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1
Wijkström, Filip, and Stefan Einarsson. "Comparing Swedish Foundations: A Carefully Negotiated Space of Existence." American Behavioral Scientist 62, no. 13 (2018): 1889–918. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218773439.
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Foundations and philanthropy currently play a very limited role in the Swedish welfare. The same is true in fields like Culture and Recreation or International Activities. Only in the case of funding of research do Swedish foundations exhibit a role possible to define in terms of substitution rather than weak complementarity in relation to government. Despite marginal positions for philanthropy, Sweden displays a wealthy as well as growing foundation population, which seems like a paradox, at least in comparison to the situation in Germany and the United States where foundations traditionally play a more visible and pronounced role in society. A striking difference between the Swedish foundations and their U.S. or German counterparts is their weak bonds to religious communities or causes. Instead, we can identify in our new data set a growing segment of the Swedish foundation world that is affiliated with other parts of civil society. The same is true for the category of independent foundations, which points toward the U.S. model. We find in the article some limited support for a “philanthropic turn” in Sweden, but overall the foundation world is still deeply embedded in the social contract and strong Social-Democratic regime of the 20th century. In comparison to neighboring Scandinavian or Nordic countries, both similarities and differences are identified where, for example, the Norwegian case display a much larger segment of operating foundations, closely affiliated with government, while in Denmark, on the other hand, the corporate-owning foundation seems to be a much more important form than in Sweden.
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Guslin, Guslin, and Amarulla Octavian. "The impact of the Bolsheviks Revolution on the political development and system of government of the new state of the 20th century." Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review 6, no. 2 (2021): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v6i3.31484.
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The Bolshevik Revolution forced the end of Tsar Nicholas II's imperial rule in Russia. Furthermore, under the leadership of Vladimir Lenin, Russia formed a new government in the form of the Republic. The main power of this government is entirely under the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. Subsequent changes in the form of government in Russia, especially after World War I, inspired newly independent countries in the mid-20th century to follow the same system of government. Through theories about the state, politics, and government system, this study will analyze the influence of the Bolshevik revolution on the new system of government for new countries in the world in the 20th century. To analyze the effect of changes in the form of government, the authors use an exploratory qualitative research method with a historical approach through a literature study. After the Revolution, based on a common view of colonialism, human rights, ideology, and the strong understanding of Marxism-Leninism, several countries in the world that were newly independent in the mid-20th century were inspired by the Bolshevik Revolution by forming countries with a Republican system of government, including Indonesia.
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Semyonov, Alexander M. "Imperial parliament for a hybrid empire: Representative experiments in the early 20th-century Russian Empire." Journal of Eurasian Studies 11, no. 1 (2020): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366520902868.
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This article argues that the history of Russian constitutional and parliamentary reform in the early 20th century can be cast in a new light in view of the global transformation of political life under the challenge of imperial diversity and mass politics. The article points out that imperial diversity as a challenge to democratic government was not unique to the Russian Empire. The character of the Russian Empire was marked by peculiarities; it was shaped by composite and hybrid imperial space, which placed the challenge of imperial diversity at the center of political practices and imaginaries. The article traces the history of political reform in the Russian Empire in the early 20th century focusing on the reform of the Sejm of the Grand Duchy of Finland and the novel practices and political imaginaries of imperial diversity in the first and second State Duma. The exploration of the history of the constitutional reform in the Russian Empire of early 20th century demonstrates that rather than being absolute antagonists to representative government, Russian imperial politics and traditions of imperial sovereignty nested possibilities of compromise and redefinition of political solidarity in the space of diversity.
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Kuitert, Lisa. "Balai Pustaka and the Politics of Knowledge." Lembaran Sejarah 17, no. 1 (2021): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.69965.
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During the colonial period of Indonesia the Dutch government was an important source of knowledge which was disseminated through the production of books, such as textbooks and other printed material. In response to the establishment of many new commercial printers and publishers, the colonial government, in 1917, set up its own publishing company, Balai Pustaka, which also published attractive and popular books. This new publishing house intentionally and unintentionally served several goals at a time that was characterized by the rise of young Indonesian intellectuals who were part of new political movements formed in the first decades of the 20th century.
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Gayada, F. A. "Russian Liberal of the Beginning of the 20th Century in Politics." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 6 (2018): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-6-28-43.
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The article examines the political views and practices of Russian liberals in the early twentieth century. Russia’s political destiny of this period directly depended on building constructive relations between the authorities and society. Liberal ideas had a significant impact on the educated public. At the same time, the constructive cooperation between the liberals and the government was the most important condition for the possibility of application of these ideas in domestic political practice. The article examines the political experience of the two largest liberal political parties in Russia – the Cadets and the Octobrists. The author comes to the conclusion that the Russian liberal politician of the early twentieth century could not get out of the role of an idealist oppositionist. He was incapable of recognizing the existing realities and the need for political compromises, which were often perceived as a sign of impotence or immorality. The liberals perceived themselves as the only force capable of bringing Russia to the right, «civilized» path. In the opinion of the liberals, this path was inevitable, therefore, under any circumstances, the liberal movement should have retained its leading role. In the spring of 1917, the liberal opposition was able to defeat its historical enemy (autocracy), but retained power for a very short time. The slaughter of the state machine, which the liberals themselves did not intend to preserve, led them to defeat. Thus, the state was the only guarantor of the existence of a liberal movement in Russia.
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Griffin, Stephen M. "Bringing the State into Constitutional Theory: Public Authority and the Constitution." Law & Social Inquiry 16, no. 04 (1991): 659–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1991.tb00864.x.
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This article brings the state into constitutional theory by presenting a theory of the development of the American state from the late 19th century to the present. The focus of the theory is the ability of the national state to exercise sovereignty or public authority over civil society. The main thesis is that the Constitution did not establish a government with a level of public authority adequate to the requirements of a modem democratic state. The result was a mismatch between the demands of civil society and the competence of state institutions, causing a reorganization of the political institutions of civil society in the early 20th century and a crisis of public authority in the 1960s. The United States continues to experience the consequences of an imbalance between the state institutions established by an 18th-century constitution and 20th-century democratic politics.
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Mair, Peter. "Representation and participation in the changing world of party politics." European Review 6, no. 2 (1998): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700003203.
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The 20th-century has been the century of mass politics, and the mass parties that emerged at the beginning of this century became deeply rooted within wider society. The passing of this golden age of the party has now been marked by two distinct processes of change. On the one hand, parties have become more distant from society and more closely linked to government and the state. On the other hand, there has been a decline in the political identities of the parties, such that voters now find it increasingly difficult to distinguish between them. These changes, and the related transformation of politics into administration, have led to a growth in popular indifference to parties and to politics in general, as well as to a declining sense of engagement. Should this trend continue, it is mass spectacle rather than mass involvement that is likely to characterize the future of mass politics.
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Rosidin, Didin Nurul, Mila Amalia, Ihsan Sa'dudin, and Eka Safitri. "Muslim Social Movements in Cirebon and the Emergence of National Resistance Movements Against the Dutch Colonial Government in the Early 20th Century Indonesia." Journal of Asian Social Science Research 4, no. 1 (2022): 63–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jassr.v4i1.64.
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The early twentieth century saw the emergence of Muslim social movements as a new model of resistance against the Dutch colonial rule in Indonesia. This model of the resistance movement was a response to various changes in politics, social and religious culture in the early decades of the 20th century due to dynamics within the Muslim community as well as the new policy of the colonial government. This article studies the emergence of Muslim social movements in Cirebon, West Java, and its impacts on the development of the Muslims’ resistance movement against the Dutch colonial rule in Indonesia. There have not been many studies of Cirebon's role in Islamic social movements in the early 20th century. Therefore, this article, using a historical method, attempts to contribute to this literature by examining social movements carried out by Muslims in Cirebon and their impacts on the emergence of resistance against Dutch colonial rule in Indonesia. The findings show that Cirebon, which was one of the main centres of early Islamic civilization in the Indonesian archipelago, played a prominent role in the emergence of Muslim social movements in early 20th century Indonesia. Various Muslim social organizations emerged in the area such as Sarekat Islam, Persarekatan Ulama, Nahdhatul Ulama, and Muhammadiyah. Although these social-religious organisations had differences or were in tension on various issues, their emergence succeeded in convincing the native people of the importance of a new strategy in their resistance against the long and hegemonic rule of the Dutch colonial government which had ruled the Cirebon region since the late 17th century.
