Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Denmark – Politics and government – 20th century »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Denmark – Politics and government – 20th century"
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Wijkström, Filip, et Stefan Einarsson. « Comparing Swedish Foundations : A Carefully Negotiated Space of Existence ». American Behavioral Scientist 62, no 13 (20 mai 2018) : 1889–918. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218773439.
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Foundations and philanthropy currently play a very limited role in the Swedish welfare. The same is true in fields like Culture and Recreation or International Activities. Only in the case of funding of research do Swedish foundations exhibit a role possible to define in terms of substitution rather than weak complementarity in relation to government. Despite marginal positions for philanthropy, Sweden displays a wealthy as well as growing foundation population, which seems like a paradox, at least in comparison to the situation in Germany and the United States where foundations traditionally play a more visible and pronounced role in society. A striking difference between the Swedish foundations and their U.S. or German counterparts is their weak bonds to religious communities or causes. Instead, we can identify in our new data set a growing segment of the Swedish foundation world that is affiliated with other parts of civil society. The same is true for the category of independent foundations, which points toward the U.S. model. We find in the article some limited support for a “philanthropic turn” in Sweden, but overall the foundation world is still deeply embedded in the social contract and strong Social-Democratic regime of the 20th century. In comparison to neighboring Scandinavian or Nordic countries, both similarities and differences are identified where, for example, the Norwegian case display a much larger segment of operating foundations, closely affiliated with government, while in Denmark, on the other hand, the corporate-owning foundation seems to be a much more important form than in Sweden.
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Guslin, Guslin, et Amarulla Octavian. « The impact of the Bolsheviks Revolution on the political development and system of government of the new state of the 20th century ». Politik Indonesia : Indonesian Political Science Review 6, no 2 (20 août 2021) : 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v6i3.31484.
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The Bolshevik Revolution forced the end of Tsar Nicholas II's imperial rule in Russia. Furthermore, under the leadership of Vladimir Lenin, Russia formed a new government in the form of the Republic. The main power of this government is entirely under the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. Subsequent changes in the form of government in Russia, especially after World War I, inspired newly independent countries in the mid-20th century to follow the same system of government. Through theories about the state, politics, and government system, this study will analyze the influence of the Bolshevik revolution on the new system of government for new countries in the world in the 20th century. To analyze the effect of changes in the form of government, the authors use an exploratory qualitative research method with a historical approach through a literature study. After the Revolution, based on a common view of colonialism, human rights, ideology, and the strong understanding of Marxism-Leninism, several countries in the world that were newly independent in the mid-20th century were inspired by the Bolshevik Revolution by forming countries with a Republican system of government, including Indonesia.
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Semyonov, Alexander M. « Imperial parliament for a hybrid empire : Representative experiments in the early 20th-century Russian Empire ». Journal of Eurasian Studies 11, no 1 (janvier 2020) : 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366520902868.
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This article argues that the history of Russian constitutional and parliamentary reform in the early 20th century can be cast in a new light in view of the global transformation of political life under the challenge of imperial diversity and mass politics. The article points out that imperial diversity as a challenge to democratic government was not unique to the Russian Empire. The character of the Russian Empire was marked by peculiarities; it was shaped by composite and hybrid imperial space, which placed the challenge of imperial diversity at the center of political practices and imaginaries. The article traces the history of political reform in the Russian Empire in the early 20th century focusing on the reform of the Sejm of the Grand Duchy of Finland and the novel practices and political imaginaries of imperial diversity in the first and second State Duma. The exploration of the history of the constitutional reform in the Russian Empire of early 20th century demonstrates that rather than being absolute antagonists to representative government, Russian imperial politics and traditions of imperial sovereignty nested possibilities of compromise and redefinition of political solidarity in the space of diversity.
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Kuitert, Lisa. « Balai Pustaka and the Politics of Knowledge ». Lembaran Sejarah 17, no 1 (25 octobre 2021) : 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.69965.
