Thèses : « Department of Foreign Relations »

1

Dai, Ke. « Theoretical analysis of US's foreign aid ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595544.

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Chen, Shu Ying. « Chinese multinational corporations' impact on Chinese foreign affairs ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554616.

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3

Cai, Ying. « Human rights policies of foreign capital companies of China ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554513.

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4

Zhang, Jia Xuan. « China in Africa : another neocolonial power or a new type of strategic partner ? » Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595543.

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5

Olsen, Agnes Eileen. « Robert Francis Kelley and the Eastern European Division of the State Department : 1917-1933 ». PDXScholar, 1997. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3826.

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This study traces the career of Robert Francis Kelley and his influence on American-Russian Relations during the nonrecognition period (1917-1933). The focus of this examination is Kelley's role in formulating, implementing, and sustaining America's anti-communist policy developed and solidified during the 1920s and 1930s. Particular attention is given to the senate recognition hearing of 1924, Kelley's training of future diplomats (George Kennan, Charles Bohlen, et al.), and his contributions to the preparations leading to the United States' recognition of Russia in 1933. Using Kelley's papers and personal correspondence, this study shows the growth of a man and the evolution of a policy.

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Zhang, Shu. « Chinese-Americans and the U.S.-China relations : the role of Chinese-Americans in U.S.-China relations ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554511.

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7

Zong, Jian Ping. « Climate change in Sino-U.S. relations : a catalyst of cooperation or conflict ? » Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554512.

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8

Leong, Chi Ian. « National power, international interdependence and state socialization : explaining China's diplomatic behaviour in climate change politics ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554612.

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9

Quan, Wei. « Sino-US strategic and economic dialogue mechanism : is it a trouble-shooter or just empty talk ? » Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595576.

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10

Cucalon, Belgica Marisol. « The U.S. Department of State Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives : What does the U.S. engage when they engage `religion' ? » Scholar Commons, 2014. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5207.

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In August of 2013 the U.S. State Department launched the Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives with the objective to foster and promote religious engagements in foreign diplomacy. The language used by the architects and proponents of the initiative suggests that even though religion can be a source of great conflict, religion is also a powerful force for good capable of mitigating conflict and fostering progress. The present optimistic belief of American foreign diplomats that religious engagement will foster beneficial partnerships capable of advancing U.S. foreign interests has led scholars to pose the question, "what will the U.S. engage when it engages religion?" This thesis argues that the language used in the promotion of faith-based initiatives exhibits a commitment to a humanistic theology of religious pluralism. Further, this thesis explains that a humanistic theology of religious pluralism limits religious engagement. In other words, the OFBCI will engage with religious groups only in so far as they fit their definition of religion.

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Craig, Maddison L. « Women in the Foreign Service : A Case Study of Margaret Parx Hays, 1942-1964 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2019. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1609150/.

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This project seeks to include the historical significance of women in the Foreign Service and subsequently the United States Department of State between 1942 and 1964. Using the life and experience of Margaret Parx Hays, one of fewer than three hundred female foreign service officers before 1960, this study explores the importance of examining women at the "ground level." This narrative examines the life of Hays at several different duty stations and her experience navigating a male-dominant workplace congruent to the political and diplomatic missions of each stations. Hays was stationed in Buenos Aires, Argentina (1942-1945); Bogota, Columbia (1945-1947); Rio de Janeiro, Brazil (1948-1950); Washington D.C., U.S. (1951-1954; 1959-1962); Manila, Philippines (1954-1956); Mexico City, Mexico (1956-1958); and Hong Kong, China (1962-1964). Throughout the deployment at each station, Hays was confronted with major political events in her duty station's history or in the intersection of American foreign and domestic policy. Through the use of Hays's archived collection of personal papers, including letters and newspapers, this thesis presents a more representative story about women and about the Department of State as a larger whole than previous scholarship that has ignored how gender affected diplomatic history.

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Morris, Ciara. « DFAT’s Culture and Approach to China : Understanding the impact of organisational culture on institutional behaviour ». Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/20517.

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The Australia-China relationship is arguably Australia’s most complex and important bilateral relationship of the 21st century. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) is the principal government department responsible for crafting this relationship. This thesis is significant because it goes beyond the existing literature on the Australia-China relationship. It does so by deepening our understanding of a key public institution from the controversial theoretical perspective of organisational culture theory. I ask two important and under investigated questions; what is DFAT’s organisational culture; and how does this culture impact DFAT’s approach to China? I use a mixed method approach of content analysis, discourse analysis and elite interviewing. I identify that DFAT has a culture driven by alliance geopolitics. DFAT’s behaviour can be characterised as risk averse and emphatic about maintaining the US-led world order. This is a consequence of anxiety over a changing world, a rising China, and an increasingly isolationist US. This culture impacts DFAT’s approach to China, which sees the relationship through a lens of security concerns more so than economic opportunity.

