Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Denmark – Economic conditions – 1945- »

Mogens Rostgård Nissen: Alex Walter, — “… the German official who rendered the largest services of all to Denmark during the war.” Alex Walter was head of the German government committee, which during the occupation of Denmark negotiated trade agreements with the corresponding Danish government committee. That is why he had great influence on the economic side of occupation policy, which the German occupying power carried out in Denmark during the war. Walter had a broad knowledge of Danish economy and Danish conditions in general, because since 1932 he had negotiated trade agreements with top Danish officials. At the same time, he was well-known and respected in Denmark, and that was important for the agreements he assisted in concluding during the occupation. Under his leadership, the German occupying power followed a traditional trade policy, which was focused on practical issues and concrete results. It was a policy, which objectively was for the common good of Denmark and Germany. Walter was a very high-level official in the thoroughly Nazified Ministry of Nutrition and Agriculture. His immediate superior, Herbert Backe, was responsible for German food planning, and he had a decisive influence on the Nazi occupation policy for all of Europe, including the exploitation policy, which took place in Eastern and Southeastern Europe. But Denmark followed an entirely different economic track, which was characterized by negotiations and cooperation, and it was very much Walter, who became responsible for planning and implementing this economic policy. Among his negotiation partners in Denmark, Walter was perceived as a reasonable and sensible man, with whom one could negotiate and rely on. There was a clear understanding that Walter had intervened several times during political crises — among other things when the Danish government stood down in August 1943; during the general strike in the summer of 1944 and in connection with the deportation of the police in the autumn of 1944. But he also had a dark Nazi side to him, precisely because he was linked to Backe and the Ministry of Nutrition and Agriculture. After the war, he was interned due to the fact that as a senior official, he had been a member of the Nazi party and held the rank of SS Sturmbannführer. That is why he was only finally acquitted and stripped of his Nazi status in October 1948, a few months before he died.

