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1
Fritzsche, Peter. « Seeing Hitler's Germany : Tourism in the Third Reich. By Kristin Semmens. Basingstoke and New York : Palgrave Macmillan. 2005. Pp. xiv+263. $74.95. ISBN 1-4039-3914-4. » Central European History 39, no 2 (19 mai 2006) : 325–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890630012x.
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Between the two world wars, Germany was on the move. The slowdown of the Great Depression notwithstanding, more and more Germans took vacations and enjoyed weekend adventures, and when they traveled, they did so to destinations farther and farther away from home. Along the way, they filled up trains, hotels, and youth hostels. And it was very much Germany that Germans wanted to explore, following as they did quite explicit itineraries of the idealized nation. “Seeing Germany,” as Kristin Semmens puts it, was a way of possessing and occupying Germany. This was quite deliberately the case for the hundreds of thousands of visitors who took special trains to Stahlhelm marches, Reichsbanner demonstrations, and, later in the 1930s, the Nuremberg party rallies, for which more than 700 special trains were pressed into service in 1938. “Seeing Germany” was also at the heart of the new tourist practices the Nazis created: the camp experiences of the Hitler Youth and the rural outposts of the Reich Labor Service. Patriotism required an overnight stay.
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Hanshew, Karrin. « Daring More Democracy ? Internal Security and the Social Democratic Fight against West German Terrorism ». Central European History 43, no 1 (mars 2010) : 117–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890999135x.
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Over the course of the 1970s, West Germans fought one another in an attempt to defend democracy. Frustrated with the seemingly ineffectual speeches and demonstrations of the 1960s protest movements, militant groups such as the Red Army Faction (RAF), June 2ndMovement, and the Red Cells took up arms. They declared war on the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) for its failure to rid itself of the vestiges of fascism, for its hierarchical-authoritarian structure, and for the abuses of western consumer society. Inspired by national liberation movements in the formerly colonized world, the groups aimed both to raise revolutionary consciousness among the West German population and to demonstrate the state's vulnerability through illegal action. The RAF, in particular, stressed the importance of violence as a simultaneous act of emancipation and defense—the latter understood as counterviolence necessitated by state-initiated violence. The repeated violation of norms would, its members argued, undermine Germans' traditional “habit of obedience” and, at the same time, force the state to reveal openly its fascism. These tough-love tactics, in short, aimed to save West Germans from themselves and thereby save German democracy.
3
Patton, David F. « Protest Voting in Eastern Germany ». German Politics and Society 37, no 3 (1 septembre 2019) : 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370306.
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In 1989-1990, peaceful protests shook the German Democratic Republic (GDR), ushered in unification, and provided a powerful narrative of people power that would shape protest movements for decades to come. This article surveys eastern German protest across three decades, exploring the interplay of protest voting, demonstrations, and protest parties since the Wende. It finds that protest voting in the east has had a significant political impact, benefiting and shaping parties on both the left and the right of the party spectrum. To understand this potential, it examines how economic and political factors, although changing, have continued to provide favorable conditions for political protest in the east. At particular junctures, waves of protest occurred in each of the three decades after unification, shaping the party landscape in Germany.
4
Ross, Ronald J. « TheKulturkampfand the Limitations of Power in Bismarck's Germany ». Journal of Ecclesiastical History 46, no 4 (octobre 1995) : 669–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900080489.
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Few conflicts in imperial Germany were more important than theKulturkampf, a major dispute between the Catholic Church and the Prussian State and a notorious example of the destructive character of Bismarckian politics. TheKulturkampfbegan in 1871, gathered in intensity and bitterness until 1878, and then continued with slowly diminishing severity down to 1887. Despite all its drama (the attempted assassination of governmental officials, the arrest and trial of prominent churchmen, even riots and mass demonstrations) and its undeniable political importance, theKulturkampfremains among the neglected problems of nineteenth-century German history. For the most part what has been written is so contradictory and prejudiced that even now – more than one hundred years later – the issues remain controversial and, in many respects, obscure.
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Majer-O'Sickey, Ingeborg. « Out of the Closet ? German Patriotism and Soccer Mania ». German Politics and Society 24, no 3 (1 septembre 2006) : 82–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780441601.
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As host of the 2006 soccer World Cup in June and July 2006, Germany was suddenly full of different Germans, waving millions of black-red-gold mini flags and wearing their (and others') national colors with abandon. Was this show of nationalism a new kind of trans/national patriotism? Most certainly, the national enthusiasm exhibited in Germany had nothing whatsoever to do with past demonstrations of patriotism. With the focus on the country as host to world soccer aficionados, the world also learned of a multicultural Germany that has existed for the last fifty years or so. It learned that it is not always successful with its social and economic problems, and that the desire for national unity is sometimes difficult to fulfill. Quite correctly, the national media described Germany as joyous, generous, and open-minded hosts. In the foreign press, too, the old stereotypes were broken down.
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Hirschman, Albert O. « Exit, Voice, and the Fate of the German Democratic Republic : An Essay in Conceptual History ». World Politics 45, no 2 (janvier 1993) : 173–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950657.
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The revolutionary events of 1989 in Eastern Europe took a special shape in the German Democratic Republic: large-scale flights of citizens to the Federal Republic of Germany combined with increasingly powerful mass demonstrations in the major cities to bring down the communist regime. This conjunction of private emigration and public protest contrasts with the way these distinct responses to discontent had been previously experienced, primarily as alternatives. The forty-year history of the German Democratic Republic thus represents a particularly rich theater of operation for the concepts of “exit” and “voice,” which the author had introduced in his book Exit, Voice, and Loyalty (1970). The events of 1989 are scrutinized in some detail as they trace a more complex pattern of interaction than had been found to prevail in most previous studies.
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Nonn, Christoph. « Putting Radicalism to the Test : German Social Democracy and the 1905 Suffrage Demonstrations in Dresden ». International Review of Social History 41, no 2 (août 1996) : 183–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113860.
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SummaryThroughout the long debate on whether the workers' movement of Imperial Germany was predominantly radical or reformist in nature, little attention has been paid to attitudes at the grass-roots level. It is argued here that during the years of 1905–1906, when all Europe was witnessing turmoil and an intensification of social conflict, the German Social Democratic leadership deliberately put the radicalism of the masses to the test. The Dresden suffrage demonstrations of December 1905 were the first to end in violent clashes between participants and police. However, contrary to what has been written to date on this incident and those similar to it, the great majority of the demonstrators were not militant. But they did exhibit a remarkable readiness to engage in civil disobedience, which the Social Democrats could use to press the party's political aims.
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Canning, Kathleen. « The Politics of Symbols, Semantics, and Sentiments in the Weimar Republic ». Central European History 43, no 4 (décembre 2010) : 567–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910000701.