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Sidorenko, Irina N. "The Crisis of Democracy and the Problem of Democratic Peace." Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 65, no. 3 (2022): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2022-65-3-39-57.
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The author analyzes three waves of the crisis of democracy during the 20th and early 21st centuries. The first crisis of democracy in the early 20th century is caused by the emergence and development of public politics, which challenged the possibility to govern the masses having conflict potential, it balanced the power of the people and universal suffrage with the control of the media in order to maintain the stability of political system. The second wave of the crisis of democracy (the last third of the 20th century) is associated with the destruction of the conventional world and the weakening of the nation-state; and its markers were: the imbalance between the branches of government, the domination of economics over politics, the predominance of equality over freedom, the problematic implementation of human rights, and, as a consequence, the inability to put into practice the national form of democracy. The third wave of crisis (early the 21st century) is accompanied by the transformation of democracy into post-democracy, in which the power of the people is replaced by the power of global capital, and the illusion of consent is reinforced by the prohibition of alternative points of view and the narrowing of the space of issues allowed for discussion in the name of public security. The crisis of the policy to achieve peace through the transformation of the balance of powers into a balance of interests called into question the principles of democracy. On the contrary, post-democracies justify the use of force to spread democracy around the world, and they take an active part in contemporary military conflicts, which can rightly be defined as hybrid proxy wars. Drawing on J. Habermas’s concept of communicative rationality, the author concludes that to overcome the crisis of democracy it is necessary to accept the very possibility of an alternative to this form of government and allow to discuss these previously marginalized issues as well as to maintain the return of the majority to genuine communication and politics, contribute to its enlightenment.
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Caio Henrique, Dias Duarte. "«Change everything so that nothing changes»: Right Regimes and Diplomacy in Brazil in the 20th Century." Latin-American Historical Almanac 29 (March 26, 2021): 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-29-1-109-125.
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In this article we will make a comparison between the political regimes and the diplomacy of Brazil in two periods of the 20th century: the final years of the period of the Liberal Republic, in the Goulart Government (1961-1964) and under the Military Dictatorship, with a special focus on the distension under the Geisel Government (1974-1979). We focus on the political organization of these periods, which can be considered crisis or transition periods, and in the same way, the continuities in their diplomatic contributions. Looking at the internal crises, it will discuss legal aspects of the two periods, such as the defective construction of parliamentarism and the Institutional Acts of the dictatorship. The comparison of internal and external politics will seek to demonstrate the similarities between the external objectives of the two governments despite their differences in regime and ideological orientation, addressing the Independent External Policy of parliamentarism under Goulart and Responsible and Ecumenical Pragmatism under Geisel dictatorial rule.
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Romano, Marina. "Muḏakkirāt fī l-siyāsah al-miṣriyyah: Nationalism and the Politics of Memory in 20th-Century Egypt." Oriente Moderno 99, no. 1-2 (2019): 94–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340209.
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Abstract Despite the massive research carried out on Egyptian nationalism and its ideological premises in the first half of the 20th century, little is known on the copious political memoirs composed and published in the same period and on their contribution to the development of a nationalist discourse in its strict sense. Among these “political autobiographies”, the Muḏakkirāt fī l-siyāsah al-miṣriyyah (Memoirs on Egyptian Politics) by Muḥammad Ḥusayn Haykal played a crucial role in the dissemination of a shared sense of identity based on the nation-state. By performing the act of remembering, Haykal continually reshapes the boundaries of his community and questions the inner meaning and the long-term impact of concepts drawn from the liberal-democratic ideology, such as “freedom”, “justice”, “equality”, on the Egyptian system of government and socio-cultural context. This study will therefore attempt to unveil the ‘sense of community’ conveyed by Haykal’s political memoirs by following the theory of Benedict Anderson on the nation defined as an imagined community.
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Avango, Dag, Louwrens Hacquebord, Ypie Aalders, Hidde De Haas, Ulf Gustafsson, and Frigga Kruse. "Between markets and geo-politics: natural resource exploitation on Spitsbergen from 1600 to the present day." Polar Record 47, no. 1 (2010): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247410000069.
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ABSTRACTWhat are the driving forces behind large scale natural resource exploitation in the polar regions and how should we understand the relations between these forces? New historical-archaeological research performed during the International Polar Year (IPY) 2007–2009 on whaling, hunting and mining in Spitsbergen (1600–present) show both economic and geopolitical factors driving the development of those industries, both the whaling industries in the 17th century and 1900’s, and the mining industry of the early 20th century. However, the relation between these driving forces has differed, both between time periods and between actors. In most cases economic motives provided the main rationale for utilising resources and for government support for resource exploiters, but in some instances governments would support even unprofitable ventures in order to maintain a foothold on Spitsbergen.
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Ja'far, Ja'far, Mhd Syahnan, Asrul Asrul, Zaini Dahlan, and Sakti Ritonga. "Discovering the Legacy of Mandailing Ulama: Education, Intellectuals, and Politics in North Sumatra in the Early 20th Century." Ulumuna 26, no. 2 (2022): 296–336. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v26i2.502.
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This study examines the role of Mandailing ulama in education, intellectuals, and politics in the early 20th century. Ulama plays a critical role in safeguarding the morality of Muslim society (umma). Drawing upon the historical approach, it employed Kuntowijoyo model of writing history stages and Anthony Giddens' structuration theory to analyze the problems that this study intends to answer. This study argues that the social structure surrounding the Mandailing ulama enabled them to address religious and other sociocultural issues. This study also unveiled that the Mandaling ulama in the early 20th century mobilized the organizations, such as Al Washliyah (1930), Al-Ittihadiyah (1935), and Nahdlatul Ulama (1918) to promote the education of the indigenous people, fortify the Sunni school of thought from the heretical and influence of Dutch colonial government. It was manifested by supporting only two Islamic political parties: the Masjumi Party and the Nahdlatul Ulama Party. This suggests that Ulama were not only religious scholars who acquired knowledge of Islamic norms and disseminated them through religious and educational institutions, such as madrasa and pesantren, but also active agents in socio-political transformation within the Muslim community.
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Box, Richard C. "Authoritarian populism in the US: context and continuity in a post-truth era." Review of Nationalities 10, no. 1 (2020): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2020-0003.
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Abstract An enduring theme in US politics is tension between people on the right who favour limited government that serves individual and elite interests and people on the left who prefer active government with emphasis on a broader public interest. Recently, the political landscape has shifted from the dominant ideology of neoliberalism toward a far-right authoritarian populism with parallels to mid-20th century fascism. This shift appears in regressive societal characteristics - such as xenophobia, racism, homophobia, and misogyny - that were thought to have diminished in an increasingly progressive 21 st century. An argument can be made that authoritarian populism is a continuation of longstanding patterns of elite influence, in which regressive elements serve as techniques to distract the public from the governing economic agenda. The essay examines this phenomenon and explores potential future effects on US society.
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Muh Saerozi. "Transformation of Villas to Mosques Social Impact of Islamization On The Government Center of Java In The Late 20th Century." IJORER : International Journal of Recent Educational Research 2, no. 1 (2021): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.46245/ijorer.v2i1.68.
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Islamization of Java becomes an actual topic of religious social research because the phenomena not only relate to religious discourse but also other aspects. This research focuses on the Islamization of the government center of Salatiga Central Java. The aims of this study are: to find the academic answer to why Islamization occurred in the government center of Salatiga in Central Java, to find out the Islamization process underway, to describe the dominant factors affecting Islamization, and to describe the impact of Islamization on religious life around the central government. The benefit of this research is to contribute the theories of Islamization of Government center of Java in the late of 20th century. This study is a descriptive research and causality analysis. The events were limited to those of 1985 to 2018. The data were sourced from the archives, inscription, news, interviews, and literature. The results of the study found that the Islamization of the Salatiga government center was carried out because the infrastructure was still European patterned. The actualization of Muslim religiosity was not well supported by this infrastructure. The symbol of Islamization is the transformation of the villa on the west of the city square into a mosque. The Islamization was successful because of the symbiotic factors between political parties, rulers, scholars, Islamic universities, and religious organizations. There was no significant impact yet on the improvement of spiritual and social lives around the government center. This study enriches theories about the symbiotic relations of religions, politics, and social changes in Java in the late 20th century.