Canon and oblivion. The memorials of archaeologyThe article takes its point of departure in the sun chariot; the find itself and its find site at Trundholm bog where it was discovered in 1902. The famous sun chariot, now at the National Museum in Copenhagen, is a national treasure included in the Danish “Cultural Canon” and “History Canon”.The find site itself has alternated bet­ween experiencing intense attention and oblivion. A monument was erected in 1925; a new monument was then created in 1962 and later moved in 2002. The event of 1962 was followed by ceremonies, speeches and songs, and anniversary celebrations were held in 2002, during which a copy of the sun chariot was sacrificed.The memorial at Trundholm bog is only one of several memorials at archaeological find sites in Denmark. Which finds have been commemorated and marked by memorials? When did this happen? Who took the initiative? How were they executed? Why are these finds remembered? What picture of the past do we meet in this canon in stone?Find sites and archaeological memorials have been neglected in archaeology and by recent trends in the study of the history of archaeology. Considering the impressive research on monuments and monumentality in archaeology, this is astonishing. However, memorials in general receive attention in an active research field on the use of history and heritage studies, where historians and ethnologists dominate. The main focus here is, however, on war memorials. An important source of inspiration has been provided by a project led by the French historian Pierre Nora who claims that memorial sites are established when the living memory is threatened (a thesis refuted by the many Danish “Reunion” monuments erected even before the day of reunification in 1920).Translated into Danish conditions, studies of the culture of remembrance and memorials have focused on the wars of 1848-50 and 1864, the Reunion in 1920, the Occupation in 1940-45 and, more generally, on conflicts in the borderland bet­ween Denmark and Germany.In relation to the total number of memorials and public meeting places in Denmark, archaeological memorials of archaeology are few in number, around 1 % of the total. However, they prompt crucial questions concerning the use of the past, on canon and oblivion.“Canon” means rule, and canonical texts are the supposed genuine texts in the Bible. The concept of canon became a topic in the 1990s when Harold Bloom, in “The Western Canon”, identified a number of books as being canonical. In Denmark, canon has been a great issue in recent years with the appearance of the “Danish Literary Canon” in 2004, and the “Cultural Canon” and the “History Canon”, both in 2006. The latter includes the Ertebølle culture, the sun chariot and the Jelling stone. The political context for the creation of canon lists is the so-called “cultural conflict” and the debate concerning immigration and “foreigners”.Canon and canonization means a struggle against relativism and oblivion. Canon means that something ought to be remembered while something else is allowed to be forgotten. Canon lists are constructed when works and values are perceived as being threatened by oblivion. Without ephemerality and oblivion there is no need for canon lists. Canon and oblivion are linked.Memorials mean canonization of certain individuals, collectives, events and places, while others are allowed to be forgotten. Consequently, archaeological memorials constitute part of the canonization of a few finds and find sites. According to Pierre Nora’s thesis, memorials are established when the places are in danger of being forgotten.Whether one likes canon lists or not, they are a fact. There has always been a process of prioritisation, leading to some finds being preserved and others discarded, some being exhibited and others ending up in the stores.Canonization is expressed in the classical “Seven Wonders of the World”, the “Seven New Wonders of the World” and the World Heritage list. A find may be declared as treasure trove, as being of “unique national significance” or be honoured by the publication of a monograph or by being given its own museum.In practice, the same few finds occur in different contexts. There seems to be a consensus within the subject of canonization of valuing what is well preserved, unique, made of precious metals, bears images and is monumental. A top-ten canon list of prehistoric finds from Denmark according to this consensus would probably include the following finds: The sun chariot from Trundholm, the girl from Egtved, the Dejbjerg carts, the Gundestrup cauldron, Tollund man, the golden horns from Gallehus, the Mammen or Bjerringhøj grave, the Ladby ship and the Skuldelev ships.Just as the past may be used in many different ways, there are many forms of memorial related to monuments from the past or to archaeological excavations. Memorials were constructed in the 18th and 19th centuries at locations where members of the royal family had conducted archaeology. As with most other memorials from that time, the prince is at the centre, while antiquity and archaeology create a brilliant background, for example at Jægerpris (fig. 2). Memorials celebrating King Frederik VII were created at the Dæmpegård dolmen and at the ruin of Asserbo castle. A memorial celebrating Count Frederik Sehested was erected at Møllegårdsmarken (fig. 3). Later there were also memorials celebrating the architect C.M. Smith at the ruin of Kalø Castle and Svend Dyhre Rasmussen and Axel Steensberg, respectively the finder and the excavator of the medieval village at Borup Ris.Several memorials were erected in the decades around 1900 to commemorate important events or persons in Danish history, for example by Thor Lange. The memorials were often located at sites and monuments that had recently been excavated, for example at Fjenneslev (fig. 4).A large number of memorials commemorate abandoned churches, monasteries, castles or barrows that have now disappeared, for example at the monument (fig. 5) near Bjerringhøj.Memorials were erected in the first half of the 20th century near large prehistoric monuments which also functioned as public meeting places, for example at Glavendrup, Gudbjerglund and Hohøj. Prehistoric monuments, especially dolmens, were also used as models when new memorials were created during the 19th and 20th centuries.Finally, sculptures were produced at the end of the 19th century sculptures where the motif was a famous archaeological find – the golden horns, the girl from Egtved, the sun chariot and the woman from Skrydstrup.In the following, this article will focus on a category of memorials raised to commemorate an archaeological find. In Denmark, 24 archaeological find sites have been marked by a total of 26 monuments (fig. 6). This survey is based on excursions, scanning the literature, googling on the web and contact with colleagues. The monuments are presented chronological, i.e. by date of erection. 1-2) The golden horns from Gallehus: Found in 1639 and 1734; two monu­ments in 1907. 3) The Snoldelev runic stone: Found in c. 1780; monument in 1915. 4) The sun chariot from Trundholm bog: Found in 1902; monument in 1925; renewed in 1962 and moved in 2002. 5) The grave mound from Egtved: Found in 1921; monument in 1930. 6) The Dejbjerg carts. Found in 1881-83; monument in 1933. 7) The Gundestrup cauldron: Found in 1891; wooden stake in 1934; replaced with a monument in 1935. 8) The Bregnebjerg burial ground: Found in 1932; miniature dolmen in 1934. 9) The Brangstrup gold hoard. Found in 1865; monument in 1935.10-11) Maglemose settlements in Mulle­rup bog: Found in 1900-02; two monuments in 1935 and 1936. 12) The Skarpsalling vessel from Oudrup Heath: Found in 1891; monument in 1936. 13) The Juellinge burial ground: Found in 1909; monument in 1937. 14) The Ladby ship: Found in 1935; monument probably in 1937. 15) The Hoby grave: Found in 1920; monument in 1939. 16) The Maltbæk lurs: Found in 1861 and 1863; monument in 1942. 17) Ginnerup settlement: First excavation in 1922; monument in 1945. 18) The golden boats from Nors: Found in 1885; monument in 1945. 19) The Sædinge runic stone: Found in 1854; monument in 1945. 20) The Nydam boat: Found in 1863; monument in 1947. 21) The aurochs from Vig: Found in 1904; monument in 1957. 22) Tollund Man: Found in 1950; wooden stake in 1968; renewed inscription in 2000. 23) The Veksø helmets: Found in 1942; monument in 1992. 24) The Bjæverskov coin hoard. Found in 1999; monument in 1999. 25) The Frydenhøj sword from Hvidovre: Found in 1929; monument in 2001; renewed in 2005. 26) The Bellinge key: Found in 1880; monument in 2003.Two monuments (fig. 7) raised in 1997 at Gallehus, where the golden horns were found, marked a new trend. From then onwards the find itself and its popular finders came into focus. At the same time the classical or old Norse style of the memorials was replaced by simple menhirs or boulders with an inscription and sometimes also an image of the find. One memorial was constructed as a miniature dolmen and a few took the form of a wooden stake.The finds marked by memorials represent a broader spectrum than the top-ten list. They represent all periods from the Stone Age to the Middle Ages over most of Denmark. Memorials were created throughout the 20th century; in greatest numbers in the 1930s and 1940s, but with none between 1968 and 1992.The inscriptions mention what was found and, in most cases, also when it happened. Sometimes the finder is named and, in a few instances, also the person on whose initiative the memorial was erected. The latter was usually a representative part of the political agency of the time. In the 18th and 19th centuries it was the royal family and the aristocracy. In the 20th century it was workers, teachers, doctors, priests, farmers and, in many cases, local historical societies who were responsible, as seen on the islands of Lolland and Falster, where ten memorials were erected between 1936 and 1951 to commemorate historical events, individuals, monuments or finds.The memorial from 2001 at the find site of the Frydenhøj sword in Hvidovre represents an innovation in the tradition of marking history in the landscape. The memorial is a monumental hybrid between signposting and public art (fig. 8). It formed part of a communication project called “History in the Street”, which involved telling the history of a Copenhagen suburb right there where it actually happened.The memorials marking archaeological finds relate to the nation and to nationalism in several ways. The monuments at Gallehus should, therefore, be seen in the context of a struggle concerning both the historical allegiance and future destiny of Schleswig or Southern Jutland. More generally, the national perspective occurs in inscriptions using concepts such as “the people”, “Denmark” and “the Danes”, even if these were irrelevant in prehistory, e.g. when the monument from 1930 at Egtved mentions “A young Danish girl” (fig. 9). This use of the past to legitimise the nation, belongs to the epoch of World War I, World War II and the 1930s. The influence of nationalism was often reflected in the ceremonies when the memorials were unveiled, with speeches, flags and songs.According to Marie Louise Stig Sørensen and Inge Adriansen, prehistoric objects that are applicable as national symbols, should satisfy three criteria. The should: 1) be unusual and remarkable by their technical and artistic quality; 2) have been produced locally, i.e. be Danish; 3) have been used in religious ceremonies or processions. The 26 archaeological finds marked with memorials only partly fit these criteria. The finds also include more ordinary finds: a burial ground, settlements, runic stones, a coin hoard, a sword and a key. Several of the finds were produced abroad: the Gundestrup cauldron, the Brangstrup jewellery and coins and the Hoby silver cups.It is tempting to interpret the Danish cultural canon as a new expression of a national use of the past in the present. Nostalgia, the use of the past and the creation of memorials are often explained as an expression of crisis in society. This seems reasonable for the many memorials from 1915-45 with inscriptions mentioning hope, consolation and darkness. However, why are there no memorials from the economic crisis years of the 1970s and 1980s? It seems as if the past is recalled, when the nation is under threat – in the 1930s and 40s from expansive Germany – and since the 1990s by increased immigration and globalisation.The memorials have in common local loss and local initiative. A treasure was found and a treasure was lost, often to the National Museum in Copenhagen. A treasure was won that contributed to the great narrative of the history of Denmark, but that treasure has also left its original context. The memorials commemorate the finds that have contributed to the narrative of the greatness, age and area of Denmark. The memorials connect the nation and the native place, the capital and the village in a community, where the past is a central concept. The find may also become a symbol of a region or community, for example the sun chariot for Trundholm community and the Gundestrup cauldron for Himmerland.It is almost always people who live near the find site who want to remember what has been found and where. The finds were commemorated by a memorial on average 60 years after their discovery. A longer period elapsed for the golden horns from Gallehus; shortest was at Bjæverskov where the coin hoard was found in March 1999 and a monument was erected in November of the same year.Memorials might seem an old-fashioned way of marking localities in a national topography, but new memorials are created in the same period as many new museums are established.A unique find has no prominent role in archaeological education, research or other work. However, in public opinion treasures and exotic finds are central. Folklore tells of people searching for treasures but always failing. Treasure hunting is restricted by taboos. In the world of archaeological finds there are no taboos. The treasure is found by accident and in spite of various hindrances the find is taken to a museum. The finder is often a worthy person – a child, a labourer or peasant. He or she is an innocent and ordinary person. A national symbol requires a worthy finder. And the find occurs as a miracle. At the find site a romantic relationship is established between the ancestors and their heirs who, by way of a miracle, find fragments of the glorious past of the nation. A paradigmatic example is the finding of the golden horns from Gallehus. Other examples extend from the discovery of the sun chariot in Trundholm bog to the Stone Age settlement at Mullerup bog.The article ends with a catalogue presenting the 24 archaeological find sites that have been marked with monuments in present-day Denmark.Jes WienbergHistorisk arkeologiInstitutionen för Arkeologi och ­Antikens historiaLunds Universitet

