merchants, replacing trade prohibitions with temporary permissions.

Introduction. The article studies southeastern policies of the Russian Empire in the second half of the 19th century, its campaigns and the annexation of Central Asia. Goals. The work analyzes reasons for the activation of foreign policy in the region during the mentioned period. The course and goals of the conquest of the Khanates of Kokand and Khiva, Emirate of Bukhara are considered. Materials. The paper investigates data contained in reports by the State Councilor М. Bekchurin, and one more document ― Arabic-script travel records (manuscript) by a private soldier Husniyar currently stored at the Manuscript Collection of the Institute of History, Language and Literature (Ufa Federal Research Centre of the RAS) and for the first time studied as a historical source. Results. Messages about the beauty of Eastern cities and Asian wealth had long attracted attention of Russian monarchs. Finally, Russia’s attempts to penetrate into Central Asia were crowned with success. In just two decades, the vast country further extended its borders far to the south and became a neighbor of another one ― the British Empire. Nowadays, the study of the history of establishing relations with Kazakhstan and Central Asia, when the southeastern borders of Russia almost returned to those of the early 18th century, is relevant and practically expedient. Reports by State Councilor M. Bekchurin reveal the economic objectives of the government: Russian industry and trade were looking for new markets for their products. So, M. Bekchurin gives his suggestions how to facilitate the growth of trade. The manuscript of Husniyar’s travel notes contains observations of an ordinary soldier, his attitude and experience as a Muslim in the campaign against his co-religionists. The source makes it possible to present the set and route of one military formation. Both the documents provide an opportunity to depict this region in the late 19th century. Currently, there are independent countries across this territory with different state borders, and the ethnic composition of many settlements has changed significantly.

AbstractThe paper presents an analysis and synthesis of historical and archaeological data on pearl fishing in the Persian Gulf. The history of pearling in the region is reviewed, from the earliest possible references to the mid 20th century. Economic data from the 18th–20th centuries CE is analysed in detail, to de fine the economic course of the pearling industry during that time, and assess the impact on human settlement in the region. The archaeological data for pearl fishing are then examined, from the 6th millennium BCE onwards, and compared to the historical evidence. The results of archaeological survey in the Abu Dhabi islands region are then taken as a case study, and changes in settlement patterns are related to the historical trajectory of the pearling industry. It is observed that the regional economy became overwhelmingly dependent on the pearl trade in recent centuries, and was increasingly subject to the demands of the global market. Cette étude présente une analyse et une synthèse des données historiques et archéologiques sur la pêche des perles dans le Golfe arabo-persique. L'histoire de la pêche des perles dans la région est passée en revue, depuis les plus anciennes références connues qui remontent au milieu du 20e siècle. Les données économiques du 18e au 20e siècle sont analysées en détail pour dé finir l'évolution de l'industrie perlière pendant cette période et évaluer son incidence sur le peuplement de la région. Les données archéologiques sur la pêche des perles, examinées depuis le 6ème millénaire avant J.-C., ont été comparées aux données historiques. Les résultats des reconnaissances archéologiques dans les îles de la région d'Abu Dhabi sont alors présentées comme étude de cas et les modi fications de con figuration de l'habitat sont reliées à l'évolution historique de l'industrie perlière. On remarque que l'économie de cette région est devenue presque entièrement dépendante du commerce des perles dans les siècles récents, et qu'elle était de plus en plus assujettie à la demande du marché mondial.

