Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Deportation – Government policy – Europe »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Deportation – Government policy – Europe"
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Nissen, Mogens Rostgaard. « Alex Walter – “… den tyske embedsmand, der overhovedet har gjort Danmark de største tjenester under krigen” ». Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger 54 (3 mars 2015) : 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/fof.v54i0.118896.
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Mogens Rostgård Nissen: Alex Walter, — “… the German official who rendered the largest services of all to Denmark during the war.”
Alex Walter was head of the German government committee, which during the occupation of Denmark negotiated trade agreements with the corresponding Danish government committee. That is why he had great influence on the economic side of occupation policy, which the German occupying power carried out in Denmark during the war. Walter had a broad knowledge of Danish economy and Danish conditions in general, because since 1932 he had negotiated trade agreements with top Danish officials. At the same time, he was well-known and respected in Denmark, and that was important for the agreements he assisted in concluding during the occupation. Under his leadership, the German occupying power followed a traditional trade policy, which was focused on practical issues and concrete results. It was a policy, which objectively was for the common good of Denmark and Germany. Walter was a very high-level official in the thoroughly Nazified Ministry of Nutrition and Agriculture. His immediate superior, Herbert Backe, was responsible for German food planning, and he had a decisive influence on the Nazi occupation policy for all of Europe, including the exploitation policy, which took place in Eastern and Southeastern Europe. But Denmark followed an entirely different economic track, which was characterized by negotiations and cooperation, and it was very much Walter, who became responsible for planning and implementing this economic policy. Among his negotiation partners in Denmark, Walter was perceived as a reasonable and sensible man, with whom one could negotiate and rely on. There was a clear understanding that Walter had intervened several times during political crises — among other things when the Danish government stood down in August 1943; during the general strike in the summer of 1944 and in connection with the deportation of the police in the autumn of 1944. But he also had a dark Nazi side to him, precisely because he was linked to Backe and the Ministry of Nutrition and Agriculture. After the war, he was interned due to the fact that as a senior official, he had been a member of the Nazi party and held the rank of SS Sturmbannführer. That is why he was only finally acquitted and stripped of his Nazi status in October 1948, a few months before he died.
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WEINSTEIN, HARVEY M., et ERIC STOVER. « Asylum Evaluations—The Physician's Dilemma ». Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 11, no 3 (17 mai 2002) : 303–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180102210129.
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In the following paper, Annemiek Richters of the University of Leiden in the Netherlands addresses the dilemmas faced by health professionals who are asked to evaluate and provide supporting documentation for those refugees who seek political asylum in the countries of Europe. It is in the politically charged arena of asylum applications, government regulations, and public policy where bioethics, human rights, and health converge. Despite the 1951 Convention on Refugees, a treaty signed by nations around the world to safeguard the rights of those who are displaced, and other treaties that protect the rights of vulnerable populations, refugee and asylum policies have become increasingly strict in an effort to deter those who would seek safety. This tightening of borders in the countries of the West challenges physicians who find themselves caught between obligations to treat, to advocate, and to challenge policies that make treatment a potentially dangerous proposition. Unfortunately, the World Trade Center attacks have exacerbated the problem by labeling asylees and refugees as potential terrorists and subject to deportation.
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Andrukhiv, Oleh. « Legal basis of the incorporation of the USSR of Galicia in 1939 ». Scientific and informational bulletin of Ivano-Frankivsk University of Law named after King Danylo Halytskyi, no 12(24) (9 décembre 2021) : 8–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33098/2078-6670.2021.12.24.8-16.
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Purpose. The purpose of our study is to determine the legal basis and arguments for the incorporation of Galicia in the USSR in 1939, the place of the "Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact", as well as the features of the Sovietization of the newly annexed territories. The ideological and historical reasons for the incorporation of the newly annexed territories by the Soviet state, the specifics of the geopolitical situation in Europe at the time, and the legal interpretation of the "reunification" process are also determined. Method. The methodology includes a comprehensive analysis and generalization of theoretical and source material and further formulation of relevant conclusions and recommendations. The study used the principles of objectivity and systematicity, as well as general scientific, special legal and special historical methods of scientific knowledge: analysis, synthesis, comparative, functional-legal, system-historical. Results. It is established that the process of incorporation of Western Ukrainian lands into the Ukrainian SSR took place on the basis of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. From a legal point of view, Germany and the USSR did not violate the norms of international law in force at the time. In addition, the occupation of Galicia was justified from a historical and ideological point of view. Despite the harsh policy of Sovietization, repression and deportation, there were positive consequences, revived the foundations of the unity of the Ukrainian lands. Beginning in October 1939, Soviet law and a new administrative-territorial system were introduced, based on law enforcement and criminal law, which qualified all opponents of the government as «enemies of the people». Scientific novelty. For the first time, the legal basis for formulating the incorporation of Western Ukrainian lands into the USSR, ideological, legal and historical arguments of the Soviet government, which were used to attack Poland, were traced. Practical significance. The results of the study can be used in further historical and legal studies, preparation of special courses.
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Fekete, Liz. « Detained : foreign children in Europe ». Race & ; Class 49, no 1 (juillet 2007) : 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396807080071.
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The EU's target-driven and draconian deportation policy towards asylum seekers and undocumented migrant workers has a shocking but little heeded impact on minors, whether the children of asylum-seeking families, separated/unaccompanied minors seeking refuge or the children of sans papiers. The detention of children whose only crime is their parentage is now commonplace across Europe and often in contravention of international law. The harm done to children, as documented here, is incalculable.
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Bacon, Lucy, Rebekah Bourne, Clare Oakley et Martin Humphreys. « Immigration policy : implications for mental health services ». Advances in Psychiatric Treatment 16, no 2 (mars 2010) : 124–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/apt.bp.108.006601.
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SummaryImmigration is increasing and government policies are shifting. Clinicians need to be aware of the mental health needs of immigrants and the challenges of delivering appropriate care. In certain circumstances there are potential conflicts between doctors' clinical, ethical and legal responsibilities. Detention of refugees and asylum seekers may have a detrimental effect on mental health and can result in significant psychiatric morbidity. Ongoing management of foreign nationals following hospital treatment may be complicated by the threat of deportation and its implications for the patient's mental health.