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Contests over the term politics, over the boundaries that distinguished politics from non-politics, were one of the distinguishing features of the Weimar Republic. Not only did the disciplines of history, philosophy, law, sociology, and pedagogy each define this boundary in different terms, but participants in the debate also distinguished between ideal and real politics, politics at the level of state, and the dissemination of politics through society and citizenry. The fact that Weimar began with a revolution, the abdication of the Kaiser, and military defeat meant an eruption of politicization in 1918–19, whereby political organs of state and civil society sought in unprecedented fashion to draw Germans into parties and parliaments, associations, and activist societies. “The German people would still consist of ninety percent unpolitical people, if Social Democracy had not become a political school for the people,” Otto Braun claimed in Vorwärts in 1925. Politics and politicization generated not only political acts—votes, strikes, and vocal demonstrations—but also cultural milieus of Socialists and Communists, Catholics and liberal Democrats, nationalists, and eventually Nazis. In Weimar Germany there was little room for the “unpolitical” citizen of the prewar era, held up as a model in a famous tract of 1918 by Thomas Mann.
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Salzborn, Samuel. « Renaissance of the New Right in Germany ? A Discussion of New Right Elements in German Right-wing Extremism Today ». German Politics and Society 34, no 2 (1 juin 2016) : 36–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340203.
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Right-wing extremism in Germany has recently undergone considerable changes with a new right-wing party, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) successfully entering several local state parliaments as well as the European Parliament, “Pegida” demonstrations representing a new type of public action in terms of social movements, and the emergence of institutions like the Library of Conservatism and magazine projects like Sezession. This article considers whether such developments could be seen as a renaissance of the “New Right”, representing a long-term success in its strategies. Since the 1970s, the strategy of the New Right has been based on promoting a culturally conservative metapolitics in the pursuit of “cultural hegemony”, meaning to influence public opinion in the Federal Republic of Germany and shift it to the right— which at first glance might seem to have succeeded in light of recent events. The developments seen in German far-right extremism, however, have been neither monocausal nor monolithic. Therefore, this article will take a closer look at various aspects of the idea that recent changes in Germany’s rightwing extremism might represent a successful implementation of this New Right strategy.
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Hepworth, Andrea. « From Survivor to Fourth-Generation Memory : Literal and Discursive Sites of Memory in Post-dictatorship Germany and Spain ». Journal of Contemporary History 54, no 1 (16 mai 2017) : 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417694429.
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The transition of the memory of twentieth-century conflicts from survivor to cultural memory has become inevitable with the passing of the survivor generation. This article examines the role of different generations in the retrieval and commemoration of the traumatic past in Germany and Spain by focusing on two main areas: firstly, it analyzes the debates surrounding the Holocaust Memorial in Berlin and the ongoing review of form and function of existing memorial sites in the city, as well as ongoing vandalism and trivialization of these sites. Secondly, it examines recent debates and protests in Spain surrounding the 1977 Amnesty Law by prominent artists and the wider public. These range from protests against the indictment of Judge Baltasar Garzón in 2010 for opening an investigation into crimes against humanity committed by the Franco regime to demonstrations in November 2015 demanding an annulment of the 1977 Law, and to the recent Argentinean court case of Franco-era human rights crimes. Considering Pierre Nora’s notion that lieux de mémoire can be ‘material or non-material’, this article suggests that debates and demonstrations can act as a virtual space in which memory is viable. It analyzes the role of the ‘generations of postmemory’, in particular the third and fourth generations, in forestalling silence and forgetting and changing existing rigid discursive patterns.
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Kammerer, Dietmar. « Police use of public video surveillance in Germany 1956 : management of traffic, repression of flows, persuasion of offenders ». Surveillance & ; Society 6, no 1 (9 janvier 2009) : 43–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v6i1.3403.
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Every technology has its history. What are the beginnings of public television? This article explores the use of police CCTV in West Germany between the 1950s and the 1970s. In these early years, the public police cameras served three functions: the use of cameras in traffic management; the repressive use of cameras at demonstrations; and the persuasive use of the images. The second part of the paper takes a closer look at the third function: surveillance images as a means of persuading offenders of their guilt. It is argued, that a persuasive force exists and is consciously exploited by the police. But this force also weakens over time, when subjects acquire more and more media competence. The police respond to this problem with the transition from still to moving images – and beyond.
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Garcia, Luciana. « Nós Somos O Povo ! As Manifestações Populistas Do PEGIDA No Cenário Da Alemanha Contemporânea | We Are The People ! The Populist Manifestations Of PEGIDA In The Contemporary Germany Scenario ». Revista Neiba, Cadernos Argentina Brasil 11, no 1 (21 décembre 2022) : e67260. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/neiba.2022.67260.
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O impacto social gerado pela entrada de milhares de refugiados da guerra da Síria (2014-2016) causou uma série de reações xenófobas e Islamofóbicas na Alemanha. Entre as manifestações mais hostis, é destacada a formação do movimento PEGIDA, em 2014, na cidade de Dresden. A intensificação das manifestações populistas no lado oriental da Alemanha não ocorre à toa. Uma pesquisa teórica sobre o passado da Alemanha oriental traz à tona uma história marcada pela resistência social frente ao domínio soviético e ante a discriminação da população oriental, associada ao atraso e à miséria, pós reunificação, em 1990. O ressentimento, herdado por um desenvolvimento desigual entre as duas regiões da Alemanha é, provavelmente, a razão pela qual as lideranças do PEGIDA manipulam slogans de manifestações do passado, a fim de intensificarem o repúdio a presença muçulmana no presente. Mas, o que os muçulmanos têm a ver com isso? Para o PEGIDA, os refugiados muçulmanos simbolizam uma ameaça à identidade ocidental, democrática e cristã da Europa. A fim de amenizar o contexto hostil, gerado durante o período denominado de “crise dos refugiados”, foram fomentadas políticas públicas para a integração econômica, cultural e social de milhares de refugiados acolhidos na Alemanha nos últimos anos. Os esforços políticos pela integração estrangeira tendem a, basicamente, tornar a Alemanha mais multicultural e menos intolerante. Palavras-chave: Populismo, Islamofobia e PEGIDA.ABSTRACTThe social impact generated by the entry of thousands of refugees from the Syrian war (2014-2016) caused lots of xenophobic and Islamophobic reactions in Germany. Among the most hostile demonstrations, is highlighted the formation of the PEGIDA movement, in 2014, in the city of Dresden. The intensification of populist manifestations in the eastern side of Germany does not happen for nothing. A theoretical research on the past of East Germany brings to light a history marked by social resistance against Soviet rule and the discrimination against the eastern population, associated with backwardness and misery, after the reunification, in 1990. The resentment, inherited by an uneven development between the two parts of Germany, is probably the reason why PEGIDA leaders manipulate slogans from past demonstrations in order to intensify their repudiation to the Muslim presence in the present. But what do Muslims have to do with it? For PEGIDA, Muslim refugees symbolize a threat to Europe's western, democratic and Christian identity. In order to soften the hostile context, generated during the period known as the “refugee crisis”, public policies were promoted for the economic, cultural and social integration of thousands of refugees welcomed in Germany in recent years. The political efforts for foreign integration basically tend to make Germany more multicultural and less intolerant.Keywords: Populism, Islamophobia and PEGIDA. Recebido em: 15/05/2022 | Aceito em: 29/11/2022.