We can all agree that World War II, beyond its military, political or economic coordinates, countless tragedies, convulsions propagated around the world, tensions and dramas often felt to our day, was for all of us a lesson of geography. From this perspective, the invasion of Poland in September 1939 by the German and Soviet troops was a first lesson, continued on another level by the Soviet-Finnish Winter War. The invasion of Norway (and Denmark) by the Germans in April 1940, followed by the allied reaction and the transformation of the Scandinavian states into a theatre of military operations, was monitored with distinct interest in Romania, at political, diplomatic and military level, but also at the level of general perception of a society that was both worried and avid, in the context of the European (for the time being) war, of information on the evolution of the conflict and not only. Names such as Oslo, Narvik, Trondheim, Åndalsnes, Namsos, Bergen, Lillehammer, Stavanger or Tromsø become familiar to the Romanian public. We find, especially in the Romanian media of the time, a luxurious abundance of accounts, commentaries, editorials, telegrams or interviews related to the conduct of military operations in northern Europe, beyond the censorship and restrictions imposed by the conditions of the war. From this perspective, we find it difficult to attempt even to pursue the conflict in Norway in April-May 1940 only in the light of articles in the Romanian press. Central newspapers, in the first place, abound with telegrams that alternately feature views, news, and information from both camps. Inevitably there were various denials, rumors, or what we call today “fake news”, often taken over by the sensational rush, even by big press agencies of the time, without mentioning newspapers in European capitals including Bucharest. For this reason, our objective is to identify and analyze some of the Romanian echoes generated by the invasion of Norway, both in the Romanian media, but also at a diplomatic or military level, in a context in which Romania, as a neutral state, lived its own tensions and worries about its future fate as the war spread across the old continent.