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Barrell, Ray J., et Sylvia Gottschalk. « Fiscal Policy in Europe ». National Institute Economic Review 201 (juillet 2007) : 33–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0027950107083047.
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In the past twelve months the government budget situation in Germany has improved markedly, and the budget deficit has moved from 3.2 per cent of GDP in 2005 to 1.7 per cent in 2006, with further improvements in prospect. Over the same period in France, the budget deficit moved marginally from 3 per cent of GDP in 2005 to 2.5 per cent of GDP in 2006. The prospects for further improvement appear limited as the new government plans to cut taxes to stimulate the economy. Projections for budget deficits are very uncertain, as they are the difference between two large numbers (receipts and spending) that are difficult to predict accurately. Figures 1 and 2 plot the errors around our budget projections for France and Germany based on stochastic simulations on NiGEM. The 95 per cent confidence limit for our forecast one year ahead is around 1 per cent of GDP around our central forecast, and uncertainty increases into the future. As we can see from figures 3 and 4, our forecast errors for France and Germany have been well within the 95 per cent bands in the past three years, except for our one year ahead forecast for Germany for 2006. The budget improved by 1.5 per cent of GDP more than we had anticipated, and this appears to have been due to unexpectedly high tax receipts, rather than to changed policy.
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Kudlasevych, Olga. « Deportation of Ukrainian population : political causes and economic consequences (to the 75th anniversary of Operation Vistula) ». Ìstorìâ narodnogo gospodarstva ta ekonomìčnoï dumki Ukraïni 2019, no 52 (2019) : 178–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/ingedu2019.52.178.
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From the standpoint of today, the article presents an overview of the practice of mass migration of peoples used by major powers during the first half of the twentieth century. Mass evictions were a prearranged act of public policy, part of the broader geopolitical plans of the USSR, Britain and the US. Deportations were the usual instrument (tool) of repression for Communist total regimes, were purely political in nature and were not economically justified, being their main purpose ethnic cleansing of civilians, while the secondary purpose was the elimination of the Ukrainian underground. The historical and economic analysis was made of the deportation of the Western Ukrainian population from lands that had been relegated to Poland based on the Lublin Agreement between the Polish Committee for National Liberation and the Government of the Ukrainian USSR. The socio-economic consequences of the deportation of Ukrainians from Poland, their resettlement, and their adaptation are revealed. The article deals with the issues of material losses during deportation, and the extent and quality of compensation in places of new settlement, namely: the unsatisfactory condition of the socio-economic adaptation of the deported, broken promises by the government of the Ukrainian USSR regarding the financial support of resettles people, etc. On the basis of the conducted research a number of generalizing conclusions are formulated.
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Delsen, Lei. « Atypical Employment Relations and Government Policy in Europe ». Labour 5, no 3 (décembre 1991) : 123–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9914.1991.tb00049.x.
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Esafrin, Aninda Novedia, Antikowati - et Gautama Budi Arundhati. « Legal Consequences of Refugees’ Visa Misuse to Obtain Indonesian Citizenship ». Indonesian Journal of Law and Society 1, no 2 (30 septembre 2020) : 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/ijls.v1i2.17479.
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This paper aims to examine problems regarding the possible abuse by refugees inconsistent with Indonesia’s laws and regulations. In the context, the government can make efforts to deal with refugees who enter Indonesia illegally and the government can formulate new laws and regulations that can discuss problems caused by refugee actions in more detail, clearly and in detail, starting from the arrest process to the sanctions process that is obtained. Because until now Indonesia has not had this policy. Those refugees' status then serves the purpose to get a decent living in a recipient country such as Australia. Misuse of visas is widely used by refugees because Indonesia implements a visa-free system of visits to 169 countries in the world. Visa-Free Visit Policy based on President Regulation Number 125 of 2016 concerning Visa-Free Visit. In this regard, the country needs to anticipate the increasing number of visa misuse for refugees entry to Indonesian territory by sending them to immigration detention centers as a form of sanctions imposed before returning to their country and making deportation the last step in resolving the visa misuse problem committed by refugees.
KEYWORDS: misuse of visa in Indonesia, immigration detention, refugee deportation.
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Bakhturina, Alexandra Yu. « Documents from the Latvian State Historical Archive on the Situation of German Citizens in Riga at the Beginning of the First World War ». Herald of an archivist, no 2 (2020) : 368–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-2-368-379.
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The article discusses the information potential of the documents from the Latvian Historical Archive for studying policy of the Russian government towards subjects of adversary states in the First World War. Citizens of Germany and Austria-Hungary who were in Russian regions, where at the beginning of the First World War the martial law was imposed, were subject to administrative deportation to the Central and Eastern gubernias of the Russian Empire as prisoners of war. This problem is being studied mainly on the basis of documents from the central archives, which does not permit to reconstruct the complete picture of what had happened. The article analyses the lists, petitions of deported German citizens, correspondence of police officials, statistical data, and orders of the administration of the governorate of Livonia. Drawing on these documents, it studies social and age composition of the deportees, reconstructs courses of action of the gubernia government. It is noted that petitions of deportees have a strong emotional impact, as they draw pictures of difficult life circumstances of those forced to leave their place of residence and travel far into Russian lands. The emotional intensity of these documents needs to be balanced by using record keeping documents. Lists of deportees have notations on canceling of deportation for various reasons; they permit to introduce into scientific use statistics on the number of deportees. The archival documents suggest that the practice of deportation of adversary state subjects was not a standard procedure. At request, many of them were given a brief reprieve, some received permission to return to Riga later. By the winter of 1914-15, within German and Austrian subjects there were exuded categories of persons not to be subject to deportation (Czechs, Slovaks, French, widows who had previously been Russian subjects, their minor children, persons of over 60 and the sick).
Thèses sur le sujet "Deportation – Government policy – Europe"
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BIRNIE, Rutger Steven. « The ethics and politics of deportation in Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/61307.