Folkelige og sociale bevagelser. Nyere forskningsretninger og kvalitative forstaelser[Popular and Social Movements. Recent Research Approaches and Qualitative Interpretations]By Vagn WahlinHowever fascinating Grundtvig himself is as a central figure in 19th century Denmark, we, the citizens of the Third Millennium, have to ask why and how he is also interesting today and how his word, work and influence spread. Part of the answer to that fundamental question lies in the fact that he was the right man at the right place at the right time, with the right tidings to tell some clergymen and many peasant farmers on their dominant, middle size, family farms that they were the core of the nation. But part of the answer is to be found in the fact that his followers managed to elevate him to the influencing position as an inspirer and prophet of a broad popular movement that lasted for generations after his death. This popular, national and Christian movement of the Grundtvigians interacted in the social and political development of more than a hundred years with the other broad popular and ideological movements of Denmark such as the Labour Movement, the more Evangelical movement of the Home Mission, the Temperance movements, the Suffragists and women’s organizations, the associations of the world of sport, the political and youth organizations, etc. They were all active on the local level and soon also on the national level and, from the 1880s and onwards, established more firm organizations and institutions to deal with practical matters such as schools, boy scouts, community houses, soccer stadiums, magazines, newspapers, political associations, trade unions, as well as organized economic and anticapitalistic activities by co-operative dairies, breweries, slaughterhouses, export companies etc. As long as the agrarian sector of society (until around 1960-1970) dominated the national export to pay for the large import of society, that pattern of popular movements, also in the urban industry, influenced most of Danish history and life - and is still most influential in today’s post-modern society.During absolutism (1660-1848), organized social activities and associations were forbidden or strictly controlled. Yet a growing and organized public debate appeared in Copenhagen in late 18th century, followed by literary and semi-political associations amongst the enlightened, urban bourgeoisie. Around 1840 the liberals had organized themselves into urban associations and through newspapers. They were ready to take over the power of the society and the state, but could only do so through an alliance with the peasant farmers in 1846 followed by the German uprising in 1848 by the liberals in Schleswig-Holstein.In Denmark there existed a rather distinct dividing line - economic, cultural, social and in terms of political power - between two dominant sectors of society: Copenhagen, totally dominant in the urban sector, in contrast to the agrarian world, where 80% of the population lived.In the urban as well as in the agrarian sectors of society, the movements mostly appeared to be a local protest against some modernization or innovative introductions felt as a threat to religious or material interests - except for a few cases, where the state wanted an enlightened debate as in the Royal Agrarian Society of 1769. Whether the said local protesters won or lost, their self organization in the matter could lead to a higher degree of civil activity, which again could lead to the spread of their viewpoints and models of early organization. The introduction of civil liberties by the Constitution of 1849 made it more easy and acceptable for the broad masses of society to organize. However, with the spread of organizations and their institutions in the latter part of the 19th century, an ethical and social understanding arose that the power of the organized citizens should be extended from the special or vested interests of the founding group to the benefit of the whole of society and of all classes.So everybody who contributes positively, little or much, to the upholding and development of Danish society should be benefited and embraced by the popular movements. Around 1925 the Labour Movement as the last and largest in number and very influential had finally accepted that ethical point of view and left the older understanding of the suppressed army of toiling and hungry workers. The people, the ‘folk’, and the country of all classes had then been united into ‘Danmark for folket’ (a Denmark o f by and fo r the people).So while a social movement may be an organization of mere protest or vested interests or a short-lived phenomena, a ‘folkelig bevagelse’ (popular movement) became what it was at first - in the understanding of the majority of the Danes, but not in the eyes of the 19th century bourgeois and landowner elite - a positive label. It is still so today, though it is now questioned by many of the more internationally-minded members of the new elite. The word ‘folk’ in the term ‘folkelig bevagelse’ is so highly valued that nearly all political parties of today have included it in their names. For the majority of people, Danish and popular and movements stand for the organized societal activity of those who accept the language, history, culture including religion, landscapes, national symbols, etc. of Denmark and who incorporate all this as a valid part of their self-understanding just as they actively take part in the mutual responsibility for their fellow countrymen. This general attitude is most clearly demonstrated when it is severely breached by some individual or group.With the addition of the Church and the Christian dimension, we have what is the essence of Grundtvig’s heritage. Without this source of inspiration, the popular movements up to a generation ago would have been different and perhaps of less importance, and without the popular movements, Grundtvig’s influence would have been less important in Denmark of the last hundred years. We may best understand this as a process of mutual dependency and of a mutual societal interaction.

Larry Stewart, The Rise of Public Science: Rhetoric, Technology and Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660-1750 . Cambridge UP, 1992. Pp. 34 + 453, £45, ISBN 0-52141-700-7 Jan Golinski, Science as Public Culture: Chemistry and Enlightenment in Britain, 1760-1820 . Cambridge UP, 1992. Pp. 330, £32.50. ISBN 0521394147 The 18th century saw the development of science for public consumption. By the end of the century this science was disseminated by lecturers travelling the length and breadth of Europe. But while much is known about the movements of these individuals, we know comparatively little about who comprised the audience and their attitude to the lectures. In particular, we know all too little about the connection between this public science and the development of industry. Both Larry Stewart’s and Jan Golinski’s work begin to extend our understanding of these issues as it pertains to Britain. They are complementary in the periods and subject-matter they cover; Stewart’s book deals with natural philosophy in the century to 1750 and Golinski with chemistry from then until 1820. But the authors take contrasting approaches to their subjects: Stewart concentrates on the involvement of natural philosophers in industrial developments, whereas Golinski avoids the hurly-burly of trade and relates the changing content and practice of chemistry lectures to the influence of the audience and institutional setting.