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13

Hua, Yan Wen. « Mission impossible ? : a study on Sino-American mutual strategic trust ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554478.

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Wong, Ka Kei. « The "Distant Neighbor" matters : the role of the U.S. and its impact on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554611.

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15

Lu, Jia Jin. « Chinese Soul in British colony :the traditional village life in the New Territories, 1898-1941 ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2016. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3537104.

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Duan, Xiao Lin. « The evolving definition of China's core interest and its implications ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595575.

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17

Girardeau, Naomi Aass. « UN, AU and SADC approaches to unconstitutional changes of government : the case of Madagascar ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71634.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The resurgence of unconstitutional changes of government in Africa is regarded not only as a threat to democratisation processes but also to peace, security and stability on the continent. The United Nations (UN), the African Union (AU) and various regional economic communities (RECs) have all sought to address this challenge, in what may be described as a trilateral linkage between the international, regional and sub-regional organisations. The unconstitutional change of government in Madagascar in 2009 led to the involvement of the UN, AU and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Although these organisations all responded to the case of Madagascar, it cannot be assumed that they all share a common understanding of and approach to unconstitutional changes of government. This study builds upon a constructivist approach to norm development, with a particular focus upon the norm life cycle. The thesis seeks to assess if a normative approach to dealing with unconstitutional changes of government has developed within the UN, AU and SADC respectively, and if so, how? Furthermore, how have these organisations responded to such a case, with a specific focus on Madagascar? Building upon these findings, the thesis aims to assess if and how a norm condemning unconstitutional changes of government has emerged, spread and become internalised within the UN, AU and SADC. The study illustrates that the norm condemning unconstitutional changes of government is particularly salient within the AU. Furthermore, and unlike many other peace and security norms, the norm condemning unconstitutional changes of government seems to have emerged from the level of the AU and impacts upwards on the UN as well as downwards on SADC. These findings imply that the AU will have a prominent role in informing the approach and response to such cases on the African continent in the future. Furthermore, the normative frameworks of the UN and SADC may be developed largely as a result of and on the basis of the principles and policies of the AU.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die herlewing van ongrondwetlike regeringsverandering in Afrika word nie net as 'n bedreiging vir die demokratiseringsprosesse beskou nie, maar ook vir vrede, veiligheid en stabiliteit op die kontinent. Die Verenigde Nasies (VN), die Afrika-Unie (AU) en verskeie streeks-ekonomiese gemeenskappe (REC's) het gepoog om hierdie uitdaging, wat beskryf kan word as ‘n driehoekskakeling tussen die internasionale, streeks- en substreek-organisasies, aan te spreek. Die ongrondwetlike regeringsverandering in Madagaskar in 2009 het gelei tot die betrokkenheid van die VN, AU en die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelings gemeenskap (SAOG). Alhoewel hierdie organisasies op die Madagaskar-saak gereageer het, kan daar nie aanvaar word dat hulle ‘n gemeenskaplike begrip van en benadering tot die ongrondwetlike verandering van regering deel nie. Hierdie studie bou op 'n konstruktivisme benadering tot die ontwikkeling van norme, met 'n spesifieke fokus op die lewensiklus van ‘n norm. Die tesis poog om te bepaal of 'n konstruktivisme benadering respektiewelik binne die VN, AU en SAOG ontwikkel het rakende ongrondwetlike regeringsverandering, en indien wel, hoe? Verder, hoe het hierdie organisasies gereageer op so 'n geval, met spesifieke fokus op Madagaskar? Met hierdie bevindinge in gedagte, sal die tesis bepaal of, en hoe, 'n norm wat ongrondwetlik regeringsveranderinge veroordeel, na vore gekom het en hoe dit versprei en binne die VN, AU en SAOG geïnternaliseer is. Hierdie studie illustreer dat die norm wat ongrondwetlik regeringsveranderinge veroordeel, besonder opvallend is binne die AU. In teenstelling met ander vredes- en sekuriteits norme, blyk dit dat die norm wat ongrondwetlik regeringsveranderinge veroordeel, sy oorsprong het op AU-vlak, met opwaartse trefkrag op die VN, sowel as afwaarts op SAOG. Hierdie bevindinge impliseer dat die AU in die toekoms 'n prominente rol in die benadering tot en reaksie op derglike gevalle op die Afrika-kontinent, sal hê. Verder kan die normatiewe raamwerke van die VN en SAOG moontlik hoofsaaklik ontwikkel as gevolg van die basis van beginsels en beleid wat deur die AU neergelê word.
Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI).