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Defence date: 19 February 2019Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Matthew Gibney, University of Oxford; Professor Iseult Honohan, University College Dublin; Professor Jennifer Welsh, McGill University (formerly European University Institute)
This thesis explores key empirical and normative questions prompted by deportation policies and practices in the contemporary European context. The core empirical research question the thesis seeks to address is: what explains the shape of deportation regimes in European liberal democracies? The core normative research question is: how should we evaluate these deportation regimes morally? The two parts of the thesis address each of these questions in turn. To explain contemporary European deportation regimes, the four chapters of the first part of the thesis investigate them from a historical and multilevel perspective. (“Expulsion Old and New”) starts by comparing contemporary deportation practices to earlier forms of forced removal such as criminal banishment, political exile, poor law expulsion, and collective expulsions on a religious or ethnic basis, highlighting how contemporary deportation echoes some of the purposes of these earlier forms of expulsion. (“Divergences in Deportation”) looks at some major differences between European countries in how, and how much, deportation is used as a policy instrument today, concluding that they can be roughly grouped into four regime types, namely lenient, selective, symbolically strict and coercively strict. The next two chapters investigate how non-national levels of government are involved in shaping deportation in the European context. (“Europeanising Expulsion”) traces how the institutions of the European Union have come to both restrain and facilitate or incentivise member states’ deportation practices in fundamental ways. (“Localities of Belonging”) describes how provincial and municipal governments are increasingly assertive in frustrating deportations, effectively shielding individuals or entire categories of people from the reach of national deportation efforts, while in other cases local governments pressure the national level into instigating deportation proceedings against unwanted residents. The chapters argue that such efforts on both the supranational and local levels must be explained with reference to supranational and local conceptions of membership that are part of a multilevel citizenship structure yet can, and often do, come apart from the national conception of belonging. The second part of the thesis addresses the second research question by discussing the normative issues deportation gives rise to. (“Deportability, Domicile and the Human Right to Stay”) argues that a moral and legal status of non-deportability should be extended beyond citizenship to all those who have established effective domicile, or long-term and permanent residence, in the national territory. (“Deportation without Domination?”) argues that deportation can and should be applied in a way that does not dominate those it subjects by ensuring its non-arbitrary application through a limiting of executive discretion and by establishing proportionality testing in deportation procedures. (“Resisting Unjust Deportation”) investigates what can and should be done in the face of unjust national deportation regimes, proposing that a normative framework for morally justified antideportation resistance must start by differentiating between the various individual and institutional agents of resistance before specifying how their right or duty to resist a particular deportation depends on motivational, epistemic and relational conditions.
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Batagelj, Leon. « Competition policy in countries of Central and Eastern Europe : competition in Europe or competition for Europe ». Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=81242.
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Competition policy is an important tool for assurance of the efficient allocation of resources in functioning market economies. Applicability of modern competition policy to situations in former planned economies, however, raises doubts because of fundamentally different states of competition in such markets. This study analyses development of competition policy in Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic. Particular attention is given to the influence of the EU competition policy in the framework of negotiations for final membership in the EU.This study proposes reassessment of the competition policy of the three countries in order to better tackle the economic complexities of transition to fully functioning market economies. Harmonization of competition policy of the three candidate countries for EU membership with competition policy of the EU assumes appropriateness of EU competition policy for transition situations. Contrary to this assumption, the thesis argues that competition policy in transition should be tailored closely to the needs of transition. Since harmonization of competition law is only an instrument to evaluate whether a candidate country has a functioning market economy that can be integrated in the EU Internal Market, competition policy aimed at better promoting competition should be welcomed.
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Formanek, Alexandra. « Managing asylum : a critical examination of emerging trends in European refugee and migration policy ». Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=82703.
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This thesis takes a critical approach to examine recent developments in European asylum and migration policy. Specifically, this research is interested in addressing the emerging paradigm of "migration management" and its impact on the nature of refugee protection and asylum in an integrated Europe. Two approaches are used in this analysis. First, from a functionalist perspective, this work considers how migration management has responded to contemporary realities of international migration. Secondly, from a critical theory perspective, the thesis analyzes how refugee protection becomes subsumed within the broader goals of migration management. This thesis will argue that the paradigm of migration management has effectively shifted the contours of the asylum debate by linking refugee and asylum policy with broader issues of labor migration, illegality and foreign relations. This has resulted in the separation of asylum from territoriality and more broadly, the submersion of the humanitarian considerations to the overarching goals of migration management.
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Plocek, Tomáš. « The Sustainability of Government Deficits : Old Vs. New Europe ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-71779.
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This work analyses fiscal sustainability and position of old and new members of EU and offers some fiscal policy implications to deal with debt reduction in the aftermath of the current fiscal crisis in the EU. Fiscal policy of Old European countries is different from fiscal policy of the new members. Due to different historical development New European members have lower debt and lower GDP per capita. Many policymakers in New Europe tried to increase GDP of their countries by generating government deficits. On the other hand Old European countries are already having large debts and current fiscal crisis is one result of this fact. The recent fiscal crisis in Europe raised the question what is sustainable fiscal policy and how to achieve it. Sustainability of the policy can be divided into three groups: short term, medium term, and long term. In short term, fiscal policy is sustainable, when government is able to issue and sell government bonds. Otherwise it defaults. In medium term, fiscal policy is sustainable when debt to GDP ratio is constant or decreasing. Situation in long term is very similar to situation in medium term. The difference is in time. Long term fiscal policy is sustainable if debt to GDP ratio converges to some finite number. All the definitions are problematic and problem arises basically from fact that variables that are part of the definitions are volatile. Fiscal policy that might seem to be sustainable in times of economic expansion may become unsustainable even in short time. Exactly this thing happened in Ireland. Ireland shows another problem of sustainability definitions. The problem is that private debt can increase public debt and even threaten its sustainability. Many countries were saving their financial sector which was very expensive and this practice is increased the debt in those countries very fast. Probably the most important indicator of fiscal sustainability is interest rate on government bonds. Reason is that price of the bonds is based on different risks that are in the assets. Countries with sustainable fiscal policy are paying lower interests than countries with unsustainable. This is reason why we tried to explain variation of interest rate on 10 years government bonds by empirical models. Two models were based on fixed effects panel data estimations and one model was based on ordinary least squares model. The panel data model showed that there was and still is huge difference between Old European and New European countries. Old Europe was viewed by markets as one segment which is relatively risk free. This lead to situation, that most important factor driving interest rates in Old Europe is the risk free rate on the German bonds. On the other hand, interest rates in New European countries are influenced by many more indicators. Most important indicator in New Europe is GDP growth and sustainability of foreign exchange reserves. Based on results of the model we came to conclusion that there is high chance that markets will start to differ among Old European countries and this could lead to increase of interest rates in some Old EU members, a conclusion which is to some degree being verified by the increased spreads between German government bonds on one hand, and Italian and Spanish bonds on the other hand in the first few weeks of August 2011. Our conclusions also suggest that the position of New Europe may stand similar in current situation. If it is true policymakers may try to adapt policy of New European countries to increase its sustainability and improve the key variables. The conclusions from this work bring several policy recommendations for improving the fiscal sustainability in Europe. First and probably the most important recommendation to fiscal policy is that policymakers should not underestimate the indicators of fiscal sustainability, which was a common practice in recent history. Countries with high GDP growth were generating large deficits and debt to GDP ratio was constant. Problem is that in recession indicators that were influencing interest rate changed and fiscal policy become unsustainable in many cases. Conclusion for fiscal policy is that policymakers should run responsible fiscal policy in good times to avoid troubles in bad times. Governments should also understand full price of deficits, because increased deficits also increase interest rate that governments have to pay on existing debt.