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During the colonial period of Indonesia the Dutch government was an important source of knowledge which was disseminated through the production of books, such as textbooks and other printed material. In response to the establishment of many new commercial printers and publishers, the colonial government, in 1917, set up its own publishing company, Balai Pustaka, which also published attractive and popular books. This new publishing house intentionally and unintentionally served several goals at a time that was characterized by the rise of young Indonesian intellectuals who were part of new political movements formed in the first decades of the 20th century.
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Gayada, F. A. « Russian Liberal of the Beginning of the 20th Century in Politics ». Outlines of global transformations : politics, economics, law 10, no 6 (28 février 2018) : 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-6-28-43.
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The article examines the political views and practices of Russian liberals in the early twentieth century. Russia’s political destiny of this period directly depended on building constructive relations between the authorities and society. Liberal ideas had a significant impact on the educated public. At the same time, the constructive cooperation between the liberals and the government was the most important condition for the possibility of application of these ideas in domestic political practice. The article examines the political experience of the two largest liberal political parties in Russia – the Cadets and the Octobrists. The author comes to the conclusion that the Russian liberal politician of the early twentieth century could not get out of the role of an idealist oppositionist. He was incapable of recognizing the existing realities and the need for political compromises, which were often perceived as a sign of impotence or immorality. The liberals perceived themselves as the only force capable of bringing Russia to the right, «civilized» path. In the opinion of the liberals, this path was inevitable, therefore, under any circumstances, the liberal movement should have retained its leading role. In the spring of 1917, the liberal opposition was able to defeat its historical enemy (autocracy), but retained power for a very short time. The slaughter of the state machine, which the liberals themselves did not intend to preserve, led them to defeat. Thus, the state was the only guarantor of the existence of a liberal movement in Russia.
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Griffin, Stephen M. « Bringing the State into Constitutional Theory : Public Authority and the Constitution ». Law & ; Social Inquiry 16, no 04 (1991) : 659–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1991.tb00864.x.
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This article brings the state into constitutional theory by presenting a theory of the development of the American state from the late 19th century to the present. The focus of the theory is the ability of the national state to exercise sovereignty or public authority over civil society. The main thesis is that the Constitution did not establish a government with a level of public authority adequate to the requirements of a modem democratic state. The result was a mismatch between the demands of civil society and the competence of state institutions, causing a reorganization of the political institutions of civil society in the early 20th century and a crisis of public authority in the 1960s. The United States continues to experience the consequences of an imbalance between the state institutions established by an 18th-century constitution and 20th-century democratic politics.
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Mair, Peter. « Representation and participation in the changing world of party politics ». European Review 6, no 2 (mai 1998) : 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700003203.
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The 20th-century has been the century of mass politics, and the mass parties that emerged at the beginning of this century became deeply rooted within wider society. The passing of this golden age of the party has now been marked by two distinct processes of change. On the one hand, parties have become more distant from society and more closely linked to government and the state. On the other hand, there has been a decline in the political identities of the parties, such that voters now find it increasingly difficult to distinguish between them. These changes, and the related transformation of politics into administration, have led to a growth in popular indifference to parties and to politics in general, as well as to a declining sense of engagement. Should this trend continue, it is mass spectacle rather than mass involvement that is likely to characterize the future of mass politics.
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Rosidin, Didin Nurul, Mila Amalia, Ihsan Sa'dudin et Eka Safitri. « Muslim Social Movements in Cirebon and the Emergence of National Resistance Movements Against the Dutch Colonial Government in the Early 20th Century Indonesia ». Journal of Asian Social Science Research 4, no 1 (12 août 2022) : 63–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jassr.v4i1.64.