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18

Zheng, Shan Shan. « European Union's humanitarian intervention : an English school perspective ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555554.

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19

Birkenthal, Sara M. « Grand Strategy in U.S. Foreign Policy : The Carter, Bush, and Obama Doctrines ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/598.

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This paper seeks to determine under what conditions a U.S. president can implement a grand strategy given the nature of domestic and international opportunities and constraints. It will examine three comparative case studies: Jimmy Carter, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama, with the goal of determining what conditions are necessary at the individual, domestic, and systemic levels of analysis for grand strategy implementation. At the individual level, it will apply operational code analysis, as well as an examination of personal characteristics for each case study. At the domestic level, it will apply a five-prong test for examining factors that are key to grand strategy implementation: (1) unity of foreign policy team; (2) strength of presidency; (3) party alignment between Congress and the president; (4) public opinion; and (5) strength of domestic economy. At the systemic level, it will examine significant events faced by each president that tested whether his grand strategy could respond effectively to international imperatives. Ultimately, it will assess the success of each president's attempt at grand strategy implementation based on: (1) how closely U.S. policies aligned with his grand strategy; and (2) whether policies put in place that aligned with his grand strategy improved the global standing of the U.S. Through this analysis, it will assess the larger implications of having a grand strategy on U.S. foreign policy.

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20

Liu, Xin Yu. « China and UN peacekeeping : a dilemma of intervention ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595574.

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21

Bi, Si Wei. « Impact of EU green directives on China's exports ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555560.

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22

Wang, Xiao Wei. « World financial crisis and RMB Internationalization : a false or real historical opportunity ? » Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595547.

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Souza, Ismara Izepe de. « Caminhos que se cruzam : relações históricas entre Brasil e Espanha (1936-1960) ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-26042010-100713/.

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Este estudo analisa as relações diplomáticas entre o Brasil e a Espanha sob a ótica da política externa brasileira entre 1936 a 1960, tendo como referências para reflexão: as tensões político-ideológicas geradas pela Guerra Civil Espanhola e pelo alinhamento brasileiro aos Aliados durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial; o anticomunismo como fator de aproximação entre os dois países; a intensificação das ações de intercâmbio cultural e comercial verificada a partir da década de 1950; o fluxo imigratório de espanhóis para o Brasil como um elemento central das relações hispano-brasileiras. Tendo como principal fonte os documentos do Ministério das Relações Exteriores do Brasil, sob a guarda do Arquivo Histórico do Itamaraty/RJ e da Coordenação de Documentação Diplomática em Brasília, procuramos avaliar a posição da diplomacia brasileira frente à Espanha e os interesses que permearam a configuração das relações históricas construídas com esse país. Considerando os momentos de ruptura e permanência, demonstramos que os compromissos firmados no cenário internacional pautaram as atitudes do governo brasileiro frente à Espanha, especialmente entre 1936-1939 e na década de 1940.
This study analyses the diplomatic relationships between Brazil and Spain from the point of view of the Brazilian foreign policy between 1930 and 1960, using as references for the analysis: the political-ideological tensions generated by the Spanish Civil War and by the Brazilian alignment with the Allies during to Second World War; the anticommunism as an approaching factor between the two countries; the intensification of the cultural and commercial exchanges verified in 1950\'s; the emigration current of Spaniards to Brazil as a central element of the Spanish-Brazilian relationship. Using, as the main source for this study, the documents of Foreign Relations State Department of Brazil, under the guard of the Itamaraty Historical File/RJ and of the Coordination of Diplomatic Documentation in Brasilia, we tried to evaluate the position of the configuration of the historical relationships built with that country. Taking into account the moments of rupture and permanence, we demonstrated that the commitments in the international scenery ruled the attitudes of the Brazilian government concerning Spain, especially between 1936-1939 and in the 1940\'s.

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24

Dzengwa, Simphiwe. « An appraisal of the Department of Provincial and Local Government's management and coordination of Donor Assistance Programs to local government in South Africa ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007923.