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Tanjung, Ida Liana, Bambang Purwanto, and Nur Aini Setyawati. "COLONIAL POLITICS IN FORMING ETHNIC IDENTITY OF MELAYU MINANGKABAU AND BATAK IN TAPANULI." Jurnal Humaniora 28, no. 1 (2016): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.v28i1.11508.
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The article discusses the forming of ethnic identity among Batak and Malay people in Tapanuli during colonial period. The colonial government that desired to expand its hegemony among these ethnic groups had led them to create policies and boundaries for the groups in Tapanuli. This study uses historical method (heuristic) that begins from sources collection, sources critique,interpretation and explanation. Constructive approach is used to analyze the sources that considers ethnic identity is a result of construction process of a particular group. This article shows that in pre-colonial period it was difficult to determine ethnical boundaries in Tapanuli, particularly the Malay, Minangkabau, and Batak. However, after the Dutch government expanded its expansion to this region, the ethnical boundaries began to form and the differences among them became apparent. Ethnic segregation policy implemented by the Dutch and its support to the Batak ethnic group and the Christian obviously had formed and changed the awareness of ethnic identity among Batak and Malay people. In the early 20th century, the colonial government featured and strengthened the ethnic identity awareness in Batak community.
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Wahyudhi, Nostalgiawan. "The Pattern of Islamic Moderate Movement in Java under Political Fluctuations in Early 20th Century." International Journal of Nusantara Islam 3, no. 2 (2015): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ijni.v3i2.1412.
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The previous studies of Islamization in Java follow a clear distinction of Priyayi-Abangan-Santri thesis, which was gradually developed and incompatible to capture the changing of political preferences of Javanese Muslims. This paper examines what kind of patterns formed on the dynamics of the Islamization process in Java under the influence of socio-political changes. The output of this paper is to show the pattern of Islamization process in Java under the political dynamic changes of Indonesian politics in the early twentieth century. The pattern of Islamization in Java was influenced by ethical policy, the transmission of Middle East Islam, and caused by the politization of Islam by the Colonial government. The ethical policy encouraged the creation of a public space for political contestations that determined the new identity of Indonesian elite. The transmission of Middle Eastern Islam triggered the polarization of Javanese Muslims into two patterns: the modernist Muslim strengthened the pattern of Priyayi-Santri in urban communities with Islamization through modern institutions. In this, the traditionalist Muslim also developed an intellectual genealogy through Pesantren networks scattered in the rural areas created the pattern of Santri-Abangan. Meanwhile the politization of Islam by Colonial government created a benefit to the unification of Islamic institutions.
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McCracken, Damian John. "The CCF and Canada's Socialist Streak." Federalism-E 20, no. 1 (2019): 66–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v20i1.13154.
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In the early 20th Century Canada saw the rise of a prominent socialist movement led by the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF). The CCF's influence on Canadian politics was essential to the creation of Canada's modern political ideology, which can be described as reform liberal. This ideology took hold due to the pressure that the CCF exerted on the two major federal parties, which could both be characterized as classical liberal. Due to the settlement pattern of the prairies and the actions of the federal government in response to the Great Depression, the CCF was able to secure a strong support base that propelled it to federal politics and allowed it to form a provincial government in Saskatchewan. Though it never formed a federal government, the CCF pushed for old age pension, reforms of corporate taxation, and Medicare. As a provincial actor and a "third force" upon the two ruling federal parties, the CCF and its successor the New Democratic Party’s contributions to Canadian identity and policy are beyond dispute.
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Shturma, Marta. "Evolution of Denmark’s Policy Towards the NATO in the Second Half of the 20th Century." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 109–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.109-120.
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The article focuses on Denmark’s shifting approaches towards bloc policy through the lens of its security priorities. It emphasizes that the Danish exposure to security vulnerabilities is primarily due to its geographical location, which led to rejection of country’s neutrality and to joining the NATO. The study stresses that internal factors have been continuously influencing the Danish defense policy, causing numerous controversies in domestic politics. Contradictions are identified in Denmark’s efforts to preserve a balance between the status of a nuclear-free state and the need to accept the U.S. military base in Greenland. The reasons and peculiarities of the Danish ambivalent attitude towards the NATO during the Cold War are clarified. It is pointed out that a moderately independent approach to relations with the Eastern Bloc and efforts towards a further rapprochement was a prominent aspect of Denmark’s security policy at that time. The study demonstrates that the Atlantic direction gradually lost its relevance in the Danish security policy after the NATO approved the «double solution» policy in 1979, which was based on nuclear rearmament and excessive demands towards the USSR in arms control negotiations. Denmark’s approach to the NATO in the early 1980s was often described as «footnoting» and had a negative impact on Denmark’s ally image in the North Atlantic Alliance. New geopolitical realities in the late 1980’s pushed Denmark to adopt a more proactive security policy in the context of the Atlanticism. The nature of Denmark’s participation in international security initiatives, intervention operations under the NATO auspices and US-led ad-hoc coalitions during the 1990’s is thoroughly analyzed. The article underlines the importance of Denmark’s transformation from a weak link within NATO into a significant Nordic and European security player.
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Meinolf, Arens. "An ethnic group amidst the tensions of totalitarian demographic politics. Csangos/Hungarians in the context of Romanian-Hungarian-German relations (1944)." Erdélyi Társadalom 5, no. 2 (2007): 71–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.17177/77171.88.
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According to the Munich based scholar the history of Moldovan Csangos was much more influenced by major European events, then it was earlier thought. One has to mention here their (i.e. Csangos) strictly defined frames by the two known totalitarian regimes of the 20th century. One key event of matter to Csangos from the Hungarian side was the resettlment project on the summer of 1944 that eventually failed. This clearly shows the ideological positions of both the Hungarian and Rumanian government of that time, as well as the role of Nazi Germany on the Csango issue
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Arciszewska, Barbara, and Makary Górzyński. "Urban Narratives in the Age of Revolutions: Early 20th century Ideas to Modernize Warsaw." Artium Quaestiones, no. 26 (September 19, 2018): 101–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2015.26.6.
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In January 1906, in the turbulent period of 1905–1907, the poet, artist, and socialactivist Antoni Lange published in the Warsaw weekly Świat an essay called“Marzenia warszawskie” (“The Warsaw Dreams”). A several page text, illustratedwith woodcuts by the painter Andrzej Zarzycki, included a spectacular vision of metropolitanWarsaw of the future: a capital city with many public buildings and moderninfrastructure, a genuine center of Polish national and cultural life. The present essayanalyzes unexamined ideas of Lange in terms of the history of architecture, andin a double political and social context. “The Warsaw Dreams” was deeply rooted inthe political reality of the former Kingdom of Poland, addressing the issue of liberalizationof the Russian rule during the 1905 revolution. Using the vocabulary of urbanplanning and making a list of changes in the city’s architecture, Lange articulateda vision of the future space of Warsaw as a Polish metropolis of modernity, administeredindependently of Russia. In his essays he proposed to extend the city limits andremove its fortifications as well as introduce local government with significant prerogativesas an instrument of Warsaw’s great transformation – its aestheticization and construction of public buildings, such as national government edifices, schools,and cultural centers. The authors argue that by describing public architecture of thefuture Warsaw as a “dream” full of copies of well-known European architectural monumentsfrom Venice, Prague, and Cracow, Lange created a comprehensive politicalproject of autonomy of the Kingdom of Poland in the Russian empire. “The WarsawDreams” originally combined together architecture and politics, urban space and theproblems of Polish modernization, and the discourses of nationalism and socialism.Lange’s visionary proposal from 1906 is of the most imaginative responses to thechallenges of the development of Warsaw at the turn of the 20th century in the contextof Polish political and social problems of those times.