IntroductionIn the year 2000, a group of likeminded individuals got together and convened the first annual World Barista Championship in Monte Carlo. With twelve competitors from around the globe, each competitor was judged by seven judges: one head judge who oversaw the process, two technical judges who assessed technical skills, and four sensory judges who evaluated the taste and appearance of the espresso drinks. Competitors had fifteen minutes to serve four espresso coffees, four cappuccino coffees, and four “signature” drinks that they had devised using one shot of espresso and other ingredients of their choice, but no alcohol. The competitors were also assessed on their overall barista skills, their creativity, and their ability to perform under pressure and impress the judges with their knowledge of coffee. This competition has grown to the extent that eleven years later, in 2011, 54 countries held national barista championships with the winner from each country competing for the highly coveted position of World Barista Champion. That year, Alejandro Mendez from El Salvador became the first world champion from a coffee producing nation. Champion baristas are more likely to come from coffee consuming countries than they are from coffee producing countries as countries that produce coffee seldom have a culture of espresso coffee consumption. While Ireland is not a coffee-producing nation, the Irish are the highest per capita consumers of tea in the world (Mac Con Iomaire, “Ireland”). Despite this, in 2008, Stephen Morrissey from Ireland overcame 50 other national champions to become the 2008 World Barista Champion (see, http://vimeo.com/2254130). Another Irish national champion, Colin Harmon, came fourth in this competition in both 2009 and 2010. This paper discusses the history and development of coffee and coffee houses in Dublin from the 17th century, charting how coffee culture in Dublin appeared, evolved, and stagnated before re-emerging at the beginning of the 21st century, with a remarkable win in the World Barista Championships. The historical links between coffeehouses and media—ranging from print media to electronic and social media—are discussed. In this, the coffee house acts as an informal public gathering space, what urban sociologist Ray Oldenburg calls a “third place,” neither work nor home. These “third places” provide anchors for community life and facilitate and foster broader, more creative interaction (Oldenburg). This paper will also show how competition from other “third places” such as clubs, hotels, restaurants, and bars have affected the vibrancy of coffee houses. Early Coffee Houses The first coffee house was established in Constantinople in 1554 (Tannahill 252; Huetz de Lemps 387). The first English coffee houses opened in Oxford in 1650 and in London in 1652. Coffee houses multiplied thereafter but, in 1676, when some London coffee houses became hotbeds for political protest, the city prosecutor decided to close them. The ban was soon lifted and between 1680 and 1730 Londoners discovered the pleasure of drinking coffee (Huetz de Lemps 388), although these coffee houses sold a number of hot drinks including tea and chocolate as well as coffee.The first French coffee houses opened in Marseille in 1671 and in Paris the following year. Coffee houses proliferated during the 18th century: by 1720 there were 380 public cafés in Paris and by the end of the century there were 600 (Huetz de Lemps 387). Café Procope opened in Paris in 1674 and, in the 18th century, became a literary salon with regular patrons: Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot and Condorcet (Huetz de Lemps 387; Pitte 472). In England, coffee houses developed into exclusive clubs such as Crockford’s and the Reform, whilst elsewhere in Europe they evolved into what we identify as cafés, similar to the tea shops that would open in England in the late 19th century (Tannahill 252-53). Tea quickly displaced coffee in popularity in British coffee houses (Taylor 142). Pettigrew suggests two reasons why Great Britain became a tea-drinking nation while most of the rest of Europe took to coffee (48). The first was the power of the East India Company, chartered by Elizabeth I in 1600, which controlled the world’s biggest tea monopoly and promoted the beverage enthusiastically. The second was the difficulty England had in securing coffee from the Levant while at war with France at the end of the seventeenth century and again during the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-13). Tea also became the dominant beverage in Ireland and over a period of time became the staple beverage of the whole country. In 1835, Samuel Bewley and his son Charles dared to break the monopoly of The East India Company by importing over 2,000 chests of tea directly from Canton, China, to Ireland. His family would later become synonymous with the importation of coffee and with opening cafés in Ireland (see, Farmar for full history of the Bewley's and their