The article deals with the phenomenon of the Danish economic collaboration during the German occupation of Denmark in 1940—1945. The occupation of Denmark is a unique case among other occupied European countries such as France, Belgium and the Netherlands during the Second World War where Germany openly pursued the policy of economic exploitation and introduced strict rationing practices. The peculiar “soft” conduct of the Danish occupation is mainly attributed to the special role Denmark’s agricultural exports played in the German war economy. Under the occupation the efficient system of production and food consumption control was devised in Denmark which met the interests and needs of both the Danish population and Germany’s economy. The article highlights the specific mechanisms of economic coordination between Denmark and the German occupation authorities within industry and agriculture, and reveals Denmark’s role in the German military and economic plans.

Danish archaeology in the shadow of the swastika, 1933-1945 With Hitler’s takeover in 1933 and the emergence of the National Socialist regime, Prehistoric archaeology in Germany was strengthened, both on the economical and the scholarly level. Prehistoric archaeologists entered into a Faustian bargain with the new government, and arguing the presence of Germanic peoples outside the borders of the Third Reich, they legitimated the Nazi “Drang nach Osten”. With the Fuhrer’s lack of interest in German prehistory, the fight for control of this field became a matter between two organisations, the Ahnenerbe, which was attached to Heinrich Himmler’s SS, and the competing Reichsbund für Deutsche Vorgeschichte under NSDAP’s chief ideologist, Alfred Rosenberg’s “Amt Rosenberg” (Figs. 1-2). When the Second World War broke out in 1939, Ahnenerbe appeared as winner of the fight over the German prehistory. However, the archaeological power struggles continued in the conquered territories until the end of the war.Immediately after the Nazi takeover in 1933, leading staff members of the Danish National Museum in Copenhagen, such as Mouritz Mackeprang, Poul Nørlund, and Johannes Brøndsted (Figs. 3-4) dissociated themselves from the political development south of the border. However, in the course of time, and in conformity with the official Danish accommodation policy towards Germany in the 1930s, the opposition changed their attitude into a more neutral policy of cultural adjustment towards Nazified German colleagues.The Danish government’s surrender on the 9th of April 1940 meant a continuing German recognition of Denmark as a sovereign state. From the German side, the communication with the Danish government was handled by the German ministry of foreign affairs in Berlin, and by the German legation in Copenhagen. Denmark was the sole occupied country under the domain of the ministry of foreign affairs, and from the beginning of the occupation it became a regular element in the policy of the ministry to prevent other political organs within the Nazi polycracy to gain influence in Denmark. Not until the appointment of SS-Gruppenfuhrer Werner Best (Fig. 5) as the German Reich Plenipotentiary in Denmark in November 1942, the SS and the Ahnenerbe got an opportunity to secure their influence in Denmark. However, due to the chilly attitude in the Danish population towards the German culture propaganda, practiced mainly through the German Scientific Institute in Copenhagen, and the gradual worsening of the political conditions following the resignation of the Danish government on the 29th of August 1943, the Ahnenerbe, led by Wolfram Sievers (Fig. 6), was never firmly established in Denmark. The one result of Ahnenerbe’s influence in Denmark worth mentioning was the effort by the Kiel Archaeologist Karl Kersten (Fig. 7) to prevent German destruction of prehistoric Danish (Germanic) relics. Kersten began his work in 1940 and was met from the start with aversion from the National Museum in Copenhagen, which regarded the activities of the Ahnenerbe-archaeologist as German interference with Danish conditions. Yet, in time the work of the Kiel archaeologist was accepted and recognised by the muse- um, and he was officially recognized by the Danish state when in 1957, Kersten was made Knight of Dannebrog.Less successful than the Ahnenerbe rival was the prominent Nazi archaeologist Hans Reinerth (Fig. 8) and the efforts by Reichsbund für Deutsche Vorgeschichte to gain influence on the Danish scene of culture politics. One of Reinerth’s few successes in occupied Denmark was a short contact with two Danish archaeologists, Gudmund Hatt and Mogens B. Mackeprang (Figs. 9-10). However, the connections with the RfDV-leader do not seem to have been maintained, once the Danish government had ceased to function from the 29th of August 1943.During the occupation, around 300 listed burial mounds and an unknown number of prehistoric relics below ground level were destroyed or damaged due to construction projects carried out by the German occupants (Figs. 11-12). The complaints about the damage put forward by the National Museum were generally met by understanding in the German administration and in the Bauleitung (construction department), whereas the Wehrmacht had a more indifferent approach to the complaints. As opposed to this, the Danish museums managed to get through the war with no damage or German confiscations worth mentioning, thus avoiding the fate of museums, collections, and libraries in countries such as France, Poland, and the Soviet Union.Lars Schreiber PedersenÅrhusTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle