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Heckner, Elke. « Fascism and its Afterlife in Architecture ». Museum and Society 14, no 3 (9 juin 2017) : 363–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.29311/mas.v14i3.651.
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The recent opening to the public of large-scale National Socialist installations in Germany – like the Denkort Bunker “Valentin” in Bremen-Farge – has prompted questions on how to address the legacy of Nazi advances in science and technology in musealized spaces, and, more generally, how to curate inconvenient military history. To tackle these questions, the issue of affect is crucial. Curation must be able to confront articulations of right-wing extremist “reactionary” affect in and beyond the museum setting. This has been a challenge for Dresden’s newly redesigned Militärhistorisches Museum der Bundeswehr, whose anti-militaristic message is being drowned out by right-wing xenophobic demonstrations in Dresden’s streets. This paper seeks to counter current curatorial strategies that displace and suppress affect. By considering affect’s productive potential without ignoring the record of Nazi manipulations of affect, it proposes the concept of an ‘upstander’ museum and delineates a new methodology for rethinking affect in curatorial settings.
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Keinz, Anika. « European Desires and National Bedrooms ? Negotiating “Normalcy” in Postsocialist Poland ». Central European History 44, no 1 (mars 2011) : 92–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910001196.
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Only a few years ago rights of sexual minorities in Poland caused not only national controversies over what democracy means, but also gained international attention, visible in demonstrations in front of embassies in Berlin and London, wide media coverage, and protest letters to the Polish prime minister by the Helsinki Foundation of Human Rights as well as Amnesty International and the International Lesbian and Gay Association (ILGA). Several Polish politicians were repeatedly cautioned for their extreme conservative stance on homosexual issues and homophobic remarks as well as criticized for the prohibitions of the so-calledMarsz Równości(Equality March), the Polish version of the Christopher Street Day (usually known as Gay Pride Parade) as being against the standards of democracy and human rights. Finally, and in particular as a reaction to the various remarks of Polish politicians, a resolution against homophobia was submitted to the European Parliament in January 2006 and passed in June 2006. Despite the resolution, the then Polish minister of education, Roman Giertych (League of Polish Families, or LPR), caused another great stir at the European Union (EU) conference of ministers of education in Heidelberg, Germany, on March 1, 2007, when he stated that brochures on sexuality education published by the Council of Europe that contained information on homosexuality and homosexual relations were to be prohibited in Polish schools. In the same speech, he rebuked societies that allowed abortion on social grounds and called abortion a “legal crime” and a “new form of barbarism.”
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Schaffer, Simon. « The show that never ends : perpetual motion in the early eighteenth century ». British Journal for the History of Science 28, no 2 (juin 1995) : 157–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400032957.
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During high summer 1721, while rioters and bankrupts gathered outside Parliament, Robert Walpole's new ministry forced through a bill to clear up the wreckage left by the stock-market crash, the South Sea Bubble, and the visionary projects swept away when it burst. In early August the President of the Royal Society Isaac Newton, a major investor in South Sea stock, and the Society's projectors, learned of a new commercial scheme promising apparently automatic profits, a project for a perpetual motion. Their informants were a young Viennese courtier Joseph Emmanuel Fischer von Erlach, a contact of Desaguliers recently engaged in industrial espionage in northern England, and the Leiden physics professor Willem 'sGravesande, who had visited London five years earlier. They reported that they had been summoned to a remarkable series of demonstrations in the castle of Weissenstein, the seat of the Landgrave of Hesse-Kassel. In a carefully guarded room of the castle there was set up a hollow wooden wheel covered in oilcloth, about 12 feet in diameter and 18 inches thick on an axle 6 feet in length. Its designer, a Saxon engineer and clockmaker Johann Bessler, who travelled Germany under the name Orffyreus, had been in Kassel for four years, published schemes for perpetual motion and been appointed commercial councillor. The Landgrave, well-known as a patron of advanced engineering schemes, commissioned him to build a new machine and put it on show before expert witnesses (Figure 1).
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Klüter, Helmut. « Eine Krise regionaler Identität und ihr Gebrauchswert für rechtsgerichtete politische Gruppen – ein Beispiel aus Vorpommern ». Geographica Helvetica 75, no 2 (22 juin 2020) : 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gh-75-151-2020.
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Abstract. For the first time since the reunification of Germany, right-wing activists and politicians have attempted to take over a university city, i.e. a place where the highly educated, creative, cosmopolitan, innovation-oriented groups should be more likely to question irrational populism than elsewhere. An internal organizational problem – in this case: the renaming of the University of Greifswald – which normally should be solved with on-board resources, was shifted to a regional political level as a dispute over Ernst Moritz Arndt. Arndt was one of the most aggressive nationalists in German history, whose name was given to the university under fascist rule in 1933. The dispute was emotionalized by demonstrations and letters to the editor of the regional newspaper, taken up by groups and parties predominantly from the right-wing spectrum. It was brought into a populist form, and pushed with high journalistic effort into the regional public sphere as a Pomeranian identity crisis. In spite of the enormous pressure from outside and the numerous attempts at intimidation, it is admirable that the University Senate members decided to discard the name of Arndt – 63 years after the end of World War II. Although the result of the renaming was noted nationwide, its dramatic circumstances and background were not presented. However, this would have been necessary in order to show how strong right-wing radicalism already is in some regions, by which coalitions it is further enhanced, how strongly it is favoured by the spatial over-centralisation of state institutions, and what a university has to afford in order to assert itself successfully in such an environment.
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Campanale, Laura. « ITALIANITÀ ALIMENTARE NELLA LINGUA E CULTURA TEDESCA : IL CONTRIBUTO DELLA GELATERIA ITALIANA IN GERMANIA ». Italiano LinguaDue 14, no 1 (26 juillet 2022) : 309–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.54103/2037-3597/18182.
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È innegabile il successo del Made in Italy alimentare in paesi come la Germania, uno tra i nostri maggiori importatori, in cui da anni si sono diffusi ovunque tipici locali italiani. Per i tedeschi la nostra cultura culinaria, simbolo di genuinità e convivialità, è talmente apprezzata da avere influenzato le loro abitudini alimentari. Diversi nostri prodotti come la pizza, la pasta, l’espresso fanno ormai parte del patrimonio alimentare e linguistico tedesco, senza dimenticare il gelato, di cui pochi ne conoscono storia e origini. Per tale motivo, tratteremo del successo e della diffusione delle gelaterie italiane in Germania, presentando, infine, una serie di italianismi relativi al mondo della gelateria, a dimostrazione della capacità innovativa ed espansiva della lingua italiana nel tedesco.