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Zygadło, Grażyna. "“We’re missing the Latino attorney or astronaut as the hero”: Latinx Presence in Hollywood in the 20th and 21st Centuries." Polish Journal for American Studies, no. 16 (2022) (December 22, 2022): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/pjas.16/2022.04.
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The article examines the Latinx presence throughout the history of American cinema and analyses the reasons for the mis- and underrepresentation of Latinos/as in Hollywood productions focusing on major stereotypes and politics of American government towards this ethnic group influencing their cinematic description. The final part discusses the recent works produced by Latinos/as and telling their stories in the twenty-first century to demonstrate that Latinos/as are the integral part of American society who want to be justly represented and have the possibility to speak in their own name.
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Mina, Hao. "Feminism Is Still Relevant in Australia." Studies in Social Science Research 2, no. 3 (2021): p26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sssr.v2n3p26.
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Feminist movements had been pervasive in the 20th century. It helped women to earn civil rights globally, welcomed by most civilized citizens. Then in the 21st century, it seems to have no reason to exist since there are no apparently observable and unpleasant unequal treatments towards women. Feminism, hence, is regarded as a word of the past by some people. Nevertheless, it is not the fact. By studying the situation in Australia, women in this nation have become the study object. Working opportunities in politics and business have been counted, combined with the study of relevant government policies towards different gender. The male’s changing attitude towards female in gender role has also exposed the socialization process in Australia. Through close scrutiny, it is found that feminism is still very much relevant in Australia.
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Sipa, Sarlota Naema, A. M. Djuliati Suroyo, and Endang Susilowati. "Zuid Midden Timor under the Dutch Control 1905-1942." Indonesian Historical Studies 1, no. 1 (2017): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v1i1.1240.
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This study is aimed at retracing the Dutch colonial government in South Middle Timor or Zuid Midden Timor in the beginning of 20th century. Intending to expand its controlled territories, to exploit the sandalwood trade and introduce Christianity, the colonial government then domiclied in Kupang entered the inland parts of Timor island, to be prescisely in Molo in 1905. The Ducth colonial government defeated the local meos (soldiers), the Molo meo, Amabuan meo and the Amanatun meo. These three regions were later formed as a governmental administration zone by the East Indies, equivalent to a landschaap and were later combined in an onderafdelling-level administration unit called Zuid Midden Timor, with Molo as its capital city. As the capital city, Molo housed all public administration affairs, markets and shops, which were all centered in Molo. Until the end of the Dutch control in 1942, the Dutch colonial government had left its influences in culture, education, social aspects and governmental politics.
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Stepovaya, Valeriya I. "Nikolai Gogol’s Comedy The Government Inspector in American Translations of the First Third of the 20th Century." Imagologiya i komparativistika, no. 16 (2021): 84–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/24099554/16/6.
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The article focuses on N.V. Gogol’s comedy The Government Inspector in American translations of the first third of the 20th century to identify different renditions and semantic transformations of the play in the context of American culture. The author employs comparative, contextual, and content analysis to analyse three American translations: 1) by Max Solomon Mandell in 1908; 2) by Thomas Seltzer in 1916; 3) by George Rapall Noyes and John Lawrence Seymour in 1933.The analysis has shown that M. Mandell’s translation contains the greatest number of transformations, being adapted to the needs of the American theatre. The changes reduce the significant typical characteristics of Russian characters and emphasize their depravity. Having become more “American” in this translation, the comedy reflects American cultural and social processes: the religion-based struggle between the “genteel tradition” and realism in the literature of the early 20th century and the emerging critical attitude to the bourgeois reality. Thus, M. Mandell’s translation can be considered as preserving Gogol’s ambivalent understanding of the play, related to both the satirical origin and spiritual meaning. The changes in T. Seltzer’s translation are less significant. T. Seltzer partly explains them, revealing his socialist sympathies in the preface. T. Seltzer confirms that his translation is to demonstrate the disadvantages of the bourgeois social system, which sheds light on other transformations. However, despite his own views, T. Seltzer is aware that Gogol’s attitudes were different. These signals can be found in the translated text as well as in the preface, which makes the message of the translation less radical. The third translation is the most accurate. Having no interest in politics, D. Noyes, together with his student and colleague D. Seymour, creates a philological translation that is close to the original and allows for various renditions. This version reflects the gradual transition to the translation as an object of academic research. However, all the translations under analysis employ domesticating strategies, which reduces the significance of the source languages cultural backgrounds. The choice of strategy was determined by the ideology of American imperialism in the USA. Thus, each translation reflects, on the one hand, the socio-political and cultural situation of the USA in the first third of the 20th century, and, on the other, translators’ personalities.
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Andersen, David, Carsten Jensen, and Magnus B. Rasmussen. "Suffering from Suffrage: Welfare State Development and the Politics of Citizenship Disqualification." Social Science History 45, no. 4 (2021): 863–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2021.38.
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AbstractFollowing the landmark essay of T. H. Marshall, Citizenship and the Social Class (1949), it has conventionally been assumed that the introduction and expansion of social rights in Europe happened as the final stage of a long process of democratization that included the granting of first civil and then political rights. We present a radically different perspective on the relationship between the extension of suffrage (under meaningful competition for government power) and social rights, that is state-financed entitlements that make citizens’ livelihood independent from the labor market in the instance of events such as unemployment or sickness. First, some countries institutionalized a state-financed poor relief system much before mass democratization. In these countries, the primary effect of suffrage extension was to reduce public social spending, not expand it. Second, the way this retrenchment occurred was partly by creating a negative link between social rights, on the one hand, and civil and political rights, on the other. We test our argument with case studies of nineteenth- to early-twentieth-century England, Denmark, Norway, and Prussia, all of which are paradigmatic cases that represent the variation in welfare state types.
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Montiel, G. L. "The new Mexican political system: reconfiguration of capacities and power." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 1 (2020): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-1-10-27.
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There exist different elements that contribute to the idea of the political system as such in the context of the Mexican experience, but also that serve as referents that characterize the recent past. For that reason, we present a scheme of analysis – with political trends that are being built and that differentiate the new Mexican political system compared to that of the 20th century. Based on a model of the political system as the methodology of the analysis, we will track the trends of the changing Mexican politics during the 21st century. The destruction of the institutions of the old political system is associated with a long process of political struggle, which has provided for the creation of new institutions, but in very specific political spaces. The article traces the changes in the political system of Mexico in the 21st century in its various spheres and manifestations: public authority, party system, electoral complex, civil society, the process of democratization. We consider the evolution of the three branches of government and analyze their current balance.
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Gregorczyk, Dariusz. "NATO and the Warsaw Pact in defence politics of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the second half of the 20th century." Res Politicae 13 (2021): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/rp.2021.13.02.
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After the year 1945 and during the Cold War, the defence politics of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRJ) in regards to NATO was determined by the country's international politics and its geostrategic placement. The geopolitical situation of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was extremely complicated due to its borders shared with NATO and the Warsaw Pact countries. The communist government of Yugoslavia, and the leaders of the Yugoslav People's Army, expected the SFRJ territory to become a warzone should the conflict between the two political blocks escalate to military action. One of the key elements of the doctrine of the SFRJ politicians and military elite was a plan of defense solutions in case of a NATO aggression. The defence strategies of the YPA, especially after 1968, also took into account a possibility of the Warsaw Pact forces entering the country. The defence plans prepared for a NATO aggression were based mostly on the experiences of World War II, expecting the SFRJ territory to be one of the important elements of a future war between the two blocks.
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Shaw, Julia. "Ayodhya's sacred landscape: ritual memory, politics and archaeological ‘fact’." Antiquity 74, no. 285 (2000): 693–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00060087.