Despite the spectacular economic changes in the international system and in Denmark, Norway and Iceland since 1945, the security policies of these countries have been remarkably constant. On the basis of a juxtapositioning of the conflicting trends of development in the international economic and political system, it is predicted that security policy in these three NATO countries to the North is up for change in the future. Three scenarios, based on present economic tendencies, are outlined: 1. International integration through renewed US dominance; 2. Split up into economic- political regions; 3. Collapse of the international economic system. The resulting changes in the security policy of each of these three states are indicated and discussed.

John T. Lauridsen: Werner Best’s prison records 1945-51 The article provides a brief account of the content of Field Marshal for Denmark Werner Best’s prison notes with a list of those which are non-literary. Then the notes concerning Danish conditions are presented in greater detail, since they are characterized as primary defence statements with the intention of explaining and defending the politics that he wishes to present as those he conducted during his time as Field Marshal for Denmark 1942-45. There is a development in the content of the notes concerning Denmark from the first ones in 1945 to the later ones in 1948 in line with the fact that he obtained insight into the contemporary records written by himself, which the public prosecutor had managed to collect from him. The development was in the form of an adaptation of previous statements concerning the material presented or explaining the contents of it away, in the sense that a context was presented, which negated the meaning of what he had written, unless he did not openly state instead that what he had written was a lie already at the time of writing. The latter was supposedly in agreement with the Auswärtiges Amt with the common goal of preventing Hitler from intervening in Danish affairs. On the whole, Hitler is introduced in various contexts as an active party, who had exerted fundamental influence on incriminating documents drawn up by Best, while there is no contemporary documentation that Hitler exerted any influence or even had his attention focused on Denmark. This results in Best’s use of “the telephone trick”, which the author has chosen to call it, namely that Best invokes telephone calls from the headquarters of the fuhrer, from Ribbentrop’s ministerial office located there or from the Auswärtiges Amt, which make him act in another manner that justifies his actions for posterity, or ascribes an impact on posterity to himself, which he had not been able to obtain in some other way. The most obvious examples are the initiative for the action against the Jews in 1943, the April Crisis in 1944, the repercussions from the general strike in Copenhagen in the summer of 1944, and the outcome of the discussions concerning whether or not to conduct the final battle in Mürwik on 3 May 1945. An account is given of Best’s attempt to impose a general reading guide for his contemporary documents upon the reader, followed by a representation of and detailed commentary upon selected statements by Best, which illustrate Best’s form of history manipulation in detail, where he also provides guidance on how he wants specific individual documents to be read and understood. It is inspiring reading. Two records are not about his own trial, but about his relationship to DNSAP (the Danish Nazi Party) and the Schalburg Corps (the Nazi anti-sabotage corps in Denmark) and the group of people surrounding them. Here he continues to manipulate his own role, but also shows his ruthlessness towards partners who did not obey orders. This also gave him cause to dismiss the entire German Reich leadership in Denmark as being more or less amateurish.

AbstractThe history of Coca-Cola in Denmark in the early post-war years offers a fascinating case for studying the close links between Cold War politics, business interest and cultures of consumption. In the early 1950s, the well-organised Danish beverage industry lobbied effectively to protect their home market against the American soft-drink giant. The result was a special cola tax that made production of cola drinks unprofitable in Denmark. This tax came under growing pressure in the late 1950s and was eventually abandoned in 1959. Resistance to ‘America's advance’ continued after 1959 as the Coca-Cola Company came to face strong competition from the local Jolly Cola brand, produced by exactly the same business interests that had lobbied for the cola tax six years earlier.

AbstractThis study measures the effects of macroeconomic conditions upon the popularity of the incumbent party in Canadian federal general elections from 1945 to 1988. In so doing it uses a model similar to the retrospective voting models used in electoral studies in the United States. The results suggest that for the elections from 1945 to 1972, bad economic conditions preceding the election benefited the incumbent party. For the elections from 1974 to 1988, these effects were diminished or reversed. Such results have precedents in separate studies that use Canadian poll data. However, they contradict the general conclusion of American studies that bad conditions hurt the incumbent. This contradiction suggests that the model's assumptions about voting behaviour, which appear to be verified by the American studies, do not apply universally.