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This study is a contribution to the ongoing debate concerning the role and involvement of foreign donor entities in the processes of transforming and creating viable and sustainable municipal entities in South Africa. The discussion particularly focuses on the relationship between the donor community and the Department of Provincial and Local Government (DPLG) and how this relationship has been nurtured, coordinated and managed. The study acknowledges the challenges pertaining to local government transformation and the role and mandate assigned to the DPLG by the South African Constitution and the Presidential Coordinating Council (PCC) for it to facilitate the creation of developmental local government. In discussing this, consideration is given to capacity and resource constraints within the Department, which necessitate that it collaborates closely with other stakeholders, particularly donors, in seeking to augment its resource base and capacity. The Department's lack of capacity is further complicated by the various pieces of legislation, which have a serious bearing on how municipalities have to work - irrespective of their capacity and resources limitations. The research also focuses on how this relationship, between the DPLG and foreign aid donors working in the local government sector, is coordinated and managed. From evidence gathered and interviews conducted, the conclusion is drawn that there is much room for the DPLG to improve and strategically focus its interaction with donors as informed by its mandate and strategic priorities. Proposals, which entail development of donor management guidelines, setting up of a donor coordination unit within DPLG, the improvement of the understanding of donor work politics and modalities among DPLG officials, etc., are made.

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25

Wang, Di. « How the China image changed in US media : a longitudinal analysis of reports in Time Magazine (1992-2008) ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2112296.

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26

Ma, Guang. « Conflicts of interest : the opium problem in Guangdong, 1858-1917 ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2536990.

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27

Gaarder, Christopher. « California's Foreign Relations ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1147.

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Globalization has significantly increased the number of stakeholders in transnational issues in recent decades. The typical list of the new players in global affairs often includes non-state actors like non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, and international organizations. Sub-national governments, however, have been given relatively little attention even though they, too, have a significant interest and ability to shape the increasing flow of capital, goods, services, people, and ideas that has so profoundly influenced the global political economy in recent decades. California, arguably the most significant among sub-national governments – its economy would be seventh or eighth in the world at $2.2 trillion annually, it engages in over $570 billion in merchandise trade, and has a population of nearly 40 million, out of which over 10 million are immigrants – is also one of the most active in transnational issues. The state government has opened and closed dozens trade offices abroad since the 1960s. It set up a multi-billion dollar carbon cap-and-trade system jointly with the Canadian provinces of Québec and Ontario under Assembly Bill 32, one of the most significant pieces of climate change legislation to date. California’s educational, technological, and media hubs – its public and private universities, Silicon Valley, and Hollywood – draw some of the best and brightest from around the world. California also has a long history of involvement in transnational issues. State efforts to undermine growing Chinese then Japanese “menace” immigrant populations from the mid-19th through the mid-20th centuries influenced United States foreign policy. This thesis first takes a look at the federalism and international relations issues faced by California as it plays a greater role in transnational issues. Then, it examines the main actors and institutions, and the issues at play. The states have some leeway under the Constitution and contemporary political order to use their domestic powers to influence global issues, whether through climate legislation, public pension divestment, or non-binding “Memoranda of Understanding” with foreign governments. Such behavior, while less significant than national policy, can fill gaps in national policy, promote policy change, and deepen global ties, promoting a more complex interdependence among nations. California can also exert a moral, soft power influence in leading by example. The structures promoting California’s growing role in transnational issues are poorly organized. If the Golden State is to better leverage its political, economic, and moral authority internationally, it would do well to more explicitly develop a unified vision for its role in the world.

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Bowden, Robin L. « Diagnosing Nazism U.S. perceptions of National Socialism, 1920-1933 / ». [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1247588433.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2009-07-14.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed March 5, 2010). Advisor: Mary Ann Heiss. Keywords: Foreign Relations; United States; Germany; Weimar Republic; Hitler, Adolf; National Socialism; Nazis; U.S. State Department; Houghton, Alanson; Schurman, Jacob Gould; Sackett, Frederic; Murphy, Robert; Smith, Truman; 1920s; 1930s; Interwar Period; America. Includes bibliographical references (p. 318-335).

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De, La Garza Thomas R. « Fostering foreign relationships among Department of Defense personnel ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Mar/09Mar%5FDe_La_Garza.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Rothstein, Hy S. "March 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 23, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Foreign Relationships, Relationship Building, Foreign Military Counterparts, Operational Awareness. Includes bibliographical references (p. 37). Also available in print.