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The early twentieth century saw the emergence of Muslim social movements as a new model of resistance against the Dutch colonial rule in Indonesia. This model of the resistance movement was a response to various changes in politics, social and religious culture in the early decades of the 20th century due to dynamics within the Muslim community as well as the new policy of the colonial government. This article studies the emergence of Muslim social movements in Cirebon, West Java, and its impacts on the development of the Muslims’ resistance movement against the Dutch colonial rule in Indonesia. There have not been many studies of Cirebon's role in Islamic social movements in the early 20th century. Therefore, this article, using a historical method, attempts to contribute to this literature by examining social movements carried out by Muslims in Cirebon and their impacts on the emergence of resistance against Dutch colonial rule in Indonesia. The findings show that Cirebon, which was one of the main centres of early Islamic civilization in the Indonesian archipelago, played a prominent role in the emergence of Muslim social movements in early 20th century Indonesia. Various Muslim social organizations emerged in the area such as Sarekat Islam, Persarekatan Ulama, Nahdhatul Ulama, and Muhammadiyah. Although these social-religious organisations had differences or were in tension on various issues, their emergence succeeded in convincing the native people of the importance of a new strategy in their resistance against the long and hegemonic rule of the Dutch colonial government which had ruled the Cirebon region since the late 17th century.
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Sidorenko, Irina N. « The Crisis of Democracy and the Problem of Democratic Peace ». Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 65, no 3 (16 septembre 2022) : 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2022-65-3-39-57.
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The author analyzes three waves of the crisis of democracy during the 20th and early 21st centuries. The first crisis of democracy in the early 20th century is caused by the emergence and development of public politics, which challenged the possibility to govern the masses having conflict potential, it balanced the power of the people and universal suffrage with the control of the media in order to maintain the stability of political system. The second wave of the crisis of democracy (the last third of the 20th century) is associated with the destruction of the conventional world and the weakening of the nation-state; and its markers were: the imbalance between the branches of government, the domination of economics over politics, the predominance of equality over freedom, the problematic implementation of human rights, and, as a consequence, the inability to put into practice the national form of democracy. The third wave of crisis (early the 21st century) is accompanied by the transformation of democracy into post-democracy, in which the power of the people is replaced by the power of global capital, and the illusion of consent is reinforced by the prohibition of alternative points of view and the narrowing of the space of issues allowed for discussion in the name of public security. The crisis of the policy to achieve peace through the transformation of the balance of powers into a balance of interests called into question the principles of democracy. On the contrary, post-democracies justify the use of force to spread democracy around the world, and they take an active part in contemporary military conflicts, which can rightly be defined as hybrid proxy wars. Drawing on J. Habermas’s concept of communicative rationality, the author concludes that to overcome the crisis of democracy it is necessary to accept the very possibility of an alternative to this form of government and allow to discuss these previously marginalized issues as well as to maintain the return of the majority to genuine communication and politics, contribute to its enlightenment.
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Caio Henrique, Dias Duarte. « «Change everything so that nothing changes» : Right Regimes and Diplomacy in Brazil in the 20th Century ». Latin-American Historical Almanac 29 (26 mars 2021) : 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-29-1-109-125.
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In this article we will make a comparison between the political regimes and the diplomacy of Brazil in two periods of the 20th century: the final years of the period of the Liberal Republic, in the Goulart Government (1961-1964) and under the Military Dictatorship, with a special focus on the distension under the Geisel Government (1974-1979). We focus on the political organization of these periods, which can be considered crisis or transition periods, and in the same way, the continuities in their diplomatic contributions. Looking at the internal crises, it will discuss legal aspects of the two periods, such as the defective construction of parliamentarism and the Institutional Acts of the dictatorship. The comparison of internal and external politics will seek to demonstrate the similarities between the external objectives of the two governments despite their differences in regime and ideological orientation, addressing the Independent External Policy of parliamentarism under Goulart and Responsible and Ecumenical Pragmatism under Geisel dictatorial rule.
Thèses sur le sujet "Denmark – Politics and government – 20th century"
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Reibman, Max Yacker. « Cairo and the international politics of Egypt and Syria, 1914-1920 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708103.