The economic impact of large influxes of population is a complex topic. This research contributes to this field by examining one of the most significant, but least researched, examples of postwar migration – the repatriation of more than six million (including three million civilians and demobilised soldiers each) to Japan after the Second World War. One pervasive image of Japanese civilian repatriates is that of the immigrant farmer of Manchuria who settled as a part of Japan’s Manchurian policies and had difficult repatriation experiences under the hostility of local people. However, many returned from other regions as well, including Korea and Sakhalin, and repatriates consisted of not only farmers but also colonial government officials, employees of public and private corporations, and small business owners, amongst others. This paper specifically focuses on civilian repatriates in selected prefectures (Ibaraki, Hiroshima, Kanagawa and Osaka) in 1956 and their occupational changes during the time of economic transition. Whilst it is evident that for many repatriates the postwar transition was not entirely smooth, the data presented in this research suggests that in contrast to prevailing notions, repatriates’ postwar resettlement was facilitated by a) employment in family farming and the tertiary sector, b) employment at government agencies or c) the transferability of repatriates’ skills in industry and retail and services. The information from the 1956 government survey into repatriates’ postwar lives shows that approximately 60 per cent of repatriates fell in these categories, while the other 40 per cent found employment in new areas or became unemployed. As a result, despite the scale of the repatriation, the settlement was broadly successful. It can be argued that this type of transition helped to bring political and economic stability, which became a foundation of Japan’s postwar growth.

This study in local history describes socio-economic developments in Grahamstown between 1918 - 1945, and analyses the extent to which these developments mirrored trends in the macrocosm. During these years the city failed to become ndustrialised, but enhanced her reputation as an eminent educational centre. Despite being financially handicapped, the City Council undertook large public works schemes for the provision of essential services, such as electricity and an adequate supply of water. In addition a water-borne sewerage scheme was introduced, and roads were repaired and tarred. The influx of a large number of poor rural Blacks into the urban area placed a considerable strain on the city's health services, and housing projects had to be implemented. Local political affiliations and race relations are examined against the background of national developments, especially the growing entrenchment by the State of the policy of segregation. Attention is also devoted to the impact upon the community of international political crises. The cultural and sporting pursuits, as well as the entertainments enjoyed by Grahamstonians, are investigated; and a picture of the local "mentalite" is presented.

In many respects, the mid-nineteenth century marks the beginning of China’s modern history: the Opium War (1839-42) and domestic turbulence compelled Chinese statesmen to realise that the old state apparatus was no longer able to cope with the changing world. However the pursuit of greater state capacity collided with a feeble ability to raise taxes and an ancient monetary system far from being unified. How did the government carry out even limited alterations to the monetary system in times of urgent fiscal need? And how did the monetary evolution proceed with these partial reforms? This thesis focuses on the movement of the Chinese monetary system from a traditional metallic system to a modern fiat money system, and discusses three issues during different phases of the transition. The first part re-examines the case of ‘Xianfeng inflation’ (1853-61) when the government attempted to issue new monies to resolve the crisis in public finances. It points out that under the traditional commodity money system the government had little impact on money supply, and that the so-called inflation was an outcome of coinage debasement combined with a banking crisis resulting from the debt default. The second part focuses on the introduction of modern coinage minted with steam power around the 1900s, enabling the government to supply credible monies that no longer relied on their intrinsic metallic values. It argues that this technological innovation allowed the Chinese government for the first time to implement effective monetary manipulation and exert an impact on the rural economy. The third part investigates the behaviour of money holders during a war. It compares the velocities of paper notes issued in Free China and Occupied China during the Second World War (1937-45) and demonstrates that the credibility of the monies depends most on people’s expectations about the survival of the regime. The transition from a traditional to a modern currency system is a search for a new monetary credibility that had formerly lain within the value of the metal. The evolution of the Chinese monetary system illustrates vividly the constant state struggle between monetary credibility – via coercion, technology, or legitimacy – and its pocket gain, when the fiscal soundness is at stake.

This thesis examines income inequality in Taiwan from three perspectives: economic development, political democracy, and world-system/dependence. Education, population growth, population structure, unemployment, savings, and export growth are treated as variables. Below are the important conclusions. Economic development has an effect on income inequality. The level of development is crucial. In the 1950s and 1960s, the relationship was significant, but in the next two decades economic development did not further decrease income inequality. Sector dualism was not a good predictor. Democratization did not have an obvious relation with income inequality. But the stable political environment and the endeavors of government to keep the society stable were crucial to economic development and improvement in income inequality. Foreign capital and export dependence did not retard economic development and worsen income inequality. But the influence of foreign capital did not contradict the world-system/dependence argument. Expansion of education had a negative relation with income inequality. The most important thing was the expansion of primary school education and junior high school education. The predicted relation between population growth and population structure and income inequality was not totally supported. Export expansion and savings expansion had an important influence on economic development and, like the relation between the economic development and income inequality, the relation between the expansion of exports and savings and income inequality was stronger in the 1960s than in the 1950s. Unemployment had almost the same change pattern as income inequality. This implies that employment had a negative relation with income inequality and, after 1970, the low unemployment helped keep inequality at a low level in the 1970s and 1980s. In the late 1980s and early 1990s income inequality increased slightly as radical changes in economic structure, political environment, and other social factors transformed Taiwan. Other developed countries also show an increase in income inequality associated with similar changes. Thus income inequality in Taiwan is predicted to increase further.