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30

Lo, Sek-man, et 盧錫文. « Vietnam's major foreign relations, 1975-1982 ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1985. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31948625.

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Lo, Sek-man. « Vietnam's major foreign relations, 1975-1982 ». [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1985. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B12323676.

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32

Elmadani, Abdulla. « Indo-Saudi relations 1947-1997 : domestic concerns and foreign relations ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.400916.

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33

Beltran, Thelma L. « Philippines-Soviet relations ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111184.

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This study traces the development of Philippine-USSR relations and examines the implications of such development for Philippine national security, in particular, and the regional security of Southeast Asia in general. At a glance, this is a problem for history and not for international relations. However, national and regional security problems in Southeast Asia are closely tied with the historical development of each nation's relations with external powers, particularly the United States and Soviet Union. Any assessment of different national threat perceptions and their policy implications for national or regional security can be misleading if not viewed within the perpective of historical developments. This is particularly true with respect to the Philippines. The country has never been isolated from regional events nor from the influence of international powers. Its security options reflect this relationship. First, it was closely allied with the United States (as it still is), being a US colony since the turn of this century up to 1946 when the country got its political independence. Second, while politically independent, the Philippines has been economically dependent. Third, as a result of this dependency, Philippine foreign policy up to 1968 was closely tied with the American foreign policy. Fourth, with worldwide economic recession, following the oil embargo of 1973, the country was forced to open trade and diplomatic relations with other countries, particularly with the socialist and communist bloc. And fifth, the Philippines established diplomatic ties with the USSR in 1976, apparently to ensure trade and commercial markets outside of the traditional US and Japan markets.

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Ellsworth, Charles S. « Foreign currency fluctuation allowances in Department of Defense acquisition appropriations ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1993. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA276410.

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Thesis (M.S. in Financial Management) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1993.
Thesis advisor(s): Richard D. Milligan ; O. Moses. "December 1993." Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.

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Eberly, Kurt Jeffrey. « Pennsylvanians, Foreign Relations, and Politics, 1775-1790 ». Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1297560596.

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36

Whittington, Sherrill. « China's contemporary foreign relations and defence developments ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112027.

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After four decades of post-war revolutionary struggle, erratic swings of domestic policies and dramatic changes in leadership style, the People's Republic of China (PRC) is apparently set on a stable pragmatic path which is intended to take a technologically advanced nation into the twenty-first century. An international policy based on extensive economic relations with both Western and Eastern blocs, coupled with the promotion of global conciliation is the foreign policy formula which Beijing considers will best promote its domestic interests. Throughout the Maoist period which dominated almost thirty years of the Republic's existence, the global policy was one promoting a 'United Front' with fellow Third World nations based on the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, while simultaneously attempting to extricate the nation from the overriding influence of the Soviet Union. To avoid "leaning to one side", being overdependent on any one major power, thereby became the leitmotif of Beijing's foreign policy as Sino-Soviet discord was parallelled by open criticism of the imperialistic aggression of the capitalist superpower, the United States. However, shifts in the global balance by the early 1970s and Washington's desire to conciliate with the People's Republic led to a reappraisal of Beijing's international posture, with the U.S.A. coming to be regarded more benignly.

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Marshall, Helen. « Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.

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The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained: The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.

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38

Whelan, Kathryn M. « Australia's foreign relations with Indochina : the evolution of an independent Australian foreign policy ? / ». Title page, table of contents and conclusion only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arw566.pdf.

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39

Barrett, Gordon Robert Burgess. « Foreign policy, propaganda, and scientific exchange : scientists in China's cold war foreign relations ». Thesis, University of Bristol, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.685012.

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Scientists were important players in China's Cold War foreign relations. This dissertation examines the international activities of a cohOlt of elite and internationally educated scientists who were involved in international organisations such as the World Federation of Scientific Workers (WFSW) and events such as the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs. Focusing on the first three decades of the Cold War, this study encompasses a series of critical phases in China's development, in its relations with the outside world, and for its scientific community. Recently declassified archival material covering this period provides an opportunity for a far greater depth of analysis and nuance in understanding than would have been possible less than a decade ago. For the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), these elite scientists were singularly effective intercultural intennediaries who, embedded in overlapping transnational epistemic and activist networks, won sympathy and support for the People's Republic of China (PRC) among foreign intellectuals. Such party-approved propaganda activities also afforded these scientists valuable opportunities to maintain contact with overseas scientific communities from which they were otherwise largely cut off. These PRC-based scientists and the domestic scientific organisations with which they were affiliated all had roles to play within the Chinese foreign affairs system. This dissertation shows that scientists' individual personal and professional networks, their activities in the WFSW, at the Pugwash conferences, and at events like the Peking Science Symposium conferences, all carried a mixture of opportunity and risk for a developing state like the early PRC.