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Osman, Newal. « Partition and Punjab politics, 1937-55 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608215.
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SABA, RAUL PHILLIP. « POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT AND DEMOCRACY IN PERU : CONTINUITY WITHIN CHANGE AND CRISIS (BELAUNDE, VELASCO, MORALES-BERMUDEZ, COMPARATIVE POLITICS) ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/188128.
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This study examines the development of Peruvian politics and government from 1962 to 1985. It describes the programs and policies of the interim military junta (1962-63), the Velasco (1968-75) and Morales Bermudez (1975-80) phases of the Armed Forces Revolution, and the two Belaunde administrations (1963-68, 80-85) and posits a basic commonality of goals and continuity of reforms despite differences in policy orientation and emphasis. The study begins with a contextual discussion of the ideological underpinnings of contemporary Peruvian political reform, establishing linkages to the revolutionary thought of Gonzalez Prada, Mariategui, and Haya de la Torre, as well as to the more moderate reformist positions of Víctor Andres Belaunde, Bustamante y Rivero, and Basadre. Continuing with an in-depth historical analysis of the period under study, the contextual discussion demonstrates the underlying continuities of political reform in the programs and goals of the several regimes. The focus of the study then shifts to an analysis of the reformist and democratic evolution of the Peruvian polity. It analyzes the central government's budgets according to administrative, social, and economic categories. The analysis demonstrates all the governments since 1962 pursued generally common reformist policies and none reversed the progressive trend set. An analysis of Peruvian foreign policy reorientations vis-a-vis the United States, the Socialist bloc, and the Third World shows that the progressive changes and reforms begun under one administration continued to evolve and crystalize under the policies of succeeding governments. The point is highlighted by an analysis of Peru's voting pattern in the United Nations General Assembly, where divergence with U.S. policy became greater with each change in government after 1963. Finally, in looking to overall political development as political modernization and institutionalization, the analysis shows that Peru has undergone progressive and incremental changes heightening political awareness and participation and thus strengthening its potential for political democracy and social development. Each government since 1962 made substantial, if varying, contributions to the increase of political legitimacy and stability within the polity. In sum, a continuum of political development prevailed.
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Kharroubi, Safwat. « The foiled state : a critical assessment of western donor aid provision and state-building in Palestine in the post-Oslo period ». Thesis, Swansea University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.678553.
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Rottwilm, Philipp Moritz. « Electoral system reform in early democratisers : strategic coordination under different electoral systems ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6c3ebcf9-f25b-4ce8-a837-619230729c33.
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On the basis of case studies of 19th and early 20th century Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, I address the question of how and when incumbent right elites reformed electoral systems under a rising political threat from the left. Some states adopted proportional representation (PR) earlier than others. Why did different states adopt PR at different times? One important factor was the existing electoral system before the adoption of PR. This has been missed in academic research since most scholars have assumed that the electoral system in place before the adoption of PR in most Western European states was single-member plurality (SMP). I show that the system in place prior to PR in most Western European states was not SMP but a two-round system (TRS). TRS effects are still poorly understood by political scientists. I argue that both PR and TRS were used as safeguards by the parties on the right against an electoral threat from the left, which originated from the expansion of suffrage. PR was used as a last resort after other safeguards had been exhausted. I state that in the presence of a strong left threat, countries with TRS could wait longer to implement PR than countries with SMP in place. Under TRS, the adoption of PR was considerably delayed since electoral coordination between parties could be applied more effectively than under SMP systems. This was largely due to the increase of information and time after the first round of TRS elections, which was used by right parties to coordinate votes around the most promising candidate before the second round. First round results under TRS were used as an "electoral opinion poll". Based on these results, the right could react more effectively than the left in order to improve outcomes in round two.
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Heath, Karen Patricia. « Conservatives and the politics of art, 1950-88 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d62a078b-4009-40a8-8765-1a4f5e0fbcbc.