Italian food in German language and culture: the contribution of Italian gelato in Germany
The success of Made in Italy food in countries such as Germany, one of our major importers, is undeniable. For years, typical Italian restaurants have been spreading everywhere. For Germans, our culinary culture, a symbol of authenticity and conviviality, is so appreciated that it has influenced their eating habits. Many of our products such as pizza, pasta, espresso are now part of the German food and linguistic heritage, without forgetting ice cream, of which few know its history and origins. For this reason, we will deal with the success and diffusion of Italian ice cream parlors in Germany, presenting a series of Italianisms related to the world of gelato, demonstrating the innovative and expansive capacity of the Italian language in German.
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Bollinger et Schlumpf. « Andreas Grüntzigs Ballon-Katheter zur Angioplastie von peripheren Arterien (PTA) ist 25 Jahre alt ». Vasa 28, no 1 (1 février 1999) : 58–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1024/0301-1526.28.1.58.
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History of Andreas Grüntzig’s time spent in Angiology and Radiology of the Zürich University Hospital (1969–1975). First, the pioneer of catheter therapy discovered that the Achilles tendon reflex is significantly prolongued during claudication pain. Furthermore, he participated actively in the clinical evaluation of Doppler ultrasound. After a stay in the Aggertalklinik (Engelskirchen near Köln, Germany), where he learnt Charles Dotter’s original procedure with Eberhard Zeitler, he introduced catheter therapy of peripheral arteries in Zürich. In the same period he developed a new, rigid, sausage-shaped balloon catheter (polyvinylchloride), manufactered the device on his kitchen table together with his wife Michaela, Maria and Walter Schlumpf, and used it first on February 12, 1974 in a patient with intermittent claudication due to subtotal stenosis of the superficial femoral artery. The first successful dilatation of an iliac artery stenosis by his double-lumen catheter, which was modified later on into the famous coronary catheter, followed on January 23, 1975. Soon, the innovative catheter became commercially available (Cook and Schneider Companies). Andreas Grüntzig not only excelled in pioneering novel techniques, but also in patient care, in a prospective follow-up study of his own 242 patients lasting 15 years (results summarized in this article), in the teaching of Swiss scholars like Felix Mahler, Ernst Schneider and Bernhard Meier and many more in the world, and in organizing life demonstrations for large numbers of participants. His career in Cardiology, his work in Atlanta Georgia, USA, and his early tragic death in an airplane accident are briefly mentioned.
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Popov, Ivan. « The Munich conference of Minister-Presidents of German lands in 1947 ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no 10-2 (1 octobre 2020) : 86–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202010statyi28.
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The paper deals with the organization and decisions of the conference of the Minister-Presidents of German lands in Munich on June 6-7, 1947, which became the one and only meeting of the heads of the state governments of the western and eastern occupation zones before the division of Germany. The conference was the first experience of national positioning of the regional elite and clearly demonstrated that by the middle of 1947, not only between the allies, but also among German politicians, the incompatibility of perspectives of further constitutional development was existent and all the basic conditions for the division of Germany became ripe. Munich was the last significant demonstration of this disunity and the moment of the final turn towards the three-zone orientation of the West German elite.
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Bonds, Mark Evan. « Aesthetic Amputations : Absolute Music and the Deleted Endings of Hanslick's Vom Musikalisch-Schönen ». 19th-Century Music 36, no 1 (2012) : 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncm.2012.36.1.003.
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Abstract Eduard Hanslick's Vom Musikalisch-Schönen (1854) is the single most important document in the history of the construct known as absolute music, the idea that music functions as an entirely self-contained and self-referential art. Hanslick deleted—and did not replace—the final paragraph of the first edition, cutting most of it for the second edition of 1858 and the remainder for the third edition of 1865. This original ending evokes imagery that stands out from most of the rest of the treatise, including references to the “great motions of the cosmos” and “profound and secret connections to nature.” Scholars have pointed to the apparent inconsistencies of both tone and substance in this paragraph over and against the rest of the treatise to explain its later deletion but have not suggested why Hanslick might have ended his treatise in this way originally. The evocation of “connections to nature” points to the influence of Naturphilosophie, a mode of thought particularly prevalent in Germany in the first half of the nineteenth century that posited a basic unity of all nature. Proponents of Naturphilosophie, including such major figures as Schelling, Ritter, Goethe, and Ørsted, believed that the basic forces of nature were all interconnected. Ernst Chladni's demonstrations of the geometric patterns that could be created by sound under certain conditions fascinated his contemporaries and provide an example of how motion, sound, form, and beauty might all be interrelated. Hanslick saw tönend bewegte Formen (“forms set in motion through tones”) as the essence of music, and his original ending suggests that the kind of motion resulting in sound was related to the motions at work in physics, light, magnetism, and other forces, the “great motions of the cosmos.”
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Alexopoulou, Maria. « Non-Citizens Protests in Germany since the 1980s ». Moving the Social 66 (31 octobre 2021) : 53–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.66.2021.53-87.
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This article focuses on three specific episodes of non-citizen protests in the Federal Republic of Germany. The common characteristic of these protests, fought out by different groups in different contexts and at different times, was a “claim to the political,” which were made visible through a demonstration of a precarious civil rights status. Embedded in a long history of racial knowledge about the German and its Other, these migrant protests indicate how essential “performative forms of power” are for individuals and groups without the specific political rights that remain the prerogative of nation-bound citizens. Special attention is paid to transgressions that delegitimized these non-citizen protests even in the eyes of some of their supporters and to actions that are considered illegal by established law, and are thus classified as unwelcome. Instead of providing a closed narrative or recounting the history of migrant protests, the goal here is to add more pieces to the unwritten history of the (ongoing) migrant civil rights movement in Germany.
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Trunov, Philipp. « On the Periodisation of the German Involvement in the Settlement of Armed Conflicts in the Post-Soviet Space ». Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no 1 (2022) : 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640014995-2.
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Currently, Germany is demonstrating its ambition to establish itself as a full-fledged global player. German strategic intrusion into the post-Soviet space in the form of participation in the settlement of armed conflicts is a factor contributing to the fulfilment of this ambition. The article proposes a periodisation for this aspect of German foreign policy. Both the evolution of tactics for using political and diplomatic tools in a given territory and the expansion of the composition of regional players are demonstrated for each period. The author focuses on the evolution of the German approach to the resolution of armed conflicts in the region (Georgian-Abkhaz, Georgian-South Ossetian, Transnistrian, and in the east of Ukraine). The German approach to the regulation of armed conflicts in the region has had two components. The first component is federalization as a way to eliminate local contradictions: Germany provided support to the central authorities of the former Soviet republic, often not taking into account the interests of the separatist party. The second component is German attempts to ensure that the parties to the conflict sign and implement the Association Agreement with the EU. This dramatically complicated the settlement process, creating a high probability of its degradation and leading, sometimes, to the resumption of discontinued armed clashes. The paper pays close attention to the German position on the 2020–2021 Belarusian protests and the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war.