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Great astonishment has been expressed at the recent vitality of the Hindu religion at Ajudhia [sic], and it was to test the extent of this chiefly that … this statement has been prepared. As the information it contains may be permanently useful, I have considered it well to give it a place here. This information is as correct as it can now be made and that is all that I can say CARNEGY(1870: appendix A)After the destruction of Ayodhya's Babri mosque in 1992 by supporters of the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), the statement above seems laden with premonition of the events to come (Rao 1994). More importantly, Carnegy’s comments highlight that the mosque’s destruction was not simply the result of 20th-century politics. The events surrounding and following the outbreak of violence in 1992 have resulted in more ‘spilt ink’ than Carnegy could ever have imagined. This literature can be divided into two main categories; firstly, the initial documentation submitted to the government by a group of VHP aligned historians, which presented the ‘archaeological proof’ that the Babri mosque had occupied the site of a Hindu temple dating to the 10th and 11th century AD (VHP1990; New Delhi Historical Forum 1992). This was believed to have marked the birthplace of the Hindu god Rama (hence the name Rama Janmabhumi — literally ‘birthplace of Rama’), and been demolished at the orders of the Mughal emperor Babur during the 16th century. As a response, a second group of ‘progressive’ Indian historians began a counter-argument, based on the same ‘archaeological proof’ that no such temple had ever existed (Gopal et al. 1992; Mandal 1993). The second category is a growing body of literature which has filled many pages of international publications (Rao 1994; Navlakha 1994). Especially following the World Archaeology Congress (WAC) in Delhi (1994), and subsequently in Brač, Croatia (1998), this has been preoccupied with finding an acceptable route through the battlefield which arises as a result of the problematic, but recurrent, marriage between archaeology, folklore and politics (Kitchen 1998; Hassan 1995).
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Basundoro, Purnawan. "POLITIK RAKYAT KAMPUNG DI KOTA SURABAYA AWAL ABAD KE-20." SASDAYA: Gadjah Mada Journal of Humanities 1, no. 1 (2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/sasdayajournal.17025.
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This article aims to explain the politics activities by the villagers in Surabaya at the early of 20th century. The villagers was always considered as the passive people who refused to be involved in a conflict, therefore didn’t do the politic. The historic methodology is taken in this research by referring to the documents from the same century, the newspaper in Surabaya, and also referring to other tertiary resources. The approach chosen is the politic history, a history to describe the struggle of the people to achieve their will. The villagers had various strategy and tactic. As for the villagers who already had the experience of education, even though it was only a basic education, they wrote so many protests in the newspaper related to the decisions of the colonial government which were not in their favour. There was a newspaper in Surabaya managed by the indigenous people at that time, middle scale, and eager to gather all the complaint from the low class society. They also protested directly to the government by using the politic organisation. The formal gathering held by the member of the gemeenteraad, known as “begandring”, was used by the villagers to speak up their aspiration.
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Wardęga, Joanna. "Chinese Heritage with European Characteristics: International and Domestic Dimensions of the China’s Cultural Heritage Politics." Politeja 18, no. 4(73) (2021): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.73.01.
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The discussion on Chinese cultural heritage started to emerge as a result of inspiration coming from foreign travels of Chinese scholars-officials and as protective measures against looting of artifacts in the 19th and 20th centuries. The most spectacular robberies were carried out by Anglo-French forces in the Old Summer Palace (Yuanming Yuan) during the Second Opium War in 1860. That event became one of the cornerstones of the “century of humiliation” (bainian guochi) in the Chinese historical narrative. Even though the Communist Revolution classified historical sites as remnants of feudalism, today the Communist Party of China has assumed the role of a defender of the Chinese heritage. In contemporary China, its cultural heritage is a phenomenon of both domestic and international significance. The Chinese emphasize the antiquity of the Chinese nation, pointing to the origins of Chinese civilization as early as five thousand years ago. In contemporary China, recovering cultural treasures is important for the political legitimacy of a government and for erasing the national humiliation.
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Pratt, Douglas. "Secular New Zealand and Religious Diversity: From Cultural Evolution to Societal Affirmation." Social Inclusion 4, no. 2 (2016): 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i2.463.
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About a century ago New Zealand was a predominantly white Anglo-Saxon Christian nation, flavoured only by diversities of Christianity. A declining indigenous population (Maori) for the most part had been successfully converted as a result of 19th century missionary endeavour. In 2007, in response to increased presence of diverse religions, a national Statement on Religious Diversity was launched. During the last quarter of the 20th century the rise of immigrant communities, with their various cultures and religions, had contributed significantly to the changing demographic profile of religious affiliation. By early in the 21st century this diversity, together with issues of inter-communal and interreligious relations, all in the context of New Zealand being a secular society, needed to be addressed in some authoritative way. Being a secular country, the government keeps well clear of religion and expects religions to keep well clear of politics. This paper will outline relevant historical and demographic factors that set the scene for the Statement, which represents a key attempt at enhancing social inclusion with respect to contemporary religious diversity. The statement will be outlined and discussed, and other indicators of the way in which religious diversity is being received and attended to will be noted.
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Hadzantonis, Michael. "Malay, in the shadows." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 32, no. 1 (2022): 52–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.00084.had.
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Abstract Wayang Kulit performance, the art of shadow puppetry, has long embodied and conveyed political and secular voice throughout South and Southeast Asia, significant for the maintenance of cultural heritage. Throughout Malaysia’s modern history, Wayang as a dominant medium of education has mediated shifts in language ideologies and socialization, to the extent where changes to the Wayang correlate highly with changes to the Malay language. In the 1980s, the Malaysian government sought to attack and hence curtail Wayang performance, and to obscure its lineage, claiming that the Wayang defiles Islam and Malaysia as an Islamic state. The government sought to discontinue the Wayang, or at least to alter it significantly, and to persecute its adherents. With its attempts to mobilize the economy through neoliberal politics and the adoption of new non-poetic language registers, the Malaysian government altered Malaysian vernacular, cultural practices, and ideologies. Yet, little scholarly work, particularly through an Anthropological lens, has discussed the correlations and influences to these shifts. This paper addresses the significance of Wayang Kulit to the Malay language, that is, its contiguity with standardized language and vernacular, its semiotic complexities during performance and in larger society, and its junctures with Malaysian politics. The study unearths changes in the Wayang, its stylizations, symbolisms and performativities, in the latter 20th century, where these changes have aligned with cultural and language shifts, yet which the government has legitimated as pro Islamic and neoliberal. The data set includes a multi year ethnography of the Wayang, and a corpus of discussions, documentations, and scripts of Wayang performances and narratives.
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Rademaker, Laura. "Mission, Politics and Linguistic Research." Historiographia Linguistica 42, no. 2-3 (2015): 379–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.42.2-3.06rad.
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Summary This article investigates the ways local mission and national politics shaped linguistic research work in mid-20th century Australia through examining the case of the Church Missionary Society’s Angurugu Mission on Groote Eylandt in the Northern Territory and research into the Anindilyakwa language. The paper places missionary linguistics in the context of broader policies of assimilation and national visions for Aboriginal people. It reveals how this social and political climate made linguistic research, largely neglected in the 1950s (apart from some notable exceptions), not only possible, but necessary by the 1970s. Finally, it comments on the state of research into Aboriginal languages and the political climate of today. Until the 1950s, the demands of funding and commitment to a government policy of assimilation into white Australia meant that the CMS could not support linguistic research and opportunities for academic linguists to conduct research into Anindilyakwa were limited. By the 1960s, however, national consensus about the future of Aboriginal people and their place in the Australian nation shifted and governments reconsidered the nature of their support for Christian missions. As the ‘industrial mission’ model of the 1950s was no longer politically or economically viable, the CMS looked to reinvent itself, to find new ways of maintaining its evangelical influence on Groote Eylandt. Linguistics and research into Aboriginal cultures – including in partnership with secular academic agents – were a core component of this reinvention of mission, not only for the CMS but more broadly across missions to Aboriginal people. The resulting collaboration across organisations proved remarkably productive from a research perspective and enabled the continuance of a missionary presence and relevance. The political and financial limitations faced by missions shaped, therefore, not only their own practice with regards to linguistic research, but also the opportunities for linguists beyond the missionary fold. The article concludes that, in Australia, the two bodies of linguists – academic and missionary – have a shared history, dependent on similar political, social and financial forces.