This thesis contends that the historiographical boundaries and focus of labour history, political history, of policy making and nationalisation have resulted in an incomplete understanding of trade unions attitudes towards, and influence upon, post-war British economic policy. In particular, the predominant concern of labour historians with strike patterns and their causes, particularly within the coal industry, has been at the expense of other forms of trade union activity. Whilst the more general historiography of the period and that of policy making address these issues, they do not tend to do so below the peak level organisation of the TUC and of Whitehall and Westminster. This has lead to miners unions being portrayed as a somewhat monolithic organisation predominantly concerned with disputes, strike prone with poor industrial relations, but politically conservative and generally supportive of the Labour Party and Government policy. In taking a multi-level analysis, with particular emphasis on Scotland, and examining the evidence from the NUM's interaction with Government, party, National Coal Board and the industry'S conciliation and consultative machinery, this thesis argues that a more diverse pattern of trade union attitudes and influence existed. It is suggested that the TUC had a relatively minor role to play in the development of coal nationalisation policy after 1947. Furthermore, the national level of the NUM was unable to adapt fully to its new-role under nationalisation because areas such as Scotland continued to exercise considerable power and influence. In this it is demonstrated that Scotland could take a divergent attitude to the national level of the union, particularly over wages, and ultimately meet with some success. The Scottish Area of the NUM also displayed poorer industrial relations to the national and local levels. In particular, the evidence from colliery level consultation demonstrates that there was a more positive and constructive side to local union activity within the nationalised industry than the focus on disputes hitherto suggested. Therefore, this thesis concludes that there is sufficient evidence from the experience of the NUM to suggest that a more complex and diverse pattern of trade union behaviour existed between 1945 and 1955 in the nationalised coal industry. However, this pattern is not so rooted in any Scottish cultural explanation, or contradictory to existing interpretations, as to preclude its broader applicability to other areas of the coal industry or unions in other nationalised industries.

The thesis looks at the question of political change in Taiwan. Specifically it examines the question of whether or not political liberalization has occurred simply as a result of economic development. The thesis also evaluates the extent of the political reform that has occurred. After examining a variety of information on the economic development and social changes, as well as the political history of the island, the thesis looks at specific political reforms. The conclusion is drawn that the process of political reform in Taiwan is not a carefully pre-determined plan on the part of the political elite. Rather, political reform is the response of the ruling Kuomintang to try and perpetuate their hold on power. Reforms occur only as they serve that particular goal.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

AbstractHistorically, Denmark was a “first-mover” as a signatory to liberal international humanitarian laws and conventions, especially with regard to refugees. Yet, in recent years Denmark has cherished the role of a different kind of “first mover” – namely as hardliner when it comes to immigration policies. This is evident in the existent political discourse and restrictive immigration policies personified not least in the number of times Denmark has altered (and tightened) immigration regulations. Yet, we demonstrate that, while “barriers” exist in terms of entering Denmark, the Danish labour market structure is such that it ends up facilitating refugees’ integration and legally protecting their labour rights. To be sure, this protection is a way of guaranteeing the rights of Danish workers who would adversely be affected by the proliferation of an unregulated labour market where refugees are compelled to work under worse legal and economic conditions. However, the Danish case ends up being one where, counterintuitively, legal barriers (to entering the labour market) coexist alongside enabling factors (legal guarantees) of refugees’ rights.

The metropolitan region of Copenhagen in Denmark has successfully avoided urban sprawl through a comprehensive public plan initiated more than seventy years ago. Given the well-known challenges to urban planning, it is surprising how successful this so-called Finger Plan has been in governing the process of expansion and development to satisfy both public planners and private citizens. Formulated in the optimistic post-war years, 1945–7, when the pressure on land use outside the city centre was still limited, the plan was initiated by the private Urban Planning Lab. In today’s terminology, this was a bottom-up grassroots initiative which maintained support from local, regional, and national decision-makers. Higher than expected growth in population, economy, and transportation infrastructure has been achieved through robust adaptation. Now considered by many to be one of the greatest Danish planning achievements in history, it was included in 2006 on the national list of celebrated cultural icons. The chapter analyses the conditions for and adaptive development of the Finger Plan. The analysis of the factors driving the successful formulation and implementation of the Finger Plan pays attention to the question of timing, the professional process management, the political coalition building, the strength of metaphors, and the ability to adapt to changing conditions.