activities). Ireland remains the highest per-capita consumer of tea in the world. Coffee houses have long been linked with social and political change (Kennedy, Politicks; Pincus). The notion that these new non-alcoholic drinks were responsible for the Enlightenment because people could now gather socially without getting drunk is rejected by Wheaton as frivolous, since there had always been alternatives to strong drink, and European civilisation had achieved much in the previous centuries (91). She comments additionally that cafés, as gathering places for dissenters, took over the role that taverns had long played. Pennell and Vickery support this argument adding that by offering a choice of drinks, and often sweets, at a fixed price and in a more civilized setting than most taverns provided, coffee houses and cafés were part of the rise of the modern restaurant. It is believed that, by 1700, the commercial provision of food and drink constituted the second largest occupational sector in London. Travellers’ accounts are full of descriptions of London taverns, pie shops, coffee, bun and chop houses, breakfast huts, and food hawkers (Pennell; Vickery). Dublin Coffee Houses and Later incarnations The earliest reference to coffee houses in Dublin is to the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85). Public dining or drinking establishments listed in the 1738 Dublin Directory include taverns, eating houses, chop houses, coffee houses, and one chocolate house in Fownes Court run by Peter Bardin (Hardiman and Kennedy 157). During the second half of the 17th century, Dublin’s merchant classes transferred allegiance from taverns to the newly fashionable coffee houses as places to conduct business. By 1698, the fashion had spread to country towns with coffee houses found in Cork, Limerick, Kilkenny, Clonmel, Wexford, and Galway, and slightly later in Belfast and Waterford in the 18th century. Maxwell lists some of Dublin’s leading coffee houses and taverns, noting their clientele: There were Lucas’s Coffee House, on Cork Hill (the scene of many duels), frequented by fashionable young men; the Phoenix, in Werburgh Street, where political dinners were held; Dick’s Coffee House, in Skinner’s Row, much patronized by literary men, for it was over a bookseller’s; the Eagle, in Eustace Street, where meetings of the Volunteers were held; the Old Sot’s Hole, near Essex Bridge, famous for its beefsteaks and ale; the Eagle Tavern, on Cork Hill, which was demolished at the same time as Lucas’s to make room for the Royal Exchange; and many others. (76) Many of the early taverns were situated around the Winetavern Street, Cook Street, and Fishamble Street area. (see Fig. 1) Taverns, and later coffee houses, became meeting places for gentlemen and centres for debate and the exchange of ideas. In 1706, Francis Dickson published the Flying Post newspaper at the Four Courts coffee house in Winetavern Street. The Bear Tavern (1725) and the Black Lyon (1735), where a Masonic Lodge assembled every Wednesday, were also located on this street (Gilbert v.1 160). Dick’s Coffee house was established in the late 17th century by bookseller and newspaper proprietor Richard Pue, and remained open until 1780 when the building was demolished. In 1740, Dick’s customers were described thus: Ye citizens, gentlemen, lawyers and squires,who summer and winter surround our great fires,ye quidnuncs! who frequently come into Pue’s,To live upon politicks, coffee, and news. (Gilbert v.1 174) There has long been an association between coffeehouses and publishing books, pamphlets and particularly newspapers. Other Dublin publishers and newspapermen who owned coffee houses included Richard Norris and Thomas Bacon. Until the 1850s, newspapers were burdened with a number of taxes: on the newsprint, a stamp duty, and on each advertisement. By 1865, these taxes had virtually disappeared, resulting in the appearance of 30 new newspapers in Ireland, 24 of them in Dublin. Most people read from copies which were available free of charge in taverns, clubs, and coffee houses (MacGiolla Phadraig). Coffee houses also kept copies of international newspapers. On 4 May 1706, Francis Dickson notes in the Dublin Intelligence that he held the Paris and London Gazettes, Leyden Gazette and Slip, the Paris and Hague Lettres à la Main, Daily Courant, Post-man, Flying Post, Post-script and Manuscripts in his coffeehouse in Winetavern Street (Kennedy, “Dublin”). Henry Berry’s analysis of shop signs in Dublin identifies 24 different coffee houses in Dublin, with the main clusters in Essex Street near the Custom’s House (Cocoa Tree, Bacon’s, Dempster’s, Dublin, Merchant’s, Norris’s, and Walsh’s) Cork Hill (Lucas’s, St Lawrence’s, and Solyman’s) Skinners’ Row (Bow’s’, Darby’s, and Dick’s) Christ Church Yard (Four Courts, and London) College Green (Jack’s, and Parliament) and Crampton Court (Exchange, and Little Dublin). (see Figure 1, below, for these clusters and the locations of other Dublin coffee houses.) The