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Lehman, Brittany. « West German-Moroccan Relations and Politics of Labour Migration, 1958–1972 ». Journal of Migration History 5, no 1 (25 avril 2019) : 103–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00501001.
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In 1962, the Federal Republic of Germany (frg) agreed to negotiate a guestworker agreement with Morocco in order to create guidelines for handling 4,000 so-called illegal Moroccan migrants, most of whom lived in North Rhine-Westphalia. Unlike other guestworker agreements, this one was not about recruitment, but rather it was designed to restrict migration from Morocco, legalise the stay of Moroccans already in the country, and establish guidelines for future deportations. Looking at the history of the West German-Moroccan Agreement from its start until its termination in 1973, this article provides a discussion of Moroccan labourers access to and legal status in West Germany, demonstrating how international and economic interests as well as cultural stereotypes of both Moroccans and Arabs shaped West German migration policies. In so doing, the article emphasises the West German federal and the North Rhine-Westphalian state governments’ different goals, revealing that the West German government was not a monolithic entity; it was in fact defined by multiple, sometimes contradictory, viewpoints and pressures.
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Geary, Patrick J. « Austria, the Writing of History, and the Search for European Identity ». Austrian History Yearbook 47 (avril 2016) : 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237816000047.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In his address to the International Author's Congress held in Paris in 1935, Robert Musil—who claimed to have always held himself back from politics because, in his words, like hygiene, he had no talent for it—attempted to describe the problem of being an Austrian writer. A German author, he suggested, is unproblematically German in his writings. But an Austrian writer, he said, was in a more problematic situation. “My Austrian homeland expects from its poets that they be more or less poets of the Austrian homeland, and there are the creators of cultural history who make of show of demonstrating that an Austrian poet has always been something other as a German one.” It is perhaps the fate of Austria to have a surfeit of Kulturgeschichtskonstrukteure, of intellectuals who feel a need to build a cultural history of Austria and to project it into a distant past, and this largely in the face of the overwhelming reality that a unified cultural history of Austria is impossible, unlike, some might think, that of ancient nations such as Germany, France, or Italy.
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Rozmiarek, Mateusz. « German Gymnasts with Polish Backgrounds : the Fate of Alfred Flatow (1869–1942) and Gustav Flatow (1875–1945) ». Studies in Sport Humanities 26 (28 avril 2020) : 37–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.1250.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article presents biographical overviews and details of the sporting careers of cousins Alfred and Gustav Flatow, one of the greatest gymnasts in the history of modern era German sport, born in Danzig and Berent(nowadays- Gdańsk and Kościerzyna). At a young age, the athletes proved that – owing to their determination and hard work – it was possible to qualify for the national team and partake at the Olympic Games, and then show the world their extraordinary skills, thus demonstrating the German gymnastic power. Although they spent the last years of their lives in the Netherlands, where they emigrated, today they are considered to be the undisputed victims of the Nazi genocide among Jewish-German Olympic gymnasts. In recent years, in both Poland and Germany, they have been commemorated in diff erent ways.
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BROWN, TIMOTHY S. « Richard Scheringer, the KPD and the Politics of Class and Nation in Germany, 1922–1969 ». Contemporary European History 14, no 3 (août 2005) : 317–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002481.
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This article examines the life and times of Richard Scheringer, an army officer and supporter of Adolf Hitler who became famous during the early 1930s for his high-profile conversion to communism. Known in the closing years of the Weimar Republic as a point-man for Communist efforts to win support from the radical right, Scheringer survived the Third Reich to become a leading figure in the postwar Communist Party. His well-documented but little-studied career, bridging critical caesurae of modern Germany history, highlights the unique political constellation of the interwar period, demonstrating fundamental continuities in the relationship of German communism to the nation before and after 1945.
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Zimmerman, Andrew. « Anti-Semitism as Skill : Rudolf Virchow's Schulstatistik and the Racial Composition of Germany ». Central European History 32, no 4 (décembre 1999) : 409–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900021762.
Texte intégralRésumé :
One of the major events in the history of German anti-Semitism has been, if not entirely overlooked, then misunderstood and misrepresented. In the 1870s, the professor of medicine, liberal politician, and anthropologist, Rudolf Virchow (1821–1902), directed a study of the skin, hair, and eye color of 6,758,827 German school children, a study that marked “Jews” and “Germans” as racially different and trained a generation of Germans to perceive these differences both as real and as of political significance. Historians have been virtually unanimous in viewing this study as a blow against anti-Semitism, as a demonstration that there was neither a Jewish nor a German “race.” This interpretation has survived, I believe, because it supports and rests on a commonly held conception of racism as primarily an intellectual phenomenon, as a set of more-or-less explicit propositions held in the minds of individuals. Virchow, a well-known opponent of political anti-Semitism, was never motivated by hostility to Jews in conducting this research. Indeed, he understood his focus on Jews as simply a race (rather than as a religion or a culture) to indicate that the study was not anti-Semitic. Paradoxically, the study that Virchow designed and oversaw may have unintentionally provided an important practical basis for German racial anti-Semitism. By considering anti-Semitism as a set of skills rather than a philosophy, as hands-on practical knowledge more akin to riding a bicycle than to philosophical exposition, I hope to offer a new explanation of both Virchow's study of race and the place of that study in German history.
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Sperber, Jonathan. « Commentary on Christians and Anti-Semitism ». Central European History 27, no 3 (septembre 1994) : 349–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900010268.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Anti-Semitism is the darkest and ugliest side of a modern German history that has had more than its share of dark and ugly sides. There is a strong and intellectually by no means illegitimate temptation to see the entire history of German anti-Semitism as a one-way street leading straight to the “Final Solution of the Jewish Question.” Yet such a teleological approach to anti-Semistism does not do justice to the complexity of the past, does not highlight what Karl Schleunes has called “the twisted road to Auschwitz.” The excellent thematic articles in this issue all take up this complexity, their authors demonstrating a subtle and sensitive approach toward understanding anti-Semitic attitudes and behavior. One could go further and say that the whole is more than the sum of the parts, that several themes running through all the individual contributions describe and characterize a one hundred year history of Catholic anti-Semitism in Germany. I have identified four such themes and will discuss their changes and variations, both over time and in the different handling of them by the authors.
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Pietsch, Roland. « Study of the heritage of Hryhorii Skovoroda in Germany. A brief overview ». Filosofska dumka (Philosophical Thought) -, no 4 (13 décembre 2022) : 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/fd2022.04.054.