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This thesis offers a new policy history of the National Endowment for the Arts, the federal agency responsible for providing grants to artists and arts organisations in the United States. It focuses in particular on the development of conservative perspectives on federal arts funding from the 1950s to the 1980s, and hence, illuminates the broader evolution of conservative political power, especially its limits. The most familiar narrative holds that the Endowment found itself caught up in the Culture Wars of the late 1980s when Christian right groups objected to certain federal grants, particularly to Andres Serrano's Piss Christ and Robert Mapplethorpe's Self-Portrait with Whip. This thesis, however, uncovers the older origins of conservative opposition to state support for the arts, analyses conservative conceptions of art, and illuminates the limited federal role the right sought to secure in the arts in the post-war period. Numerous studies have analysed the meanings and origins of the Culture Wars, but until now, scholars had not examined conservative approaches to federal arts politics in a historical sense. Historians have generally been too interested in explaining change to the detriment of examining continuity, but this approach under-emphasises the long-term tensions that underlie seemingly sudden political eruptions. This work also offers a deep account of the conservative movement and the arts world, an area that has so far been almost completely ignored by scholars, even though a focus on marginalised players is essential to understanding the limits of conservatism. In a general sense then, this thesis evaluates the range and diversity of the conservative movement and illuminates the overall odyssey of the right in modern America. In so doing, it provides a new insight into the ways we periodise political history and also invites a broader view of how we understand politics itself.
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Feng, Dongning. « Text, politics and society : literature as political philosophy in post-Mao China ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2216.
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The purpose of this study is to arrive at a critical overview of politics and literature in the Chinese context. The relationship has increasingly become a "field" of studies and theoretical inquiry that most scholars in either disciplines are wary to tread. This thesis tries to venture into this problematic field by a theoretical examination as well as an empirical critique of Chinese literature and politics, where the relationship seems even more paradoxical, but adds more insight into the argument. The Introduction and Chapter One set up a framework by asking some general but fundamental questions: what literature is, and how it is to be related to politics. Chapter Two examines the historical function of literature and Chinese writers in society to establish the basis of argument in the Chinese context. Chapter Three focuses the discussion on the relationship between politics and literature during the Mao era and after. Chapters Four analyses the literary works published during the post-Mao period to establish the argument that literature, as part of our perception of the world, is most concerned with human society and social amelioration and participates in the socio-political development by contributing to it through a discourse that is otherwise inaccessible. Chapter Five explores the argument further by extending it into the field of cinema, which basically comes from the same narrative tradition of prose literature, but offers a wider and different dimension to the argument pursued. Chapter Six and the Conclusion try to draw together the argument by examining literature as both form and content to argue how and why literature is related to politics and how it has functioned in a political manner in Chinese society. To summarise, Chinese literature in this period will b& shown to be involved In a process of political reform and development by way of bringing the reader to participate in a critical and philosophical dialogue with power, history and future. In the long run, it offers emancipating visions and possibilities revealed to the reader in ways that are historical, developmental, philosophical and comparative. This study focuses on the prose fiction published in this period, for it is the leading force in China's cultural development and constitutes the major trunk of the modern Chinese canon. In addition, the research also extends to drama and films, and the way they, together with prose fiction, make up the most popular perception and intellectual discovery of contemporary Chinese society and politics and best inform the argument of the study of politics and literature.
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Pandit, Aishwarya. « From United Provinces to Uttar Pradesh : heartland politics 1947-70 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709289.
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McLaughlin, Robert. « Irish Canadians and the Struggle for Irish Independence, 1912-1925 : A Study of Ethnic Identity and Cultural Heritage ». Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2004. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/McLaughlinR2004.pdf.
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Varma, Dipak Singh. « An analysis of the causes of the Fiji military coups ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1992. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/26634.