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Kim, Young Jim. « The impact of the 'turn to Europe' : external policy and policy-making in three government departments, 1957-1963 ». Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266393.
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FERNANDES, Daniel. « Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.
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Defence date: 21 November 2022Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
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Pedzisa, Beatrice. « The implementation of deportation laws against the right to security and liberty of migrants workers : a case study of South Africa ». Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/2533.
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Globalisation has resulted in the increase of migrant workers who cross borders in search of better opportunities and greener pastures. Migrant workers, wherever they decide to relocate, are at the risk of arbitrary arrests and illegal deportations which infringe their right to liberty and security. Many unreported cases show that migrant workers in South Africa have to endure inhuman treatment every day, through the implementation of deportation laws by law enforcement agencies. This is however, done in a manner which disregards their possession of necessary documentation authorising them to be in the country. The Constitution of South Africa, legislation and other related policies provide for the protection of the right to liberty and security of migrant workers. It is against the above that this mini dissertation examines and analyses how the implementation of deportation laws impacts on the right to liberty and security of migrant workers. This mini dissertation points out that there is a dire need to ensure that the implementation of deportation laws complies with the requirements of the right to security and liberty of persons accorded to the status of migrant workers by the Constitution and other related legislation or policies. The methodology made use of in this research is qualitative. This research used legislative texts, case law, journal articles and other academic commentary to acquire information on the right of migrant workers and their plight in South Africa. The study also makes recommendations for appropriate domestic law reform in respect to how deportation laws can be implemented in a bid to protect the right to liberty and security of migrant workers. These recommendations are designed to ensure that law enforcement agencies adhere to the law and procedure which protect migrant workers from arbitrary arrests, and illegal deportations.
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Luedtke, Adam. « Fortress Europe or spillover ? : immigration politics and policy at the European level ». Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20441.
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Although the evolution of a unified Europe has been unsteady, the immigration policies of member states have nonetheless become increasingly harmonized in recent years. This harmonization has not been without its controversies, however, and is characterized by two inter-linked political disputes that have shaped the progress achieved thus far. The first dispute area is the exclusion of Europe's legally-resident third country nationals (TCNs) from the privileges of intra-EU free movement, contrary to the inclusionist arguments of the European Commission and Parliament. The second dispute area is the political struggle between advocates of intergovernmental decision-making structures, which are not subject to EU law or institutional control, and the advocates of full (supranational) EU competence over policy. Two hypotheses are contrasted to examine these disputes: (1) the "Fortress Europe" hypothesis, which foresees the continuation of exclusionism and intergovernmentalism; and (2) the "spillover" hypothesis, which predicts the inclusion of TCNs through the EU's central institutions eventually winning full competence over policy. It is concluded that although exclusionism continues to hold the upper hand, recent victories for supranationalism have confirmed the optimism of the spillover hypothesis.
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Pan, Jing. « The role of local government in shaping and influencing international policy frameworks ». Thesis, De Montfort University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/11117.
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This thesis explores the capacity of local government to influence intergovernmental organizations’ policy frameworks during the formulation and implementation of their instruments and policies. It provides empirical insights into the decision making and implementation of international policy regimes, specifically within a European context, and contributes to the broader theoretical understanding of these regimes through the development of multi-level governance as a framework of analysis. The thesis extends multi-level governance as a theoretical framework in two ways. First, it does so by going beyond its usual development and application within the European Union. The role of local government is examined in the pan-European political context shaped by the Council of Europe. Second, it pays special attention to the upstream link between local authorities and international actors in the context of multi-level governance settings. To date, most research on local government in multi-level governance settings has focused on the new challenges brought by extended multiple tiers of jurisdictions and how local government has been affected by the internationally shaped political arrangements. Little attention has been placed on the upward flow of interaction of local authorities or their capacity to influence international decision making and policy implementation. Empirical research in this thesis has focused on the capacity of local government to share the meta-steering role with the multi-level governance framework. The potential of local government to influence the international policy frameworks has been investigated based on its unique value in enhancing good governance in line with international norms and principles. At the theoretical level, the research argues multi-level governance reflects not simply the redistribution of power resources among various actors, but also the process of reshaping understanding and preferences through direct communication between actors at different territorial levels. It suggests that local political preferences can be shaped and reframed by broader values and consequently generates significant influence on higher level policy outcomes. However, despite the existence of specific constitutional devices for involving local development in the legislative processes of the Council of Europe, empirical evidence shows local authorities have largely failed to take up this opportunity, and their influence remains limited. Implications hence can be drawn for wider utilization of local engagement in intergovernmental organizations; for example, within the context the Committee of the Regions of the Europe Union.
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Winand, Pascaline. « Presidents, advisers and the uniting of Europe : American policy toward European integration, 1939-1963 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213111.
Texte intégralLivres sur le sujet "Deportation – Government policy – Europe"
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Jansen, Hans. Der Madagaskar-Plan : Die beabsichtigte Deportation der europäischen Juden nach Madagaskar. München : Herbig, 1997.