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The article analyzes the main directions and cases of research and reception of the creative heri- tage of Hrygorii Skovoroda in Germany. Even though Dmytro Chyzhevskyi introduced German scientists to Skovoroda’s work back in the 1930s, its actual reception, according to the author, began only in the 1980s. The article analyzes the research of three authors who carry out such a reception today. First, Elizabeth von Erdmann examines Skovoroda’s work in the context of philosophia perennis. Instead, Roland Pietsch began his study of Skovoroda’s work by translating his works into German and later focused on demonstrating the unity of mysticism and metaphysics in Skovoroda’s phi- losophy, according to how this unity was ensured in his doctrine of self-knowledge. Pietsch demonstrated this unity in his interpretation of the Narcissus dialogue. Another essential aspect of Skovoroda’s work, explored by Pietsch, is the philosopher’s symbolic metaphysics. Pietsch’s latest works are devoted to another important issue — establishing Skovoroda’s place in European intel- lectual history, in particular, based on a comparative analysis of the concepts of Hrygorii Skovo- roda, Johann Georg Hamann, and Franz von Baader. Another German researcher who studies Skovoroda’s work today is Slavologist and theologian Günter Kollert, who has been engaged in the philosophy of Skovoroda and Pamfil Yurkevich for several years and has translated the works of Skovoroda and Mykhailo Kovalynskyi into German. The author of the article concludes that new interesting independent studies of Skovoroda’s work will appear in Germany, which will make it possible to more accurately define Skovoroda’s place in the historical-philosophical process, to think more profoundly and describe this process, as well as to pave the way to possible abandonings and comparisons of Ukrainian works thinker with other famous figures in the history of philosophical thought.
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Khderi, K. Y. « ROLE OF HOLOCAUST IN GERMAN-ISRAELI RELATIONS ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 4(49) (28 août 2016) : 137–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-4-49-137-147.
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Relations between Berlin and Tel Aviv are unique. They occupy a special place in the foreign relations of Germany because of the "historic responsibility" o f the Germans for the Holocaust - the genocide of 6 million Jews during the time of National Socialism. The Germans certainly learned a lesson from its past. For 70 years they have been demonstrating to the entire world its good intentions, and did everything possible in order to atone for the suffering of Jews. Today, among the Germans one can observe some fatigue of the theme. There is an increasing desire to leave the topic in the past and to develop relations with Israel, which is not based on the need to make concessions because of the fear of being convicted of a tragic chapter in the history. The same cannot be said about the Jews, who do not forget to remind Berlin about its "special historical responsibility." We can assume that in the short and medium term, the Holocaust will determine the development of relations between Berlin and Tel Aviv.
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Campbell, Michael Walsh. « The Making of the “March Fallen” : March 4, 1919 and the Subversive Potential of Occupation ». Central European History 39, no 1 (mars 2006) : 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890600001x.
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For more than eighty-five years, Sudeten German communities have gathered together to commemorate the so-called “March Fourth Massacre.” On this date in 1919, Czechoslovak troops opened fire on crowds of Germans who were demonstrating for national self-determination in thirty-five towns across Czechoslovakia's western frontier. By day's end, the violence in seven towns across the border region had claimed a total of fifty-four lives and had left hundreds wounded. The bloodiest altercation took place in the northwestern Bohemian town of Kadaň (Kaaden), which left twenty-two dead and ninety wounded. On that fateful day in Kadaň, this violence was precipitated by an altercation between unruly German students and anxious Czechoslovak guardsmen, who were stationed in front of the town hall. This altercation triggered two minutes of sustained and indiscriminate gunfire upon the crowd of nearly 10,000, who found themselves trapped by Czechoslovak machine gun nests at opposing ends of the market square.
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Daija, Pauls. « Vācbaltiešu un latviešu attiecību attēlojums Rūdolfa Blaumaņa daiļradē ». Aktuālās problēmas literatūras un kultūras pētniecībā : rakstu krājums, no 25 (5 mars 2020) : 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.37384/aplkp.2020.25.013.
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The article explores the relationship between Baltic Germans and Latvians in the works of Rūdolfs Blaumanis by turning attention towards the interpretation of this topic within the context of the social history of literature. An insight into previous evaluations by literary historians has been provided. In the first part of the article, two works with central Baltic German characters – novella “Andriksons” (1899) and play “Ugunī” (In the Fire, 1906, written in 1904) – have been analyzed. In these works, German landowners have been depicted demonstrating the social and national conflicts of the age in their relationship with subordinated Latvians. The characters of landowners are ambiguous and indecisive, and they are distanced from everyday reality and living in the past. Their communication with Latvians is characterized by complications and obstacles. Hence, these characters can be viewed as a wider generalization about the crisis of the Baltic German community by the turn of the 20th century. In the second part of the article, episodic characters of Baltic Germans in prose fiction have been explored along with the overview of satirical poetry by Blaumanis in which the relationship between Baltic Germans and Latvians mostly in the period after the revolution of 1905 has been addressed. It has been concluded in the article that in the representations of the relationship between Baltic Germans and Latvians, Blaumanis depicts the instability of the transition period and avoids disclosing his own views. This corresponds to his concept of the depiction of social problems in literary works. Satirical poetry, which is less neutral but also less literary successful, remains an exception. Baltic German characters in works of Blaumanis are mostly episodic, and besides neutral background characters and politically charged characters in satirical poetry, the most interesting both literary and historically are the characters in which the contradictions of the period have been represented.
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Krylova, Alla. « HISTORICAL MAPS IN GIS : SCIENTIFIC AND METHODOLOGICAL ASPECT (MOLOCHNA GERMAN SETTLEMENT MAPS AS EXAMPLE) ». Problems of humanities. History, no 5/47 (27 mars 2021) : 466–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.24919/2312-2595.5/47.217779.
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Summary. In Ukrainian schools and high schools very little attention is paid to the methodological components of Geoinformatics and teaching methods using historical maps in GIS (geographic information systems). The purpose of the research is to show how GIS can be used in teaching local history. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, system-formation, scientific character, verification, the author’s objectivity, moderated narrative constructivism, and the use of general scientific and specially-historical methods. The scientific novelty of the article consists in the creation and use of information maps in GIS with regard to the history of Germans and Mennonites of the Zaporizhzhia oblast, as a basic cartographic material for training courses in local history. Such maps show the territory of Southern Ukraine in relation to various ethnic groups and faiths. In particular, Mennonites and ethnic Germans, who made a huge contribution to the cultural and economic development of the region and left a significant layer of cultural heritage. The maps findings presented in this article are parts of a large database of historical sources, and have already partially become the basis of such courses of local history as "History of the Zaporizhzhia oblast", "Historical Local History" at Melitopol State Pedagogical University. With the help of GIS maps, various primary historical sources (statistical, cartographic, etc.) come to the forefront and allow the study of local territorial units. The article will demonstrate the GIS maps of 27 German settlements of Molochna German settlements (Prishibskaya volost) for a certain time period. Conclusions. The use of historical GIS technologies contributes to the formation of such students’ skills as read the information on the historical maps; search for objects or information by given parameters, for example, by name; carry out calculations on digital maps; to form the spatial thinking of students, demonstrating the historical objects in three dimensions; create digital maps by own, especially based on the results of student observations.