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The Fiji military coups of 1987 are about a Fijian chiefly elite and their supporters who were too reluctant to relinquish their power and privileges. Seventeen years had been a long time in office for the Alliance government. Those who patronised and were patronised by the Alliance government feared change as the Bavadra government had promised a whole array of changes. The chiefly elite teamed up with the Royal Fiji Military Forces to stage the coups. Issues such as the fear of Indian dominance, the alienation of Fijian land and the loss of Fijian way of life, etc., were raised to justify the coups. Land rights and other Fijian cultural institutions were already well guarded by the 1970 Constitution. Fiji coups were more about internal factors. The evidence produced so far shows that the external involvements such as that of the Central Intelligence Agency was neither significant nor has a crucial role. The Fijian elite and others who had much to lose were determined that the new government should be unseated. An examination of the Constitution of the Sovereign Democratic Republic of Fiji bears testimony to how far the Fijian elite have gone to preserve the feudal system of chiefly power and authority which had been eroding through the forces of change and development. The task that the new regime has set for itself is going to be difficult indeed. It will be an irony if the military coups in the end only enhance the decay of the very institutions they were meant to save in the first place.
Livres sur le sujet "Denmark – Politics and government – 20th century"
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Denmark-Greenland in the twentieth century. Copenhagen : The Commission for Scientific Research in Greenland, 2006.
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Stig, Hadenius. Swedish politics during the 20th century. 3e éd. [Stockholm] : Swedish Institute, 1990.
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Swedish politics during the 20th century. [Stockholm] : Swedish Institute, 1985.
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Stig, Hadenius. Swedish politics during the 20th century. 2e éd. [Stockholm] : Swedish Institute, 1988.
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Chumbley, Stephen. Timeline of the 20th century. London : Haus, 2006.
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1951-, Magnago Lampugnani Vittorio, Bergdoll Barry, Hatje Gerd et Pehnt Wolfgang, dir. Encyclopedia of 20th-century architecture. New York : N.N. Abrams, 1986.
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1947-, Ramsden John, dir. The Oxford companion to 20th-century British politics. New York : Oxford University Press, 2002.
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The last race of the 20th century. Morristown, N.J : Polyconomics, Inc., 1999.
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Swedish politics during the 20th century : Conflict and consensus. 4e éd. Stockholm, Sweden : Svenska institutet, 1997.
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Punjab in the 20th century : The crucial years. Gurgaon : Shubhi Publications, 2008.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Denmark – Politics and government – 20th century"
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Neal, Andrew W. « In Defence of Politics against Security ? » Dans Security as Politics, 1–41. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474450928.003.0001.
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This chapter begins with the history of security as a form of ‘anti-politics’, from Hobbes to 20th century struggles to tame the ‘rogue elephant’ of the US intelligence services. It discusses the growth of security practices since 9/11 and reviews a range of key literature in security studies that perpetuates the ‘anti-politics’ idea. The chapter then explores the key concepts of the book including the meaning of ‘politics’, the stakes involved in defining what is and is not ‘political’, and the normative and analytical significance of the concept of ‘normal politics’ in relation to the ‘exceptional politics’ of security. It also discusses the ‘political game’ and ‘professional politics’ as the empirical focus of the book, framing this through works of Machiavelli, Weber, Foucault, and Bourdieu. The chapter closes by describing the overarching historical narrative and extended UK case study of the book: a four-decade shift from institutionalised forms of ‘exceptional’ security politics in 1980s to the current situation in which security is a ‘whole of government’ project that increasingly occupies the ‘normal’ activities of politics.
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Brown, Katherine A. « Afghanistan’s Press ». Dans Your Country, Our War, 51–71. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190879402.003.0004.
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This chapter discusses the history of the Afghan news media, which was under either authoritarian or hyperpartisan control throughout the 20th century. This chapter explores the political and sociocultural factors that have contributed to the state of modern Afghan journalism, and how Afghan government officials have treated their press since 2001. It also examines the habits and norms local journalists have created, in addition to the impact of Western aid money and the presence of Western journalists in the country. Independent news media organizations have helped to drive dramatic change in Afghan politics and society, often at a seemingly breakneck speed. The patchwork media landscape of present-day Afghanistan reflects the various power struggles between the country’s politicians, extremists, strongmen, progressives, and foreign actors.