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Directing / requesting certain information relating to extraordinary rendition of certain foreign persons to be provided to the House of Representatives ; requesting / directing certain documents relating to U.S. policies under the UN Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and the Geneva Conventions to be provided to the House of Representatives ; and requesting / directing certain documents relating to Europe in December 2005 to be provided to the House of Representatives : Markup before the Committee on International Relations, House of Representatives, One Hundred Ninth Congress, second session, on H. Res. 593, H. Res. 624 and H. Res. 642, February 8, 2006. Washington : U.S. G.P.O., 2006.
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Europe, Council of, dir. CIA above the law ? : Secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers of detainees in Europe. Strasbourg : Council of Europe Pub., 2008.
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Pertti, Ahonen, dir. People on the move : Forced population movements in Europe in the Second World War and its aftermath. Oxford, UK : Berg, 2008.
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Leon, Brittan. Europe : The Europe we need. London : Hamish Hamilton, 1994.
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Anthony, Giddens, Diamond Patrick et Liddle Roger, dir. Global Europe, social Europe. Cambridge, UK : Polity Press, 2006.
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Harmonising asylum policy in Europe. Coventry : Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations, University of Warwick, 1989.
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Mooij, Ruud A. de. Four futures of Europe. Hague : CPB, 2003.
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Rasmussen, Hans Kornø. No entry : Immigration policy in Europe. [Copenhagen] : Copenhagen Business School Press, 1997.
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National insecurities : Immigrants and U.S. deportation policy since 1882. Chapel Hill, N.C : University of North Carolina Press, 2012.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Deportation – Government policy – Europe"
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Lankina, Tomila V., Anneke Hudalla et Hellmut Wollmann. « Local Government Performance in Social Policy ». Dans Local Governance in Central and Eastern Europe, 31–58. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230591745_2.
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Stevens, Anne. « France and Europe : Policy Making and Politics ». Dans The Government and Politics of France, 311–27. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24745-5_11.
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Đulić, Katarina, Sanja Kmezić et William Bartlett. « Conclusions : Policy Changes and Policy Reversals ». Dans Fiscal Decentralisation, Local Government and Policy Reversals in Southeastern Europe, 297–322. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96092-0_10.
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Budge, Ian, et M. J. Laver. « The Relationship Between Party and Coalition Policy in Europe : An Empirical Synthesis ». Dans Party Policy and Government Coalitions, 409–30. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22368-8_14.
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Peters, Julia, et Henk Roose. « Government support for visual artists in Flanders between 1965 and 2015 ». Dans Accomplishing Cultural Policy in Europe, 156–74. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003277767-13.
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Buigues, Pierre-André, et Khalid Sekkat. « Argument Against Public Support : Government Failures ». Dans Industrial Policy in Europe, Japan and the USA, 20–28. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244351_3.
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Rothwell, Roy. « Technology Policy and Collaborative Research in Europe ». Dans Cooperative Research and Development : The Industry—University—Government Relationship, 85–102. Dordrecht : Springer Netherlands, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-2522-9_5.
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Basarić, Halko, Nina Branković et Lejla Lazović-Pita. « Bosnia and Herzegovina : Local Government Debt ». Dans Fiscal Decentralisation, Local Government and Policy Reversals in Southeastern Europe, 163–99. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96092-0_6.
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Brezovnik, Boštjan, Mateja Finžgar et Žan Jan Oplotnik. « Slovenia : Vertical Imbalance in Local Government Financing ». Dans Fiscal Decentralisation, Local Government and Policy Reversals in Southeastern Europe, 21–52. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96092-0_2.
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Nikolov, Marjan. « Macedonia : Local Government Efficiency and Ethnic Fragmentation ». Dans Fiscal Decentralisation, Local Government and Policy Reversals in Southeastern Europe, 203–29. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96092-0_7.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Deportation – Government policy – Europe"
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Wibowo, Rudi, et Ratnawati Ratnawati. « Conflict Dynamics Of Protectionism Policy Trading Of Biofuel Commodities Between Indonesia And The European Union ». Dans LPPM UPN "VETERAN" Yogyakarta International Conference Series 2020. RSF Press & RESEARCH SYNERGY FOUNDATION, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31098/pss.v1i1.200.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The dynamics of the conflict in bio-fuel commodity trade policies was triggered by the conflict of economic interests between Indonesia and the European Union. A series of steps for negotiation and diplomacy were taken by the government and Indonesian business actors to negotiate and resolve these problems by holding talks with important (state) actors in Europe.
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Mikulić, Davor, Damira Keček et Željko Lovrinčević. « EXAMINING THE IMPACT OF COVID-19 PANDEMIC ON TOURISM SECTOR USING INPUT-OUTPUT ANALYSIS : THE CASE OF CROATIA ». Dans Tourism in Southern and Eastern Europe 2021 : ToSEE – Smart, Experience, Excellence & ToFEEL – Feelings, Excitement, Education, Leisure. University of Rijeka, Faculty of Tourism and Hospitality Management, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/tosee.06.29.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Purpose – The purpose of the study is to determine the impact of COVID-19 pandemic on tourism and other economic sectors included in the tourism value chain in Croatia. The evaluation of total effects is important in order to evaluate effectiveness of policy measures introduced by Croatian government. Methodology – The estimation of COVID -19 effects on Croatian economy is based on standard input-output model. The open I-O model quantifies indirect effects generated in the tourism value added chain. Closed I-O model estimates induced effects related to the decrease in the net disposable income of the employees which participated in the tourism sector production chain. Findings – Strong reduction in international tourism caused by COVID -19 resulted in significant decrease in activity of many other industries. Besides hotels and restaurant, the most affected sectors were transport, trade, food industry, sports and entertainment services. Total value of indirect and induced tourism effects is bigger than value of direct effects in terms of employment and value added because of multiplier effect. Government subsidies in the form of income support for companies which retained employees have only short-term and limited effects. Negative COVID -19 effects were partially mitigated by output rise in other domestic sectors. GDP decline was more pronounced than GVA since indirect taxes, notably VAT and excise duties were particularly sensitive to negative trends in tourism activity. Contribution – The methodology applied provides the reliable analytical background for analyses of impact of negative exogenous shock affecting tourism and total Croatian economy and assessment of government policy response effectiveness
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lliffe, Molly. « The Commercial Case for Hydrogen as a Route to Market for Offshore Wind in the North Sea ». Dans SPE Offshore Europe Conference & Exhibition. SPE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/205437-ms.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The UK was the first major industrialised nation to commit to a Net Zero target by 2050, and Scotland has an even more ambitious target to reach Net Zero by 2045. To realise these targets, hydrogen will play a leading role in the decarbonisation of multiple sectors including industry, transport, heat and power. Offshore wind can be a core component of our future energy infrastructure, and the scale of its potential role in hydrogen production has recently drawn wider attention from policy makers, developers and potential users across a range of sectors. Hydrogen as a route to market for offshore wind therefore presents a transformative opportunity for the North Sea oil and gas sector and the associated UK supply chain. Existing skills and infrastructure in this region can be leveraged to achieve a leading position in this emerging clean fuel source. This opportunity is particularly relevant for sites in the North Sea which are further from shore with good wind resource, where power transmission costs and/or losses would be prohibitive. Additionally, hydrogen offers an interesting route to market for projects unable to obtain firm grid connection, for sites in regions with high grid charges, or where sufficient government revenue support for conventional power generation is not available for all good quality sites.