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Stolberg, Michael. « Learning anatomy in late sixteenth-century Padua ». History of Science 56, no 4 (30 septembre 2018) : 381–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0073275318794581.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Based on the newly discovered, extensive manuscript notes of a virtually unknown German medical student by the name of Johann Konrad Zinn, who studied in Padua from 1593 to 1595, this paper offers a detailed account of what medical students could expect to learn about anatomy in late sixteenth-century Padua. It highlights the large number and wide range of anatomical demonstrations, most of which were private anatomies for a small circle of students and do not figure in Acta of the German Nation, the principal source historians have so far relied upon. While the large audience in the big, celebrated public anatomies made it difficult if not impossible for the students to see the details of the anatomical structures, the much more numerous private anatomies offered a view from close up. As Zinn’s notes show, the two leading Paduan anatomists, Hieronymus Fabricius Aquapendente and Giulio Casseri often focused on a specific part of the body, like the brain or the pregnant uterus, and, following the Galenic model, consistently linked the demonstration of the fabric of that part to a discussion of its action and uses. In this sense, the different kinds of valves in the body, including those in the veins, were shown and discussed, as a subsection on William Harvey underlines, and the vivisection of animals for a group of students even allowed them to see the beating heart and other organs in action. In retrospect, much of the anatomical knowledge that students acquired in late sixteenth-century Padua was of limited relevance for medical practice but the anatomists did their best to point out such clinical uses and even used anatomical demonstrations to show different kinds surgical interventions on the corpse.
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Richardson-Little, Ned. « The Drug War in a Land Without Drugs : East Germany and the Socialist Embrace of International Narcotics Law ». Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d’histoire du droit international 21, no 2 (27 juin 2019) : 270–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340116.
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Abstract This article examines how the German Democratic Republic (GDR) engaged with the problem of international anti-narcotics law and how it came to embrace the global drug war. The international anti-narcotics system provided a means of signalling the GDR’s normalcy to the international community and allowed East Germany to highlight its absence of drug abuse at home as a demonstration of socialism’s superiority in comparison with the narcotics abuse crisis of the capitalist world. By the 1980s, however, the GDR’s support for the international prohibition of drug trafficking shifted from one of competition with the West to that of collaboration. Through cooperation between international experts from both East and West, GDR elites abandoned earlier concerns about state sovereignty to endorse the global harmonization of drug laws as part of the 1988 Vienna Narcotics Convention.
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Mielke, Patrick. « German Colonial Rule in Present-day Namibia ». Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 13, no 2 (1 septembre 2021) : 53–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2021.130203.
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This article traces discursive shifts in the ways in which imperialism and European colonialism have been dealt with in the classroom in relation to the German history textbook Time for History (Zeit für Geschichte), which was published in 2010. It explores how the textbook’s representation of German colonial rule in present-day Namibia both raises awareness of and reproduces common colonialist-racist images of the “other” by demonstrating how its content is negotiated in year-nine history lessons, as observed over the course of an ethnographic study carried out in a German secondary school. The author assesses the complex interplay between discursive practices of negotiation, everyday educational practices and deeply rooted, colonialist-racist images of the “other” and, on the basis of this interplay, analyses how difficult it is to bring about content-based and discursive shifts in the classroom.
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Gałecki, Łukasz, et Andrzej W. Tymowski. « The German Democratic Republic ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 23, no 4 (3 août 2009) : 509–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409342115.
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The 1989 revolution in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) constituted an integral element of wider revolutionary processes in Eastern Europe. But in contrast to what happened in Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia, where the abrogation of real socialism meant return to one’s own national history, to distinctive national and state traditions, what happened in the GDR left its citizens in a great void, because they lacked a collective identity of their own. The crisis of GDR society came down to the fact that rejecting socialism meant rejecting one’s own country, and this had for a long time been against the wishes of the majority. As 1989 unfolded, opposition intellectuals continued to see the only alternative to the GDR to be a new, improved, but still socialist GDR. Meanwhile, the popular demonstration in Leipzig on 9 October 1989 signaled the end of the Communist regime. The destruction of the Berlin Wall on 9 November 1989 was its last dying breath. The paradox was that although the popular call for reunification with West Germany succeeded, the result was widespread frustration, not satisfaction. Moreover, it must be said that the pre-1989 opposition played only a small role in the transformation.
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Wingfield, Nancy Meriwether. « When Film Became National:“Talkies” and the Anti-German Demonstrations of 1930 in Prague ». Austrian History Yearbook 29, no 1 (janvier 1998) : 113–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723780001482x.
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Film was a relatively new commercial-entertainment medium in the summer of 1930, and newerstill were the “talkies.” Unforeseen cultural difficulties accompanied the advent of sound films, to which spoken language gave an intrinsic national character. Language accentuated national differences in feeling and thought, and since audiences could no longer “naturalize” films, they could not adopt the imaginative content of sound films as their own “cultural territory.” American audiences mocked the nasal English accents in British films, while the British hissed American accents and Parisians greeted the first American ”talkie” with cries of “Speak French!” In Czechoslovakia, historical circumstances complicated popular reaction to sound films. With the founding of the state in 1918, Czechs had rejected their Austrian legacy and attempted to enforce a Czech character in all aspects of public life.
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Weber, Peter. « Ernst Jäckh and the National Internationalism of Interwar Germany ». Central European History 52, no 03 (septembre 2019) : 402–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000761.
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In interwar Germany, internationalism and nationalism coexisted in a public sphere that often transcended national borders. This seeming contradiction helps explain the mindset of an era, which simultaneously recognized interconnectedness while privileging national identity. Historians’ interest in internationalism has primarily focused on liberal and cooperative actors and on some selected examples demonstrating the dark sides of internationalism. Fewer historians, however, have analyzed the ambiguities and contradictions of liberal internationalism and the perseverance of the national as a frame of reference in internationalist discourses. Ernst Jäckh, best known as the founder of the Deutsche Hochschule für Politik, perhaps best represented this collision of values while simultaneously being one of the biggest proponents of such a view. Jäckh's internationalism permeated all his endeavors and served the goal of reintegrating Germany in the international community.
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Virág, Irén. « The Pedagogical Work of Vieth and GutsMuths ». Acta Educationis Generalis 9, no 1 (1 avril 2019) : 63–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/atd-2019-0005.