earliest to be referenced is the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85), with Solyman’s (1691), Bow’s (1692), and Patt’s on High Street (1699), all mentioned in print before the 18th century. The name of one, the Cocoa Tree, suggests that chocolate was also served in this coffee house. More evidence of the variety of beverages sold in coffee houses comes from Gilbert who notes that in 1730, one Dublin poet wrote of George Carterwright’s wife at The Custom House Coffee House on Essex Street: Her coffee’s fresh and fresh her tea,Sweet her cream, ptizan, and whea,her drams, of ev’ry sort, we findboth good and pleasant, in their kind. (v. 2 161) Figure 1: Map of Dublin indicating Coffee House clusters 1 = Sackville St.; 2 = Winetavern St.; 3 = Essex St.; 4 = Cork Hill; 5 = Skinner's Row; 6 = College Green.; 7 = Christ Church Yard; 8 = Crampton Court.; 9 = Cook St.; 10 = High St.; 11 = Eustace St.; 12 = Werburgh St.; 13 = Fishamble St.; 14 = Westmorland St.; 15 = South Great George's St.; 16 = Grafton St.; 17 = Kildare St.; 18 = Dame St.; 19 = Anglesea Row; 20 = Foster Place; 21 = Poolbeg St.; 22 = Fleet St.; 23 = Burgh Quay.A = Cafe de Paris, Lincoln Place; B = Red Bank Restaurant, D'Olier St.; C = Morrison's Hotel, Nassau St.; D = Shelbourne Hotel, St. Stephen's Green; E = Jury's Hotel, Dame St. Some coffee houses transformed into the gentlemen’s clubs that appeared in London, Paris and Dublin in the 17th century. These clubs originally met in coffee houses, then taverns, until later proprietary clubs became fashionable. Dublin anticipated London in club fashions with members of the Kildare Street Club (1782) and the Sackville Street Club (1794) owning the premises of their clubhouse, thus dispensing with the proprietor. The first London club to be owned by the members seems to be Arthur’s, founded in 1811 (McDowell 4) and this practice became widespread throughout the 19th century in both London and Dublin. The origin of one of Dublin’s most famous clubs, Daly’s Club, was a chocolate house opened by Patrick Daly in c.1762–65 in premises at 2–3 Dame Street (Brooke). It prospered sufficiently to commission its own granite-faced building on College Green between Anglesea Street and Foster Place which opened in 1789 (Liddy 51). Daly’s Club, “where half the land of Ireland has changed hands”, was renowned for the gambling that took place there (Montgomery 39). Daly’s sumptuous palace catered very well (and discreetly) for honourable Members of Parliament and rich “bucks” alike (Craig 222). The changing political and social landscape following the Act of Union led to Daly’s slow demise and its eventual closure in 1823 (Liddy 51). Coincidentally, the first Starbucks in Ireland opened in 2005 in the same location. Once gentlemen’s clubs had designated buildings where members could eat, drink, socialise, and stay overnight, taverns and coffee houses faced competition from the best Dublin hotels which also had coffee rooms “in which gentlemen could read papers, write letters, take coffee and wine in the evening—an exiguous substitute for a club” (McDowell 17). There were at least 15 establishments in Dublin city claiming to be hotels by 1789 (Corr 1) and their numbers grew in the 19th century, an expansion which was particularly influenced by the growth of railways. By 1790, Dublin’s public houses (“pubs”) outnumbered its coffee houses with Dublin boasting 1,300 (Rooney 132). Names like the Goose and Gridiron, Harp and Crown, Horseshoe and Magpie, and Hen and Chickens—fashionable during the 17th and 18th centuries in Ireland—hung on decorative signs for those who could not read. Throughout the 20th century, the public house provided the dominant “third place” in Irish society, and the drink of choice for itd predominantly male customers was a frothy pint of Guinness. Newspapers were available in public houses and many newspapermen had their own favourite hostelries such as Mulligan’s of Poolbeg Street; The Pearl, and The Palace on Fleet Street; and The White Horse Inn on Burgh Quay. Any coffee served in these establishments prior to the arrival of the new coffee culture in the 21st century was, however, of the powdered instant variety. Hotels / Restaurants with Coffee Rooms From the mid-19th century, the public dining landscape of Dublin changed in line with London and other large cities in the United Kingdom. Restaurants did appear gradually in the United Kingdom and research suggests that one possible reason for this growth from the 1860s onwards was the Refreshment Houses and Wine Licences Act (1860). The object of this act was to “reunite the business of eating and drinking”, thereby encouraging public sobriety (Mac Con Iomaire, “Emergence” v.2 95). Advertisements for Dublin restaurants appeared in The Irish Times from the 1860s. Thom’s Directory includes listings for Dining Rooms from the 1870s and Refreshment Rooms are listed from the 1880s. This pattern continued until 1909, when Thom’s Directory first includes a listing for “Restaurants and Tea Rooms”. Some of the establishments that advertised separate coffee rooms include Dublin’s first French restaurant, the Café de Paris, The Red Bank Restaurant, Morrison’s Hotel, Shelbourne Hotel, and Jury’s Hotel (see Fig. 1). The pattern of separate ladies’ coffee rooms emerged in Dublin and London during the latter half of the 19th century and mixed sex dining only became popular around the last decade of the 19th century, partly infuenced by Cesar Ritz and Auguste Escoffier (Mac Con Iomaire, “Public Dining”). Irish Cafés: From Bewley’s to Starbucks A number of cafés appeared at the beginning of the 20th century, most notably Robert Roberts and Bewley’s, both of which were owned by Quaker families. Ernest Bewley took over the running of the Bewley’s importation business in the 1890s and opened a number of Oriental Cafés; South Great Georges Street (1894), Westmoreland Street (1896), and what became the landmark Bewley’s Oriental Café in Grafton Street (1927). Drawing influence from the grand cafés of Paris and Vienna, oriental tearooms, and Egyptian architecture (inspired by the discovery in 1922 of Tutankhamen’s Tomb), the Grafton Street business brought a touch of the exotic into the newly formed Irish Free State. Bewley’s cafés became the haunt of many of Ireland’s leading literary figures, including Samuel Becket, Sean O’Casey, and James Joyce who mentioned the café in his book, Dubliners. A full history of Bewley’s is available (Farmar). It is important to note, however, that pots of tea were sold in equal measure to mugs of coffee in Bewley’s. The cafés changed over time from waitress- to self-service and a failure to adapt to changing fashions led to the business being sold, with only the flagship café in Grafton Street remaining open in a revised capacity. It was not until the beginning of the 21st century that a new wave of coffee house culture swept Ireland. This was based around speciality coffee beverages such as espressos, cappuccinos, lattés, macchiatos, and frappuccinnos. This new phenomenon coincided with the unprecedented growth in the Irish economy, during which Ireland became known as the “Celtic Tiger” (Murphy 3). One aspect of this period was a building boom and a subsequent growth in apartment living in the Dublin city centre. The American sitcom Friends and its fictional coffee house, “Central Perk,” may also have helped popularise the use of coffee houses as “third spaces” (Oldenberg) among young apartment dwellers in Dublin. This was also the era of the “dotcom boom” when many young entrepreneurs, software designers, webmasters, and stock market investors were using coffee houses as meeting places for business and also as ad hoc office spaces. This trend is very similar to the situation in the 17th and early 18th centuries where coffeehouses became known as sites for business dealings. Various theories explaining the growth of the new café culture have circulated, with reasons ranging from a growth in Eastern European migrants, anti-smoking legislation, returning sophisticated Irish emigrants, and increased affluence (Fenton). Dublin pubs, facing competition from the new coffee culture, began installing espresso coffee machines made by companies such as Gaggia to attract customers more interested in a good latté than a lager and it is within this context that Irish baristas gained such success in the World Barista competition. In 2001 the Georges Street branch of Bewley’s was taken over by a chain called Café, Bar, Deli specialising in serving good food at reasonable prices. Many ex-Bewley’s staff members subsequently opened their own businesses, roasting coffee and running cafés. Irish-owned coffee chains such as Java Republic, Insomnia, and O’Brien’s Sandwich Bars continued to thrive despite the competition from coffee chains Starbucks and Costa Café. Indeed, so successful was the handmade Irish sandwich and coffee business that, before the economic downturn affected its business, Irish franchise O’Brien’s operated in over 18 countries. The Café, Bar, Deli group had also begun to franchise its operations in 2008 when it too became a victim of the global economic downturn. With the growth of the Internet, many newspapers have experienced falling sales of their printed format and rising uptake of their electronic versions. Most Dublin coffee houses today provide wireless Internet connections so their customers can read not only the local newspapers online, but also others from all over the globe, similar to Francis Dickenson’s coffee house in Winetavern Street in the early 18th century. Dublin has become Europe’s Silicon Valley, housing the European headquarters for companies such as Google, Yahoo, Ebay, Paypal, and Facebook. There are currently plans to provide free wireless connectivity throughout Dublin’s city centre in order to promote e-commerce, however, some coffee houses shut off the wireless Internet in their establishments at certain times of the week in order to promote more social interaction to ensure that these “third places” remain “great good places” at the heart of the community (Oldenburg). Conclusion Ireland is not a country that is normally associated with a coffee culture but coffee houses have been part of the fabric of that country since they emerged in Dublin in the 17th century. These Dublin coffee houses prospered in the 18th century, and survived strong competition from clubs and hotels in the 19th century, and from restaurant and public houses into the 20th century. In 2008, when Stephen Morrissey won the coveted title of World Barista Champion, Ireland’s place as a coffee consuming country was re-established. 