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Vargas-Salgado, Carlos, Jesús Aguila-León, Cristian Chiñas-Palacios et Lina Montuori. « Potential of landfill biogas production for power generation in the Valencian Region (Spain) ». Dans CARPE Conference 2019 : Horizon Europe and beyond. Valencia : Universitat Politècnica València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/carpe2019.2019.10201.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Landfills are one of the most common ways to dispose the solid urban waste in many countries due to their relatively simple technical requirements, operational costs and low investment. Moreover, biogas produced in landfills can be used as a renewable energy source for power generation. The Valencian Region is one of the largest solid urban waste producers in Spain, and therefore, it has an unexplored potential of landfill biogas production. This paper aims to estimate the potential of biogas landfill production for power generation in the Valencian Region. Statistical data from solid urban waste in landfills in the provinces of Alicante, Castellón, and Valencia was gathered. Then the potential of landfill biogas production was estimated by means of waste classification for each province. To provide information related to the use of landfill gas as an alternative source of energy, results presented in this work show that the Valencian Region has an important potential to use landfill biogas from solid urban waste as a renewable source for power generation, and also provide information to the regional government, academic researches, policy makers and investors.
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George, Jeff, et David Massingham. « Moving Towards a Sustainable UK in an Environment of Austerity : Can We Wait Until the Midnight Hour ? » Dans 19th Annual North American Waste-to-Energy Conference. ASMEDC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/nawtec19-5410.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The UK coalition government, elected in May 2010, has set out its stall to be, in the words of Prime Minister, David Cameron, “the greenest government ever”. To that end it has embarked on an ambitious programme of policy initiatives to address climate change and the wider sustainability agenda. These include: • Initiating a fundamental review of waste policy with a view to adopting a zero waste to landfill and increasing Energy from Waste (EfW) as a solution for residual wastes; • Leading calls within the European Union for an increase in pan-Europe greenhouse gas reduction and renewable energy targets for 2020, that, if adopted would have a profound and immediate impact on domestic targets; and • An electricity market reform package that will see the introduction of a floor price for carbon (in effect, a carbon tax) and new financial support mechanisms for the development of renewable energy.
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Mitrović, Đorđe, et Sabina Taškar Beloglavec. « SIMPLE TOURISM SECTOR DEVELOPMENT INDEX : CRISES VALUES ». Dans Tourism in Southern and Eastern Europe 2021 : ToSEE – Smart, Experience, Excellence & ToFEEL – Feelings, Excitement, Education, Leisure. University of Rijeka, Faculty of Tourism and Hospitality Management, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/tosee.06.32.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Purpose – The paper aims to construct a simple tourism sector development index reacting to crises occurrences. Methodology – Paper is two-folded, theoretical background with literature overview and empirical part based on the DEA method. Instead of using a vast number of different individual indicators measuring countries’ tourism performance, it is more appropriate to use one composite index to depict complex tourism development issues in a particular country. The composite index proposed in this paper TSDI, was developed using DEA encompassing tourism soundness and macroeconomic data. Findings – We are especially interested in index values in the 2019 COVID-19 pandemic crises relatively to the previous and following year. Therefore, the data time series include the annual data of selected truisms soundness factors from 2016 to 2020. The paper has three hypotheses dealing with simple tourism sector development index (TSDI) values during crises and the correlation of this calculated index to The Travel & Tourism Competitiveness Index (TTCI) and The Global Competitiveness Index (GCI). Contribution – The paper may offer some basic policy recommendations for policymakers as it may be applied as a relatively simple tool for professionals to assess future crises or economic shocks implications on the tourism sector. The TDSI proposed in this paper can point at the differences in countries’ responses to crises shock that could be influenced by government policies aimed at tourism sector development. TDSI is, due to its simplicity, a good tool for practitioners to use in monitoring and placing recommendations for improvements.
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Kayani, Farrukh, et Zhongxiu Zhao. « Chinese Rationale for Free Trade Agreements ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00387.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In East Asia economic regionalism and Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) are proliferating at tremendous pace despite being the latecomer as compared to Americas and Europe. Proliferation of FTAs in East Asia started to spread after the Asian financial crisis of 1997. The East Asian economies were dissatisfied with the way the IMF handled the crisis, particularly in Thailand and Indonesia. Presently, about over 100 FTAs are at various stages of development in East Asia. China is also actively engaged in FTAs like the other East Asian neighboring countries for achieving multiple objectives. In this paper we analyzed the detailed reasons that why China is pursuing FTAs? Furthermore, it is said that FTAs may jeopardize the multilateral trading system. As FTAs undermine the WTO policy of maintaining a liberal, non discriminatory and multilateral trading system by supporting the government interventions and prudential controls. Thus we would also explore that whether FTAs are building or stumbling blocks?
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SIMONE, Pierluigi. « THE RECASTING OF THE OTTOMAN PUBLIC DEBT AND THE ABOLITION OF THE CAPITULATIONS REGIME IN THE INTERNATIONAL LEGAL ACTION OF TURKEY LED BY MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATÜRK ». Dans 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara : Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.64.