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Sasley, Brent E. « Individuals and the significance of affect : foreign policy variation in the Middle East ». Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102843.

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This dissertation seeks to expand our understanding of variation in foreign policy. Although we have a series of large, extant literatures dealing with the sources of foreign policy, there has been less attention paid over the last decade to understanding why states change their behavior. At the same time, the thesis argues that foreign policy change is best understood as a result of the role of individual decision-makers and the role that emotion plays in their foreign policy calculations.
Foreign policy depends on the decisions made by individual leaders. The type of individual thus determines the specific policy. Here individuals are categorized as ideological or adaptable. Ideological individuals are more rigid in their belief structures, are more likely to select policies that fit with their extant understandings of the world and the position of their state in it, and more likely to rely on the emotional or affective appeal an object or issue holds for them. Adaptable leaders are more flexible, not tied to specific ideologies or reliant on emotion to guide their thinking, and thus more likely to choose or learn ideas that best respond to changing environmental conditions. At the same time, how a state's decision-making institutions are structured tells us how likely it is that an individual's own predilections matter. In polities where decision-making is centralized (e.g., in the office of the prime minister), individuals have greater leeway to put their ideas (whether based on their ideological outlooks or shifting environmental circumstances) into practice, while in de-centralized polities other actors constrain the leader from autonomous decision-making. In such cases, it is likely that an individual's ideas will conform to those of the constraining actors. Finally, the role of ideas is taken into consideration, as the dominant national ideas about foreign policy regarding a specific issue-area help us better understand the context in which individuals make (or change) foreign policy.
This model is tested against alternate explanations---systemic imperatives, Constructivism, public opinion, poliheuristic theory, and prospect theory---in two case studies: the Israeli decision to pursue and sign the 1993 Oslo Accords, and the 2002 decision by the Islamist government in Turkey to actively lobby for membership in the European Union. Both foreign policies represent significant variation, and both provide important theoretical and empirical puzzles for scholars.

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Krzakowski, Caroline. « Aftermath : Foreign Relations and the Postwar British novel ». Thesis, McGill University, 2012. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=106245.

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In the aftermath of the Second World War, British writers engaged with the reconfiguration of national identity that resulted from the dissolution of the empire. In many regards, the postwar British novel performs the work of diplomacy. While colonial power held together global networks before the war, an emerging discourse of internationalism urged cooperation after the war. Rebecca West's travelogue about Yugoslavia, Black Lamb and Grey Falcon, as well as her reportage on the Nuremberg Trials, laid the groundwork for her incomplete tetralogy, Cousin Rosamund: A Saga of the Century. In both her fiction and non-fiction, West considers questions of British responsibility on the international stage. Similarly, Lawrence Durrell writes about the aftermath of the Second World War by reflecting on the motives and effects of British foreign policy in the Mediterranean. Durrell's travelogue, Bitter Lemons of Cyprus, influenced the narrative structure of the Alexandria Quartet. By focalizing Mountolive, the third volume of the Quartet, through the character of a diplomat, the narrative reflects on questions of the private and public responsibilities of ambassadors. Olivia Manning's Balkan Trilogy, which concerns British nationals in Romania before and during the war, is concerned with global events that provoke mass displacements. Even the British become refugees because of aggressive warfare. While journalists craft their reputations through authorship in the public sphere and diplomats inscribe their perspective into the reports they send to embassies, the spy's works remain hidden from the public gaze. Nonetheless, it fulfills a diplomatic function. In The Spy Who Came in from the Cold and The Looking Glass War, John Le Carré shifts novelistic attention to the ways in which spies skirt democratic processes and opt for creating international relationships through secret means. This thesis relies on archival documents and theories of narrative in order to demonstrate how a concern with international cooperation influences postwar preoccupations and narrative structure. Although literary critics often characterize the postwar British novel as being in decline, mid-century novelists, in fact, adapt the genre to changes in the global balance of power.
Les écrivains britanniques d'après-guerre révisent l'identité nationale suite à la dissolution de l'empire. Un discours de coopération internationale remplace les liens globaux maintenus par le colonialisme. Pendant cette période, le roman britannique sert à une fonction diplomatique de plusieurs façons. Le récit de voyage de Rebecca West, Black Lamb and Grey Falcon et ses articles sur les procès de Nuremberg ont influencé sa tétralogie inachevée, Cousin Rosamund: A Saga of the Century. Dans ses romans ainsi que dans ses reportages, West se penche sur la question de responsabilité de la Grande Bretagne dans un climat de diplomatie internationale. De la même manière, Lawrence Durrell écrit à propos des motivations et des effets de la politique étrangère britannique dans la region méditerranéenne. Son récit de voyage, Bitter Lemons of Cyprus, a influencé la structure narrative de la série Alexandria Quartet. Le troisième roman dans la série, Mountolive, focalise sur la question des responsabilités privées et publiques à travers la figure du diplomate. La trilogie d'Olivia Manning, Balkan Trilogy, qui raconte l'histoire de personnages britanniques habitant la Roumanie avant et après la guerre, se préoccupe des effets que les catastrophes globales ont sur les réfugiés de guerre. Dans ce roman, même les personnages britanniques deviennent des réfugiés. Pendant que les journalistes forment leur reputation dans la sphère publique et que les diplomates incluent leur opinion des faits implicitement dans les rapports qu'ils envoient à leur ambassades, le travail de l'espion demeure caché du regard public. L'espion contribue cependant au travail diplomatique. Dans ses romans, The Spy Who Came in from the Cold et The Looking Glass War, John Le Carré ré-oriente l'attention sur les moyens par lesquels les espions contournent les procédés démocratiques et choisissent de créer des liens internationaux par des voies secrètes. Cette thèse met en valeur les sources archivales d'auteurs et de départments gouvernementaux, dont elle a recours. En général les critiques littéraires considèrent que le roman britannique d'après-guerre représente un déclin. Toutefois, cette étude démontre que les romanciers de cette époque adaptent leurs romans aux changements du pouvoir politique international.