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Elrick, John W. "Simulating renewal: Postwar technopolitics and technological urbanism." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 38, no. 6 (2020): 1120–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775820928391.
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This article traces the terms and practices underwriting emergent forms of urban government to technical efforts to simulate markets after the Second World War. With an eye toward contemporary techno-utopian schemes and city-building initiatives, I argue that the basis of technological approaches to urban rule today—a conception of cities as complex socio-economic systems amenable to market-driven optimization—was forged by postwar administrators and technicians in response to the vicissitudes of uneven development. To advance this claim, I examine the history of San Francisco’s Community Renewal Program, an early modeling initiative sponsored in the US by the federal government. After situating it in the context of racialized housing markets and policies, I probe the Community Renewal Program’s attempt to build a computer model capable of forecasting the effects of redevelopment on housing markets. Though the Community Renewal Program model ultimately proved unviable as a planning tool, expert appraisals of it at the time simultaneously confirmed the characterization of cities as systems of market signals and affirmed in principle the ability to model and thus manage them given an appropriate technological infrastructure. In this light, current municipal design and development projects premised on interactive and remote-sensing technologies express something of the technocratic politics and optimism of the mid-20th century.
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Angraini, Febri. "GAYA HIDUP MODERN PEREMPUAN MINANGKABAU AWAL ABAD KE-20." PERADA 4, no. 1 (2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35961/perada.v4i1.386.
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This paper contains a general description of modernity in the lives of Minangkabau women in the early 20th century. The years 1900 to 1942 were a general description of modernity in the life of the intended woman. The Dutch East Indies government has brought the Western style of thinking through education. Ethical Politics facilitates the way of modernization to open up and change the lifestyle of Minangkabau women. The process of criticism as an effort to leave the conventional lifestyle was brought by Minangkabau women who contributed in the world of education. They seek changes in conventional custom systems. Modern lifestyle behavior then occurs in the daily life of Minangkabau women. Modernity in Minangkabau is a combination of traditional, Islamic, and western values affecting various aspects in Minangkabau society. The impact on modernity in Minangkabau, from a positive aspect, is to bring a breakthrough in education for women, while the negative impact is the dispute of the elderly and young people and the emergence of habits following the trends.
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Shevtsov, N. V., and M. D. Krynzhina. "Contribution of Alexey Suvorin and His Newspaper Novoye Vremya into Russian Culture of the Second Half of 19th – Early 20th Century’." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 5, no. 3 (2021): 137–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-3-19-137-147.
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Novoye Vremya (The New Time) newspaper was considered as the leading daily periodical of the pre-revolutionary Russia. In 1876, Aleksey Suvorin, an outstanding Russian publisher and literary figure, became its owner and chief editor. He turned the newspaper into a source of information, which seriously influenced the public opinion in Russia. Novoye Vremya provoked constant interest among readers of all social levels. It was popular both among high-ranking government officials and people without any ranks, conservatives and liberals, people with higher education and those who did not even graduate a gymnasium. Newspaper stories were apprehensible not only for educated people but for any common person. Young and old, men and women liked Novoye Vremya. It had never forced its opinion and suggested the readers to make personal judgement through its reports. Suvorin managed to form the audience that valued the newspaper and believed in it. Not only Novoye Vremya stood out for its excellent materials on politics, economy, and non-fiction. In its reviews the newspaper gave a fair evaluation of the Russian authors’ works. Moreover, it became famous with the literary works of the top writers, the classics of Russian literature. Therefore, it is not by accident that the author of this article pays special attention to the cooperation between Novoye Vremya and the most known Russian writers of the second half of the 19th century and early 20th century. Thanks to Suvorin, the talent of Anton Chekhov, who started publishing his works in the newspaper under a different name, opened up. Novoye Vremya published the stories which were later included into his collection In the Twilight. Here he also published his famous novella The Duel. Despite the fact that Novoye Vremya was considered to be a newspaper rather than a literary magazine, it worked together with such writers as Leo Tolstoy, Nikolay Nekrasov, Nikolay Leskov, Mikhail Saltykov-Shchedrin, for whom the newspaper was not only a serious periodical but also a source of education and knowledge. In Soviet times the directive was to forget about Suvorin. And when they did remember, they certainly wrote about him as a reactionary, chauvinist, notorious monarchist. And if another major pre-revolutionary publisher I.D. Sytin was recognized by the Soviet government, although he lost his printing house and real estate, then Suvorin was in disgrace.
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Folkers, Andreas. "Freezing time, preparing for the future: The stockpile as a temporal matter of security." Security Dialogue 50, no. 6 (2019): 493–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619868385.
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This article analyses stockpiling as a security device that hoards time, stores power and buffers disruptions. The stockpile is a temporal matter of security by virtue of its ability to freeze time and to prepare for future emergencies. Stockpiling is informed by anticipations of threats but also materially underpins expectations. After unpacking the temporal ontology of stockpiling, the article traces its history as a security device and technology of power. Stockpiling enabled the emergence of the earliest states by establishing the means to store surpluses and centralize power. In modernity, stores became more dispersed as money, commodity exchange and new infrastructures made it possible to procure resources through circulation. In the 20th century, stockpiling became a reflexive security device reactive to risks associated with the disruption of these circulations. Finally, the article illuminates the role of reserves in contemporary German catastrophe preparedness to show that stockpiling remains an important security technique. Yet fiscal austerity and budgetary constraints limit security stockpiling. To compensate for the absence of public security stores, the government is prompting citizens to establish emergency stockpiles. The article offers a theoretical, historical and empirical engagement with stockpiling and thereby further elucidates the material politics of anticipation.
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Gutorow, Władimir. "O niektórych cechach swoistych ewolucji współczesnego rosyjskiego sytemu politycznego." Politeja 12, no. 7 (34/2) (2015): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.12.2015.34_2.02.
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On some peculiarities of evolution of the contemporary Russian political system
 The article deals with the problem of Russian political system evolution at the turn of the 20th and 21th centuries. The author attempts to answer the following question: if contemporary Russian state system does not fit a classical model of liberal democracy, is it reasonable to talk about hopeless stagnation of political system in Russia, generated by the process of new bureaucratic deformation, or is it possible to outline some tendencies of Russian state system evolution that fit the process of global degradation of democratic institutions in every region all over the world without any exceptions? The answer implies a quite important verification and statement concerning the situation: does the level of political government in Russian „imperial center” meet that contemporary criteria, obeyed in the development of civilized states. At the beginning of the 21st century, after long period of chaotic decentralization, Russia has entered the stage, when the federal center attempts to „establish order” in the country by means of tough administrative decisions. New stage of Russian politics connected with the Ukrainian crisis and the referendum in the Crimea signifies the explicit tendency of political elite to start a new page of national history.
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MC, Raghunandan, and Poonam Jindal. "Is Chinese Military Modernization a Threat to the World?" Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 2 (2017): 84–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i2.103.
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International politics over the last few decades have explored new dimensions of security and economic growth. China has seen sustained growth in its economy, and significant progress in technology through which its military has undergone profound technological transformations. This has defined its commitment for being a great power in the region and the world. China’s interest in establishing military strongholds dates to late 20th century when the government started to increase its military expenditure moderately with an objective of homeland security and secure its command in the Asian region which is a natural progression of the country’s ascension to great power status. China being the most populated country and third largest country in the terms of geographical area in the world claims to possess all the attributes of a superpower. These conditions have left some analysts with an opinion that rapid growth of Chinese economy and its military power would be a possible threat to the region and the world. Some analysts also have predicted that China will represent an alternative pole to American global dominance. This article looks into the rise of China and its military modernization fueled by its economic might and whether it would bring dynamic changes or challenge the power balance at global level.
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Iswahyudi. "Sarekat Islam Madura: Between Social Religious and Political Movements, 1913 – 1920." Britain International of Humanities and Social Sciences (BIoHS) Journal 4, no. 1 (2022): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/biohs.v4i1.569.