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The recast of the international debt contracted by the former Ottoman Empire and the overcoming of the capitulations regime that had afflicted Turkey for centuries, are two of the most relevant sectors in which the political and diplomatic action promoted by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk has been expressed. Extremely relevant in this regard are the different disciplines established, respectively, by the Treaty of Sèvres in 1920 and then by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. After the Ottoman Government defaulted in 1875, an agreement (the Decree of Muharrem) was concluded in 1881 between the Ottoman Government and representatives of its foreign and domestic creditors for the resumption of payments on Ottoman bonds, and a European control of a part of the Imperial revenues was instituted through the Administration of the Ottoman Public Debt. At the same time, the Ottoman Empire was burdened by capitulations, conferring rights and privileges in favour of their subjects resident or trading in the Ottoman lands, following the policy towards European States of the Byzantine Empire. According to these capitulations, traders entering the Ottoman Empire were exempt from local prosecution, local taxation, local conscription, and the searching of their domicile. The capitulations were initially made during the Ottoman Empire’s military dominance, to entice and encourage commercial exchanges with Western merchants. However, after dominance shifted to Europe, significant economic and political advantages were granted to the European Powers by the Ottoman Empire. Both regimes, substantially maintained by the Treaty of Sèvres, were considered unacceptable by the Nationalist Movement led by Mustafa Kemal and therefore became the subject of negotiations during the Conference of Lausanne. The definitive overcoming of both of them, therefore represents one of the most evident examples of the reacquisition of the full sovereignty of the Republic of Turkey.
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Grosseck, Gabriela, Mar Camacho, Malinka Ivanova, Laurentiu Tiru, Carmen Holotescu et Ramona Bran. « A CHECKLIST FOR A MOOC ACTIVIST ». Dans eLSE 2015. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-15-173.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In spite of the fast development of eLearning and distance learning in our countries (Romania and Bulgaria), the MOOC (Massive Open Online Courses) phenomenon is not popular enough among educational actors: teachers, researchers, students, lifelong learners or policy makers. More specifically MOOCs are not integrated in the area of higher education at curriculum level. While in Bulgaria there is no research that can confirm or reject the important role of MOOCs for introduction of new reforms, for needs of scientific explorations and for implementation of innovative solutions in university settings, in Romania the situation is a bit different: there are some initiatives related to MOOCs like those developed by University Politehnica Timisoara in the last two years. But in both countries, at this moment there are no clear answers to questions like: Will universities accept the idea of a Massive Online OPEN Course? Who are the target groups? Should existing platforms be used or should a new one be created? How do government authorities see the role of MOOCs in support of university education? Will MOOC projects be started? In this context, the paper presents the authors' learning experience as MOOC activists. We have tried to map / identify which design approaches suit us both at individual and institutional level, by proposing a step-by-step approach that we called the ,,P-OOC (Personal Overview of Online Competencies) Checklist" of a MOOC activist. Furthermore, we'll present an empirical analysis based on an online survey applied to university actors from Europe. Starting from the results, we'll propose a matrix/model of the possible digital perils for academia. Furthermore, we'll present an empirical analysis based on an online survey applied to university actors from Europe. Starting from the results, we'll propose a matrix/model of the possible digital perils for academia.
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Galland, Daniel. « Redefinition of territorial scales and spatial planning in Denmark ». Dans Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Barcelona : Maestría en Planeación Urbana y Regional. Pontificia Universidad Javeriana de Bogotá, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.6002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The spatial planning system in Denmark has traditionally been known for its ‘comprehensive-integrated’
appeal characterized by a ‘formal’ rationality embedded within its systematic hierarchy of plans and
institutions from national to local levels. In Europe, the purpose of planning systems of this kind has been to
achieve ‘spatial coherence’ between levels of government and across territorial scales through the
coordination and integration of policy sectors (horizontally) as well as jurisdictions and planning policies
(vertically) shaping the management and articulation of spatial change. However, the Danish spatial planning
system has been exposed to profound reorientations in recent years, as illustrated by the radical modification
of its scope, its structure as well as its institutional and policy mechanisms. In the case of Denmark, a
structural reform implemented in 2007 that changed the country’s political geography and its existing
intergovernmental arrangements hence led to: i) the downward rescaling (from regional to municipal levels)
of most functions and responsibilities related to spatial planning; ii) the upward rescaling (from metropolitan
to national level) of spatial planning functions associated with the Metropolitan Region of Copenhagen; and
iii) the revocation of regional planning as well as the institutional dismantling of the metropolitan level.
Based on these series of changes, this paper aims at elucidating how different governments in power over
the last 20 years have interpreted the planning system based on the adoption and adaptation of specific
strategies (legal and/or spatial) that seek to articulate the different levels that comprise the planning system
in one way or another. The impact that stems from the implementation of these strategies (whether they also
remain as speculations or intentions) is that there is an increasing tendency to indirectly redefine
conventional territorial scales. In order to depict such redefinition, this paper attempts to carry out an analysis
of: i) the strategic spatial role attributed to each level of planning; ii) how each territorial scale is redefined as
a result of the changing spatial relationships occurring between the planning levels.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Deportation – Government policy – Europe"
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Milican, Juliet. Mapping Best Practice Guidelines in working with Civil Society Organisations. Institute of Development Studies, avril 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.092.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This report sets out to map the different guidance documents available on how to work most effectively with civil society in the delivery of international aid in ways that deepen democracy and advance the rights of marginalised or excluded groups. It includes a review of guidelines published by other key international development funders and implementors written for their own teams, an overview of guidance provided for DAC members within OECD countries and policy papers on cooperation between the state and CSOs. It looks primarily at documents produced in the last ten years, between 2011 and 2021 and includes those related to cooperation on specific issues (such as drugs policy or human rights, as well as those that deal with specific countries or regions (such as Europe or the MENA region). The majority of documents identified are written by government aid departments (eg USAID, Norad) but there are one or two produced by umbrella civil society organisations (such as Bond) or international legal think tanks (such as ICNL, the International Centre for Not for Profit Law). There was a remarkable consistency between the issues Millican addressed in the different documents although their size and length varied between outline guidance on 2 – 3 pages and a comprehensive (62 page) overview that included definitions of civil society, range of organisations, reasons for collaborating, mechanisms for financing, monitoring and ensuring accountability and challenges in and guidance on the ways in which donors might work with CSOs.