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McKeever, Dalton Edward. « US foreign relations in the Caspian Sea region ». Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 1999. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/77.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science

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Min, Gyungsook. « Reporting East Asia : foreign relations and news bias ». Thesis, University of Leicester, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/4721.

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This thesis, Reporting East Asia: Foreign Relations and News Bias, seeks to argue for the importance of understanding foreign relations in the study of 'bias' in international news. It begins by pointing out that many previous studies have examined pressures on news emanating from inside national boundaries, but have excluded force from outside, and most notably, the military and economic relations between reporting and reported nations. For the purpose of the study, newspapers from three countries; the US, South Korea and Japan (which different represent types of power order within the military and economic spheres in the Pacific region), were chosen. Three recent key events in the region were selected as case studies for news analysis: 1)The Shooting Down of the Korean Airline 007, by the Soviet Union in 1983; 2)The Former Philippine President, Marcos' Step Down in 1986 : and 3) the Anti-Government Demonstrations in South Korea in 1987. Throughout the thesis, the relationship between reporting countries and reported countries has been analysed. The relationships between the reporting nations and more powerful and influential nations, has also been examined, in order to establish how far the news content of a less powerful country is also shaped by its relations with dominant nations. The results of the study indicate that there is a strong relationship between the 'biased' news reporting of international events and the unequal relationships between and among nations. Consequently, it implies that understanding foreign relations is an important tool in the analysis of bias in international news reporting. However, the thesis concludes by suggesting that in order to fully understand the operating environment of international news, the internal dynamics of news organizations, media systems (including the relationship of news media to governmenta, and national power structures) needs to combined with the analysis of foreign relations in any future research.

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Raimundo, Antonio Joaquim. « The Europeanisation of national foreign policy : Portuguese foreign policy towards Angola and Mozambique, 1978-2010 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/471/.

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After its transition to democracy and decolonisation in the mid-1970s, Portugal’s main external focus shifted from Africa and the Atlantic to Europe. However, past priorities continued to occupy an important place in its foreign policy. This thesis assesses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on Portuguese foreign policy by focusing on relations with Angola and Mozambique, the two largest former colonies of Portugal in sub-Saharan Africa. The thesis uses the concept of “Europeanisation”, comprising three relevant dimensions for examining possible changes in the foreign policy of an EU member state: national adaptation (a “top-down” process), national projection (“bottom-up”), and identity formation (socialisation process). In order to better control for the influence of other variables (beyond the EU) on Portuguese policy, the concept of Europeanisation is framed within a foreign policy analysis approach. The study focuses on the period between 1978 and 2010, and covers three policy areas: external trade, development aid and political-diplomatic issues. The application of this analytical framework produced significant evidence of Europeanisation, both in its dimension of national adaptation and, chiefly, national projection. The analysis also revealed variations across policy areas and country cases, with the strongest evidence of Europeanisation found for the domain of trade and for the case of Mozambique in general. These findings give support to studies stressing that EU membership “strengthened” Portugal’s postcolonial relations, but also add a more detailed and nuanced understanding of the EU’s impact on the national level.