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Madura during the colonial period or at the turn of the 20th century, indicated that it was not a fertile ground for mass mobilization. Starting from the community because it is almost completely divided as a result of scattered settlements and scarcity of resources. The movement that rejects various kinds of prejudice is shown at a glance with the development of the Madura branch of the Sarekat Islam led by the hajj, so that the Dutch government still feels the symptoms of Islamophobia and is also supported by the small people, in this case oreng kenek with its distinctive ideology such as milleniarism and Islamic messianism. . The limitations of each kyai are closer to the peasants from the village, whereas a haji is generally a trader who lives in urban areas. So in this case a kyai is considered a power broker to mobilize the population, especially from among the peasants, while a haji acts as a cultural broker, especially for the revival of Islam. Related to the ideals of self-determination in politics, it is a reflection of the capabilities of the Madurese Sarekat Islam figures to the various social changes or modernity that were taking place at that time.
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Kravchuk, Alexandr S. "Crimean Tatars in the Governing Bodies of the Taurida Province in the First Half of the 19th Century." RUDN Journal of Russian History 20, no. 1 (2021): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2021-20-1-47-60.
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The author identifies the amount of Crimean Tatars who served as officials in Taurida Governorate in the first half of the 20th century. The article is based on archival data, address-calendars and mesyatseslovs of the Russian Empire. Russian politics in the region after the Crimean annexation was characterized by an active interaction with the local population. The imperial authorities gave the Crimean Tatars broad rights and involved them in civil and military service. Tatar murzas and beys who entered service closely interacted with Russian officials and thus got acquainted with the Russian language and culture as well as with the new legal system. While the largest number of Crimean Tatars were in service during the reign of Catherine II, their number began to decline under her successors. The author argues that the Russian authorities interaction with the Crimean Tatar nobility was based on mutually beneficial conditions. The state received the loyalty of local leaders, which provided stability and allowed for communication with the ordinary population. In turn, the murzas and beys received titles and ranks, which allowed them to increase their property and keep their social status. However, the number of Crimean Tatars in local government functions during the first half of the 19th century was low. They served in the governing bodies only by election from the nobility. This was a result of central policy but also of the low level of training among Tatar officials. Many of them were not familiar with legal procedures laws and could not read and write in Russian. Consequently, they preferred service in military formations, which was more prestigious and did not require special training.
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Bonoli, Giuliano, and Bruno Palier. "How do welfare states change? Institutions and their impact on the politics of welfare state reform in Western Europe." European Review 8, no. 3 (2000): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004944.
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In the 1980s and 1990s West European welfare states were exposed to strong pressures to ‘renovate’, to retrench. However, the European social policy landscape today looks as varied as it did at any time during the 20th century. ‘New institutionalism’ seems particularly helpful to account for the divergent outcomes observed, and it explains the resistance of different structures to change through past commitments, the political weight of welfare constituencies and the inertia of institutional arrangements – in short, through ‘path dependency’. Welfare state institutions play a special role in framing the politics of social reform and can explain trajectories and forms of policy change. The institutional shape of the existing social policy landscape poses a significant constraint on the degree and the direction of change. This approach is applied to welfare state developments in the UK and France, comparing reforms of unemployment compensation, old-age pensions and health care. Both countries have developed welfare states, although with extremely different institutional features. Two institutional effects in particular emerge: schemes that mainly redistribute horizontally and protect the middle classes well are likely to be more resistant against cuts. Their support base is larger and more influential compared with schemes that are targeted on the poor or are so parsimonious as to be insignificant for most of the electorate. The contrast between the overall resistance of French social insurance against cuts and the withering away of its British counterpart is telling. In addition, the involvement of the social partners, and particularly of the labour movement in managing the schemes, seems to provide an obstacle for government sponsored retrenchment exercises.
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Wahyuddin, Imam. "Perkembangan Islam Arab Saudi." TASAMUH: Jurnal Studi Islam 10, no. 2 (2018): 423–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47945/tasamuh.v10i2.81.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The kingdom of al-Sa'ūdiyah actually existed since 1446. However, as a strong dynasty and established the Saudi Arabia state is since the era of Abd. Aziz ibn Abd. Rahman al-Sa'ud (Ibn Saud) with the spirit of Wahhabism and British aid. Officially in 1932 the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia became an Islamic state with a monarchic system under King Ibn Saud. This paper will discuss the history of Islamic development in Saudi Arabia which is now as an Islamic State. Saudi Arabia is now dominated by the kingdom of al-Sa'ūdiyah which is influenced by Wahabiyah religious beliefs. From the beginning of the nineteenth century the Wahabiyah movement received support from Muhammad Ibn Sa'ud. They began expansion which culminated in the conquest of most of the Arabian peninsula and made social, religious and political set agendas in Saudi Arabia. Wahabiyah continues to expand and exist in Saudi Arabia, especially in the mid-19th to the 20th century, and its development pattern is based on top down. Thus, the development of Islam in Saudi Arabia can not be separated from Wahabiyah influence. In the midst of social change, Saudi authorities continue to maintain Wahabiyah as a royal religious ideology. In fact, Wahabiyah ulama also play a role in giving religious approval to the policies of the royal government. However, other factors that also make Islam flourish in Saudi Arabia are the historic impact as the main influence of Muslims since the Prophet era and Saudi Arabia's strategic position for various information reforms in the Islamic world as it controls Mecca and Medina as the sacred city (Haramain). On the other hand, the development of Islam in Saudi Arabia can also be seen in terms of Islamic politics played by the royal government and its foreign political economy which is deemed to be close to the Brtish, US or the West in the Middle East, preferably in the Israel and Palestinian conflict
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Wahyuddin, Imam. "PERKEMBANGAN ISLAM ARAB SAUDI." Tasamuh: Jurnal Studi Islam 10, no. 2 (2018): 423–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.32489/tasamuh.45.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The kingdom of al-Sa'ūdiyah actually existed since 1446. However, as a strong dynasty and established the Saudi Arabia state is since the era of Abd. Aziz ibn Abd. Rahman al-Sa'ud (Ibn Saud) with the spirit of Wahhabism and British aid. Officially in 1932 the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia became an Islamic state with a monarchic system under King Ibn Saud. This paper will discuss the history of Islamic development in Saudi Arabia which is now as an Islamic State. Saudi Arabia is now dominated by the kingdom of al-Sa'ūdiyah which is influenced by Wahabiyah religious beliefs. From the beginning of the nineteenth century the Wahabiyah movement received support from Muhammad Ibn Sa'ud. They began expansion which culminated in the conquest of most of the Arabian peninsula and made social, religious and political set agendas in Saudi Arabia. Wahabiyah continues to expand and exist in Saudi Arabia, especially in the mid-19th to the 20th century, and its development pattern is based on top down. Thus, the development of Islam in Saudi Arabia can not be separated from Wahabiyah influence. In the midst of social change, Saudi authorities continue to maintain Wahabiyah as a royal religious ideology. In fact, Wahabiyah ulama also play a role in giving religious approval to the policies of the royal government. However, other factors that also make Islam flourish in Saudi Arabia are the historic impact as the main influence of Muslims since the Prophet era and Saudi Arabia's strategic position for various information reforms in the Islamic world as it controls Mecca and Medina as the sacred city (Haramain). On the other hand, the development of Islam in Saudi Arabia can also be seen in terms of Islamic politics played by the royal government and its foreign political economy which is deemed to be close to the Brtish, US or the West in the Middle East, preferably in the Israel and Palestinian conflict.