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Arora, Sanjana, et Olena Koval. Norway Country Report. University of Stavanger, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.232.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This report is part of a larger cross-country comparative project and constitutes an account and analysis of the measures comprising the Norwegian national response to the COVID-19 pandemic during the year of 2020. This time period is interesting in that mitigation efforts were predominantly of a non-medical nature. Mass vaccinations were in Norway conducted in early 2021. With one of the lowest mortality rates in Europe and relatively lower economic repercussions compared to its Nordic neighbours, the Norwegian case stands unique (OECD, 2021: Eurostat 2021; Statista, 2022). This report presents a summary of Norwegian response to the COVID-19 pandemic by taking into account its governance, political administration and societal context. In doing so, it highlights the key features of the Nordic governance model and the mitigation measures that attributed to its success, as well as some facets of Norway’s under-preparedness. Norway’s relative isolation in Northern Europe coupled with low population density gave it a geographical advantage in ensuring a slower spread of the virus. However, the spread of infection was also uneven, which meant that infection rates were concentrated more in some areas than in others. On the fiscal front, the affluence of Norway is linked to its petroleum industry and the related Norwegian Sovereign Wealth Fund. Both were affected by the pandemic, reflected through a reduction in the country’s annual GDP (SSB, 2022). The Nordic model of extensive welfare services, economic measures, a strong healthcare system with goals of equity and a high trust society, indeed ensured a strong shield against the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet, the consequences of the pandemic were uneven with unemployment especially high among those with low education and/or in low-income professions, as well as among immigrants (NOU, 2022:5). The social and psychological effects were also uneven, with children and elderly being left particularly vulnerable (Christensen, 2021). Further, the pandemic also at times led to unprecedented pressure on some intensive care units (OECD, 2021). Central to handling the COVID-19 pandemic in Norway were the three national executive authorities: the Ministry of Health and Care services, the National directorate of health and the Norwegian Institute of Public Health. With regard to political-administrative functions, the principle of subsidiarity (decentralisation) and responsibility meant that local governments had a high degree of autonomy in implementing infection control measures. Risk communication was thus also relatively decentralised, depending on the local outbreak situations. While decentralisation likely gave flexibility, ability to improvise in a crisis and utilise the municipalities’ knowledge of local contexts, it also brought forward challenges of coordination between the national and municipal level. Lack of training, infection control and protection equipment thereby prevailed in several municipalities. Although in effect for limited periods of time, the Corona Act, which allowed for fairly severe restrictions, received mixed responses in the public sphere. Critical perceptions towards the Corona Act were not seen as a surprise, considering that Norwegian society has traditionally relied on its ‘dugnadskultur’ – a culture of voluntary contributions in the spirit of solidarity. Government representatives at the frontline of communication were also open about the degree of uncertainty coupled with considerable potential for great societal damage. Overall, the mitigation policy in Norway was successful in keeping the overall infection rates and mortality low, albeit with a few societal and political-administrative challenges. The case of Norway is thus indeed exemplary with regard to its effective mitigation measures and strong government support to mitigate the impact of those measures. However, it also goes to show how a country with good crisis preparedness systems, governance and a comprehensive welfare system was also left somewhat underprepared by the devastating consequences of the pandemic.
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Rezaie, Shogofa, Fedra Vanhuyse, Karin André et Maryna Henrysson. Governing the circular economy : how urban policymakers can accelerate the agenda. Stockholm Environment Institute, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2022.027.
Texte intégralRésumé :
We believe the climate crisis will be resolved in cities. Today, while cities occupy only 2% of the Earth's surface, 57% of the world's population lives in cities, and by 2050, it will jump to 68% (UN, 2018). Currently, cities consume over 75% of natural resources, accumulate 50% of the global waste and emit up to 80% of greenhouse gases (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2017). Cities generate 70% of the global gross domestic product and are significant drivers of economic growth (UN-Habitat III, 2016). At the same time, cities sit on the frontline of natural disasters such as floods, storms and droughts (De Sherbinin et al., 2007; Major et al., 2011; Rockström et al., 2021). One of the sustainability pathways to reduce the environmental consequences of the current extract-make-dispose model (or the "linear economy") is a circular economy (CE) model. A CE is defined as "an economic system that is based on business models which replace the 'end-of-life' concept with reducing, alternatively reusing, recycling and recovering materials in production/distribution and consumption processes" (Kirchherr et al., 2017, p. 224). By redesigning production processes and thereby extending the lifespan of goods and materials, researchers suggest that CE approaches reduce waste and increase employment and resource security while sustaining business competitiveness (Korhonen et al., 2018; Niskanen et al., 2020; Stahel, 2012; Winans et al., 2017). Organizations such as the Ellen MacArthur Foundation and Circle Economy help steer businesses toward CE strategies. The CE is also a political priority in countries and municipalities globally. For instance, the CE Action Plan, launched by the European Commission in 2015 and reconfirmed in 2020, is a central pillar of the European Green Deal (European Commission, 2015, 2020). Additionally, more governments are implementing national CE strategies in China (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2018), Colombia (Government of the Republic of Colombia, 2019), Finland (Sitra, 2016), Sweden (Government Offices of Sweden, 2020) and the US (Metabolic, 2018, 2019), to name a few. Meanwhile, more cities worldwide are adopting CE models to achieve more resource-efficient urban management systems, thereby advancing their environmental ambitions (Petit-Boix & Leipold, 2018; Turcu & Gillie, 2020; Vanhuyse, Haddaway, et al., 2021). Cities with CE ambitions include, Amsterdam, Barcelona, Paris, Toronto, Peterborough (England) and Umeå (Sweden) (OECD, 2020a). In Europe, over 60 cities signed the European Circular Cities Declaration (2020) to harmonize the transition towards a CE in the region. In this policy brief, we provide insights into common challenges local governments face in implementing their CE plans and suggest recommendations for overcoming these. It aims to answer the question: How can the CE agenda be governed in cities? It is based on the results of the Urban Circularity Assessment Framework (UCAF) project, building on findings from 25 interviews, focus group discussions and workshops held with different stakeholder groups in Umeå, as well as research on Stockholm's urban circularity potential, including findings from 11 expert interviews (Rezaie, 2021). Our findings were complemented by the Circular Economy Lab project (Rezaie et al., 2022) and experiences from working with municipal governments in Sweden, Belgium, France and the UK, on CE and environmental and social sustainability.