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Merdad, Jamil M. (Jamil Mahmoud). « Saudi-American Bilateral Relations : a Case Study of the Consequences of Interdependence on International Relations ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331198/.

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This study examines the consequences of interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States from 1960 to 1978 as it relates to the concepts of cooperation and conflict. Research on interdependence focuses primarily on relations among Western countries and on whether interdependence is increasing or decreasing between them. It has rarely addressed relations between countries with different levels of economic development or the consequence of interdependence for international relations in terms of conflict and cooperation. Specifically, this study examines the following question: Does the level of interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States have any affect on the level of bilateral conflict and cooperation between the two countries? The hypotheses are tested using regression analysis. The primary conclusion is that increases in bilateral interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States from 1960 to 1978 produced increased cooperation as well as conflict.

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Thompson, Maximillian. « Making friends : amity in American foreign policy ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:314db049-15df-4c1d-8a58-feaad76b1c28.

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This thesis examines an important but understudied phenomenon in international politics: the role of amity in foreign policy. The core research question is "how have American friendships for specified others been made possible?" Drawing on the logic of securitization, this thesis employs Aristotle's notion of character friends as Other Selves and Judith Butler's concept of performativity to elaborate an international process of friendship or amitization. In doing so, the thesis employs critical discourse analysis of presidential rhetoric and popular culture to elucidate the process through which discourses of similarity become naturalized frames of reference within the conduct of foreign policy. It argues that friendship emerges when a state comes to see itself in an other and that this similarity (re)produces a certain form of state identity that enables and forecloses certain policy options vis-à-vis friends. Friendship manifests in a habitual, or naturalized, disposition to treat friends better than others. As such, it can account for how certain policies and postures, such as uncritical and often unconditional support for subjects positioned as "friends," have come to be pursued as common sense. Amitization is illustrated by assessing three case studies: the Anglo-American "special relationship;" the US-Israel "unbreakable bond;" and America's membership of "the Atlantic Community." Specifically, the thesis similarly demonstrates the ways in which amity accounts for how supererogatory commitments such as vast financial assistance, diplomatic support, information sharing, security guarantees and concern for the welfare of these specified others have come to be seen as unquestionably legitimate policies in the broader trajectory of American foreign policy. Amity matters and the practices of amitization are inseparable from intelligible foreign policy.

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Albers, Martin. « The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.

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Jin, Rong. « India and China :competitive co-existance through conflict management and cooperation promotion ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954064.

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Peters, Joel. « Israel's relations with black Africa, 1973-1985 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670348.

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Blake, Timothy R. « British foreign relations with the United States during Lord Curzon's tenure as Foreign Secretary ». Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84477.

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This thesis is an attempt to examine Anglo-American relations at the end of World War One, when Great Britain was no longer preeminent in world affairs and the United States was as yet unwilling to continue the responsibilities that it had taken during the war. Lloyd George who sought to keep the threads of power in his hands appointed Auckland Geddes as Ambassador to the United States, a man who was personally loyal to him, thus seeking to bypass Lord Curzon's authority as Foreign Secretary. Matters were complicated by the declining influence of President Wilson and the growth of isolationist sentiment in the United States. The advent of the Harding administration created further difficulties as Harding felt compelled to yield to the influence of public opinion which rejected the Treaty of Versailles and the League of Nations.
Various issues had to be resolved, the future of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, the war debt, differences over the mandate of Yap, and the question of oil from the Middle East. Here the dealings of Anglo-American relations during Curzon's tenure at the Foreign Office are examined. Curzon took a conventional approach to Anglo-American negotiations. While Great Britain struggled to improve conditions with the United States, the outcome was nothing like the special relationship that manifested itself after 1945. Curzon's conventional view of foreign policy clashed with Lloyd George's essentially personal approach to foreign affairs. Geddes who was intended to be the Prime Minister's confidential agent proved, except on the question of the war debt, inadequate to the task.

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Thèses sur le sujet « Department of Foreign Relations »

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