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Trujillo Bilbao, Felipe. "El rol de las estatalidades en la construcción de sujetos asociados a la gestión hídrica del Chile reciente." Revista de Historia y Geografía, no. 40 (June 24, 2019): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07194145.40.1900.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La historia ambiental es entendida aquí como una invitación a observar en la naturaleza indicios de las transformaciones sociotécnicas del Chile contemporáneo. Se revisan los principales hallazgos de la producción historiográfica y científico-social actual sobre la gestión de los diversos tipos de agua en Chile. Entendida ésta en su condición de material, política y biopolítica, se da cuenta de cómo ha transitado por tres estatalidades orquestadas paralelamente por distintos órganos del Estado chileno: un movimiento constante de zigzag entre la conservación, la desregulación y la tecnificación. Se defiende la propuesta de que, en el entrecruce entre medioambiente y política, está la clave para interrogar, de manera histórica, a la gestión hídrica como decidora de una serie de problemas directamente vinculados a la construcción del Chile contemporáneo y no como relegada a otros problemas clásicos, comola Reforma Agraria, para la segunda mitad del siglo XX, o los agronegocios, para fines del siglo XX, sin desconocer por ello el rol que estos procesos han tenido en la gestión hídrica del país. The Role of State Policy in the Construction of Subjects Associated with Water Management in Contemporary Chile AbstractEnvironmental history is understood here as an invitation to observe in nature indications of the sociotechnical transformations of contemporary Chile. This article looks at the main findings of current historiographic and scientific-social production on the management of different types of water in Chile. Understanding water as a political and biopolitical material, this paper looks at how it has been subject to three state policies orchestrated in parallel by different bodies of the Chilean Government: a constant zigzag movement between conservation, deregulation and technification. It defends the proposal that at the intersection of the environment and politics is the key to a historical inquiry into water management as a deciding factor for a number of problems directly related to the construction of contemporary Chile, and not relegated to other classical problems like the Agrarian Reform of the second half of the 20th century or agribusiness at the end of the 20th century, without fully disregarding the role that these processes have played in the country’s water management.Keywords: Water management, statehoods, neo-liberalization, contemporaryChile.
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Kotsur, Viktor, and Andrii Boiko-Haharin. "The state policy against counterfeiting in the Russian Empire in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 2, no. 2 (2020): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26190208.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of the article is the analysis of the main parts of the state protecting politics over the process of the coins and banknotes counterfeiting in Russian Empire. Research methods: analytical, synthetic, logical, retrospective, mathematical and illustrative. Main results. The article reveals the processes of coins and banknote counterfeiting in the Russian Empire referred to the material from state historical archives, official government laws and pre-Soviet periodicals (newspapers). The authors paid main attention to the question of state policy against money counterfeiting that includes legislative analyses of that time, in particular Conclusion of Criminal Punishment and Penitentiary, issues of 1845s and 1866s, Monetary Statute, issue of 1857 as well as nominal imperial edicts, regulations and manifestos of Senate as to forgery counteractions and coins protection, published in Complete Edition of Collected Laws in the Russian Empire. Practical significance. The material presented in the article will allow a thorough analysis of the aspect of counterfeiting money in Ukraine in the imperial period. Originality. The corpus of analyzed sources allowed us to form conclusions as to efficiency state in fighting politics against money forgery in Russian Empire in the 19th and the beginning of 20th century. The perspective of the further research we see in the widening of sources base that will help us to conduct deeper aspect analyses on money forgery in Ukraine as part of Russian Empire. Scientific novelty. The basic constituents of public policy are considered in relation to a fight against forgery counteractions, which is population informing of imitations appearance with the list of their signs; implementation of investigation features based upon population encouragement to the malefactors’ exposure; state expert assessment implementation of suspicious and forged money extracted during the investigation; legal procedure and punishment for committed crimes in money and banknotes counterfeiting; in investigation cases of State Archives Fund some unknown before facts within state fight against money counterfeiting have been found and a new stamp on physical evidence has been implemented into the scientific circulation, the absence reasons for money and loan-bills forgery in the Fund of State Museums have been estimated. The research is based upon unknown sources, most of which have been implemented into the scientific circulation for the first time. Analyses of legislative system of that time against money forgery, peculiarities of investigation, trial and sentence helped us to find out some misconceptions in factual decisions from those, fixed in laws and layouts. Article type: analytical.
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Dwijayanto, Arik, and Yusmicha Ulya Afif. "Religous and Political Role of Javanese Ulama in Johor, Malaysia." Journal of Islamic Studies and Humanities 4, no. 2 (2019): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/jish.42.5222.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The migration of Javanese Muslim community to Malaysia in the past was not only dominated by groups of workers such as labours and miners but also from religious Muslim groups (¬ulama). Javanese ulama as Muslim religious scholars formed an integral part of Muslim communities in Malaysia. Their role as religious leaders often means that they are consulted in all areas of Muslim life, including the realms of politics, social affairs and economics. However, there was sufficient appreciation of their role in Muslim society in various scholastic works. It is also only in recent years that interest has been shown in the study of Javanese ulama in Malaysia. This article argues that for most of Malaysia’s history, Javanese ulama have been largely apolitical and it was only in the 20th century that they attempted to carve a larger religious space for themselves in an attempt to assert their authority and influence. It briefly highlights the historical relationship between Javanese ulama and various government authorities in Malaysia focuses on their religious and political influence in relation to the role they played and the contribution they made, and shows how the Javanese ulama have tried to involve in the religious and political role in Johor, Malaysia. In order to contribute to the existing studies, this article aims to explore the impact of migration and religious contribution of Javanese Ulama in Johor, Malaysia.
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Kozhemyakov, A. S. "Special features of Russian political culture: history and the modernity." Journal of Law and Administration, no. 2 (October 26, 2018): 98–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2018-2-47-98-107.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Introduction. The article is dedicated to the analysis of some basic characteristics of Russian political culture, in particular in the post October 1917 Revolution’ period. At the same time it was underlined that these characteristics were not a simple “print” of “October Revolution” but have their roots far in the past, including some ontological components. The basic elements of Russian political culture (far from being fully described in this article) are presented with reference to the practice of Russian government’s activities. The controversial nature of correlation between Russian political culture and radical changes in Russian politics in the 20th century was also put forward. Materials and methods. Methods of scientific cognition, abstraction, generalization, analysis, synthesis, and comparative methods were used in the course of research and presentation of the theoretical approaches of Russian and foreign researchers related to “political culture”. Russian political history of XX century, and beyond, provided large scope of necessary materials for this article. Results of the study. The analysis of Russian political culture has as its outcome the presentation of a hierarchy of “elements” including the basic ones and many additional which are also present and acting in social and political practices in modern Russia. Discussion and conclusions. The study shows that “political culture” is not only an abstract concept within a political science and theory, but also a very important “operational tool” for decision-making process and practice of government. The lack of an adequate perception of acting political culture by a political elite might create an important distortion especially during radical social changes. In conclusion the author announced the topic of his further research on the “culture of Russian foreign policy” based on the findings of this article.
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Novoselsky, Sergey S. "Republican Ideas in the Russian Political Thought in 1905: Based on Notes Sent for Consideration of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Empire." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2021): 469–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-2-469-481.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article studies republican ideas as reflected in the Russian public consciousness of the early 20th century. The material for the research is documents identified in the fond of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Empire of the Russian State Historical Archive (RGIA). In recent decades, the problem field of intellectual history, the methods of which have been used in this research, has expanded dramatically: from studying the “great ideas” of outstanding thinkers of the past to researching such ideas that were accepted by a significant number of educated people. In their study of political thought, historians are increasingly turning not just to statesman who held power and were directly involved in decision-making, but to officials and public figures whose influence was indirect. At the height of the revolutionary crisis of 1905 brought about by the Russo-Japanese war, the representatives of the Russian public, together with the government, strove to overcome it as soon as possible. According to the Imperial Edict to the Governing Senate of February 18, 1905, their notes, letters,and suggestions on issues of improving state order were to be sent for consideration of the Council of Ministers; from October 19, 1905 they were directed to its chairman S. Yu. Witte. These documents represent a unique public opinion survey, mostly of representatives of the Zemstvo, urban milieu, and nobility; they have not yet been considered in Russian historiography. Although republican ideas were firmly associated in the Russian public consciousness with revolutionary ideas, as early as in 1905 some fundamental principles underlying modern republican theory were reflected in the political thought of the Russian public loyal to the government. The research shows that many public figures who addressed to the power their proposals for resolving national political crisis, defended ideals of political freedom, preponderance of law over the “human factor” in politics; they saw the main task of the existing and planned political institutions in protecting rights and freedoms of imperial citizens and in realizing interests of the society and proposed to expand the independence of local government.