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Belfrage, Claes, et Mikko Kuisma. « The Swedish Social Democrats and the ‘new Swedish model’ : playing a losing game ». Dans Why the Left Loses. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447332664.003.0009.
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This chapter focuses on the Swedish Social Democrats. After the 2006 Swedish elections, the Social Democratic Party (SAP), the ‘natural party of government’ during the construction and heyday of the famous ‘Swedish model’ in the second half of the 20th century, entered opposition for eight long years. Initially at least, some might have taken this to represent just a regular short-term slump in electoral politics. However, it could also be seen as the beginning of a long decline. The party is playing a losing game and the only way in which it can reverse its fortunes is by calling the very foundations of the ‘new Swedish model’, now ironically perhaps associated with the Conservative administration of Fredrik Reinfeldt, into question.
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Berman, Sheri. « Foreword ». Dans Why the Left Loses. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447332664.003.0001.
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The decline of the centre-left over the past years is one of the most alarming trends in Western politics. During the latter part of the 20th century such parties either ran the government or led the loyal Opposition in virtually every Western democracy. Germany’s Social Democratic Party (SPD), once the most powerful party of the left in continental Europe, currently polls in high 20s or 30s. The French Socialist Party was eviscerated in the 2017 elections, as was the Dutch Labour Party. Even the vaunted Scandinavian social democratic parties are struggling, reduced to vote shares in the 30 per cent range. The British Labour Party and the US Democrats have been protected from challengers by their country’s first-past-the-post electoral systems, but the former has recently taken a sharp turn to the hard-left under Jeremy Corbyn, while the latter, although still competitive at the national level, is a minority party at the state and local levels, where a hard-right Republican Party dominates the scene....
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Denmark – Politics and government – 20th century"
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Fuentes, Gabriel. « The Politics of Memory : Constructing Heritage and Globalization in Havana, Cuba ». Dans 2016 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2016.60.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since granted world heritage status by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 1982, Old Havana has been the site of contested heritage practices. Critics consider UNESCO’s definition of the 143 hectare walled city center a discriminatory delineation strategy that primes the colonial core for tourist consumption at the expense of other parts of the city. To neatly bound Havana’s collective memory/history within its “old” core, they say, is to museumize the city as ”frozen in time,” sharply distinguishing the “historic” from the “vernacular.”While many consider heritage practices to resist globalization, in Havana they embody a complex entanglement of global and local forces. The Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991 triggered a crippling recession during what Fidel Castro called a“Special Period in a Time of Peace.” In response, Castro redeveloped international tourism—long demonized by the Revolution as associated with capitalist “evils”—in order to capture the foreign currency needed to maintain the state’s centralized economy. Paradoxically, the re-emergence of international tourism in socialist Cuba triggered similar inequalities found in pre-Revolutionary Havana: a dual-currency economy, government-owned retail (capturing U.S. dollars at the expense of Cuban Pesos), and zoning mechanisms to “protect” Cubanos from the “evils” of the tourism, hospitality, and leisure industries. Using the tropes of “heritage”and “identity,” preservation practices fueled tourism while allocating the proceeds toward urban development, using capitalism to sustain socialism. This paper briefly traces the geopolitics of 20th century development in Havana, particularly in relation to tourism. It then analyzes tourism in relation to preservation / restoration practices in Old Havana using the Plaza Vieja (Old Square)—Old Havana’ssecond oldest and most restored urban space—as a case study. In doing so, it exposes preservation/ restoration as a dynamic and politically complex practice that operates across scales and ideologies, institutionalizing history and memory as an urban design and identity construction strategy. The paper ends with a discussion on the implications of such practices for a rapidly changing Cuba.
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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. « THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980) ». Dans 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara : Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.