In technological policy literature, the term “path dependency” frequently emerges in attempts to explain why a given technological track develops. The premise behind the notion of technological path dependency is that historical social, technological, economic, and political forces foster conditions for a particular technology to thrive. Once a technology becomes dominant, vested interests—which profit from the technology—hinder radical change, because change carries an implicit threat that those benefitting from the status quo might suffer an erosion of economic benefits. To illustrate path dependency, consider the history of the QWERTY keyboard (referring to the sequencing of letters from left to right on the top row of a standard computer keyboard). Keyboards on typewriters were designed in this way to reduce mechanical type hammers from clashing with each other. Over time, type hammers were made obsolete by type-balls. Nevertheless, the QWERTY keyboard remained unchanged (even in this day of computerized word processing)—despite the fact that research has shown the QWERTY layout to be inferior in terms of optimizing typing speed. This layout has perpetuated because legions of typists have learned on the QWERTY keyboard; therefore, technological familiarity has insulated this design feature from change. The notion of path dependency is relevant to the story of wind power development in Denmark because, as will be described in this chapter, a number of social, economic, technological, and political forces shepherded Denmark’s ascent to the top position as the nation with the world’s highest percentage of wind power contributing to national electricity generation. In addition to illustrating the influence of technological momentum, there are two other contemplative policy insights to be gleaned from studying wind power diffusion in Denmark. First, Denmark’s wind power development experience demonstrates that grassroots support mechanisms which engage communities and individuals in the development process bolster the effectiveness of economic incentives. Second, Denmark’s wind power story demonstrates that establishing a technological foothold is never a guarantee of uncontested market entrenchment. As any technology matures, its impact on society, business and political fortunes evolves.

Based on the analysis of works on the history of Tajikistan during the Great Patriotic War, the article reveals that the topic of the history of the Republic’s population has not received sufficient research. Tajik historians have focused on economic development, primarily in agriculture, labour feat and assistance to the front. In recent years, various papers were published about the difficult living conditions of the population, work of health authorities, reception and accommodation of evacuees and special settlers. Analysis of archival intelligence demonstrated that statistical information about the population contained in the archives of Tajikistan and Russia will form the basis for studying demographic processes in war conditions.

The article elucidates the situation of children in educational institutions in the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic in the context of the reoccupation of Bessarabia and the restoration of the Soviet-type educational system. Following the analysis of the archive documents, we found that the general schooling of the children was carried out in precarious socio-economic conditions, in the absence of appropriate buildings, furniture and adequate teaching inventory. It also happened in situations of poverty, when a large part of the population did not have enough resources to dress and feed children properly. The unsatisfactory conditions in schools have led to poor results in studies, the spread of diseases and epidemics among children. The situation in the educational institutions of the Moldavian SSR in the academic year 1944–1945 clearly illustrates that schooling had a compulsory character being motivated by the interest of the Soviet authorities to install administrative, political and ideological control over the young generation. After the occupation of Bessarabia, given the continuation of military operations to the countries of Western Europe and the need of restoration following them, resources were insufficient and political and ideological objectives were achieved in circumstances of poverty. The 1944–1945 academic year was a turning point for the young generation in the Moldovan SSR. It began to be subjected to ideological training through ideological study programs and involvement in communist organizations for children and youth. Also, the “convert” of children to the communist ideology, to the detriment of national traditions and values, began.

Whether the Dutch Disease thesis, which is one of the best-known economic explanations on this subject, which puts forward the thesis that countries rich in natural resources can have negative effects on long-term economic growth, directly or indirectly, depending on the way they are used, is valid or not. tried to be demonstrated. The Dutch disease thesis is one of the main explanations for resource misfortune, emphasizing the negative effects of resource abundance on the national economy in countries with rich resource endowments and pointing to a paradox that economic conditions will be better in countries that do not have relatively little (or scarce) natural resources. is happening. Therefore, in our study, it is aimed to investigate whether resource richness causes an economic recession or not, especially for developed countries by considering indirect transmission channels. In this context, 11 developed countries such as Netherlands, Norway, Ireland, Germany, New Zealand, the United States of America, Canada, Australia, Poland, the United Kingdom, and Denmark, between 1990 and 2019, are based on the experiences of developed countries, which are especially rich in different sources of Dutch Disease syndrome. The country has been researched with static and dynamic panel analysis methods. As a result of the estimation, findings were found that the Dutch Disease was partially valid in terms of developed country samples throughout the sample period considered.

FinTech industry development creates the conditions for financial inclusion, which in turn enables the achievement of 8 out of 17 SDGs towards global sustainable development. Accordingly, to achieve sustainable econom-ic development, full financial inclusion and the SDGs, it is crucial to achieve sustainable FinTech industry development and clarify its relationship with the SDGs, since research to date is limited and examines the connection in the narrow sense. Therefore, this paper presents the pilot study on the contribution of SDG indicators to the sustainable FinTech industry development, indicates the main drivers and provides recommendations for further development of FinTech industry in terms of sustainability. The pilot results of expert assessment show that SDG 8 “Decent Work and Economic Growth” contributes to the sustainable FinTech industry development the most, followed by SDG 9 “Industry, Innova-tion and Infrastructure”, SDG 4 “Quality Education”, SDG 16 “Peace, Justice and Strong Institutions”. The pilot results of the multicriteria assessment show that out of 15 European countries, Lithuania has the most sustainable development in terms of FinTech industry, followed by Estonia, Denmark, Finland. These results suggest that Northern Europe is the most suitable European region for sustainable FinTech industry development.