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Totnes: Prospect Books, 1992. 311–14. World Barista, Championship. “History–World Barista Championship”. 2012. 02 Apr. 2012 ‹http://worldbaristachampionship.com2012›.AcknowledgementA warm thank you to Dr. Kevin Griffin for producing the map of Dublin for this article.

Defence Date: 12 October 2009
Examining Board: Prof. Diogo Ramada Curto (Universidade Nova de Lisboa) - supervisor; Prof. Anthony Molho (EUI); Prof. Maxine Berg (University of Warwick); Prof. Jan de Vries (University of California at Berkeley)
First uploaded in Open Access on 12 November 2021
In discarding the idea of a geographically centralized origin of globalization, the emphasis on human interaction becomes ever more important. World history is not a history of the evolutionary path towards a unified world, in which one region has succeeded in imposing its culture on the other regions with which it has interacted. The region around the Indian Ocean, for instance, was not waiting on European arrival to begin its integration within a growing world-system. Many interdependencies between different people and different cultures were already taking place, creating a local pattern of integration that became attached, also through European action, to a wider world. Multiple integrative movements at different places all have to take into account a human propensity to cooperate with people who were fundamentally different. This thesis is about interactions between such people. It is about cross-cultural trade in the eighteenth century. It is a study of commerce as it took place between merchants who did not share the same religion, nationality or background, but who were all members of a commercial society, with its own logic, its own organization and its own language. The main question is micro-historical in scope: how can trade be organized between merchants of different origin? This thesis will advocate a network approach for studying commerce, allowing the important notions of trust, reputation and friendship to gain a prominent place in an analysis of economic history. The idea of a commercial society is based upon the existence of such networks, in which non-economic elements played a formative role. Sentiments and social roles that are not purely economic will feature prominently in this analysis, leading to a more developed model that is more rooted in society as a whole, causing merchants to be more than individuals in a market society. When embedded in this manner, human agency with regard to worldwide integration is not given to the individual, nor is globalization explained by structural conditions. The formative agency can be attributed to human networks that interacted. The thesis is divided into five chapters. The first chapter offers a methodological overview of the analysis of commerce. It aims to show that there is not only a problem with the assumption of individual rational behavior as the basis of economic interaction, but also with the narrow assumptions about his motives. A second chapter is concerned with the concrete case-study of a cross-cultural diamond trade network that incorporated merchant firms in four different cities, Antwerp, Lisbon, Amsterdam and London. Its main members came from different religious backgrounds, and what they shared was mainly the fact that they, or their families, had all migrated from a home country in which their religion was in a minority. Merchants were directly aware of the existence of competitive networks, and a third chapter analyzes another circuit of diamond traders, who were active in a mono-cultural network embedded in the Ashkenazi diaspora. By studying two different examples of trade diasporas, the fourth chapter aims to integrate the cosmopolitan outlook and membership of international networks of diaspora merchants with a successful positioning in a new society, providing a possible solution to the paradox that the same merchants who managed to integrate remote regions were not really embedded in those regions. By embedding merchants active in cross-cultural trade in their host societies, a bridge can be built between a micro-historical questioning of trade organization and a macro-historical questioning considering the possibility and nature of an early globalization. The last chapter deals with that second question.