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Abstract Introduction:Philanthropism as it evolved at the end of the 18th century in Germany wanted to break completely with the contemporary methods persisting in education, with the hegemony of classical languages, and with the study of antique authors’ works; instead, it laid emphasis on practical and useful knowledge, on teaching modern languages, on acquiring knowledge based on demonstration, and on an intimate connection to nature. The aim of philanthropist education was to train virtuous citizens who honestly pursue their ordinary profession, in whose training they assigned a central role to physical education. Purpose:In our paper, which is a part of our research exploring the appearance of the pedagogical ideas of philanthropism in Hungary, we set out to investigate the question: What was the focus of physical education in the philanthropinums? As a first step in our investigation, we give an overview of the philanthropists’ ideas regarding physical education, then we take a close look at how these ideas were put into practice in two selected institutions, namely among the walls of the philanthropinums in Dessau and Schnepfenthal, by relying on the contemporary works of Gerhard Ulrich Anton Vieth and Johann Christoph Friedrich GutsMuths. Finally, we consider their impact in Hungary. Methods:In this study we apply the source analysis as a traditional research method in the history of education. Conclusions:The impact of philanthropism on contemporary Hungarian public education, especially in the first half of the 19th century, can be clearly detected, which can be accredited to study trips to Germany and the Hungarian translations of German works. The presence of philanthropism can also be perceived in swimming instruction. Basedow and GutsMuths initiated the instruction of swimming and lifeguarding, and the general institutionalization of swimming instruction. The impact of philanthropists could also be felt in Hungary. Károly (Carl) Csillagh’s textbook on swimming appeared in German in 1841 with the title “Der philantropische Schwimmmeister” (“The Philanthropist Swimming Instructor”). The first book on swimming in Hungarian appeared in 1842.
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Virág, Irén. « The world of female educational institutions ». Acta Educationis Generalis 8, no 2 (1 août 2018) : 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/atd-2018-0013.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Introduction: Philanthropism, as it evolved at the end of the 18th century in Germany, wanted to break completely with the contemporary methods persisting in education, with the hegemony of classical languages, and with the study of antique authors’ works; instead, it laid emphasis on practical and useful knowledge, on teaching modern languages, on acquiring knowledge based on demonstration, and on an intimate connection to nature. The impact of philanthropism on contemporary Hungarian public education, especially in the first half of the 19th century, can be clearly detected, which can be accredited to study trips to Germany and the Hungarian translations of German works. Salzmann’s institution, founded in 1784 was visited by 366 Hungarian educators, among others by Teréz Brunszvik, who also gave an account of her impressions in her memoires. Yet, we also need to mention Samuel Tessedik, who made good use of his experience gained during his journey to Germany in his school in Szarvas. Purpose: In this study, four 19th century female educational institutions were selected and the presence of philanthropist ideas in the training offered there was investigated. Three of these were established for the education of the middle-class, while one was founded specifically for aristocrats. We investigated whether the presence of philanthropism can be detected in the education offered by these four schools. Methods: In the presented study, we applied source analysis as a traditional research method in history of education. Conclusions: All the institutions under scrutiny have it in common that the founding and contributing educators and teachers were provably well-acquainted with the pedagogy of the philanthropists, and they incorporated several of its elements into their programmes. The preparation for the housewife role, conveying knowledge utilizable in practice, practical approach to teaching content, and the application of the method of illustration were all emphasized. These features show that several philanthropist characteristics can be identified in the educational principles and curricula of these institutions. Nevertheless, on closer inspection, it cannot be stated that they would have taken on an institutional character exclusively reminiscent of the “philanthropinums”
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Nawata, Yūji. « Phantasmagoric Literatures from 1827 : Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Sin Chaha, and Kyokutei Bakin1 ». Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik 54, no 1 (1 janvier 2022) : 145–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/jig541_145.
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The magic lantern as a projection technique, which has existed in Europe since the 17th century (at the latest), and phantasmagoria as a large-scale magic lantern occupy a prominent place in the world history of visual culture. As they spread across the world, these technologies encountered written cultures and produced fantastic literature—phantasmagorical literature, so to speak. This article analyzes phantasmagorical literature written or published circa 1827 by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749–1832) of Germany, (SIN Chaha, also called [SIN Wi], 1769–18452 of Korea, and (KYOKUTEI Bakin, 1767–1848) of Japan. This is a demonstration of a novel approach to comparative literature, which compares literary works in the light of global technological history, and this is an attempt to give an insight into the world history of visual culture from the perspective of 1827.
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Fink, C. « Demonstrating Reconciliation : State and Society in West German Foreign Policy toward Israel, 1952-1965 ». German History 26, no 3 (1 juillet 2008) : 451–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghn041.
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Whybrow, Nicolas. « Street Scene : Berlin's Strasse des 17 Juni and the Performance of (Dis)unity ». New Theatre Quarterly 19, no 4 (8 octobre 2003) : 299–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x03000204.
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One of Berlin's most prominent streets, named after the East German workers' uprising of 1953 (in which Brecht was controversially implicated), serves as the performative location for Nicolas Whybrow's topographical interrogation of the politics of German nationhood. Particular attention is given to the new parliament building, the Reichstag, which has been out of action for the majority of its troubled history. The article considers attempts to perform democracy and unity since the fall of the Wall through various mediations, including Norman Foster's refunctioning of the Reichstag, Christo's facilitation of its rebirth, and a permanent installation by Hans Haacke which rewrites the building's prominent inscription of 1916, ‘For the German People’. Finally, Whybrow places the annual ‘Love Parade’ in the context of the long history of mass marches and demonstrations on this particular street, and analyzes its claims to be a unifying political event. Based loosely on the Benjaminian flâneur figure's practice of a first-hand experience of the street, incorporating both subjective immersion and detached observation of the revealing ‘detritus of modern urban life’, various tensions and superimpositions are rendered visible as the city undergoes transformation since reunification. Nicolas Whybrow, whose book Street Scenes: Brecht, Benjamin, and Berlin is forthcoming, is Senior Lecturer in Theatre at De Montfort University, Leicester.
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Bormann, Lukas. « ‘Auch unter politischen Gesichtspunkten sehr sorgfältig ausgewählt’ : Die ersten deutschen Mitglieder der Studiorum Novi Testamenti Societas (SNTS) 1937–1946 ». New Testament Studies 58, no 3 (8 juin 2012) : 416–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688512000082.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The fact that many of the initial German members of the Studiorum Novi Testamenti Societas were also supporters of the NS regime and among the authors of scholarly antisemitism (G. Kittel, K. G. Kuhn, W. Grundmann) is one that requires proper examination. This paper uses relevant archival material, such as previously unexplored documents from the Reich Ministry of Education (Reichserziehungsministerium), to explain this perceived link, demonstrating how Professor Gerhard Kittel (1888–1948) from Tübingen used his political power to control the selection of the first German scholars in the Society.
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Nastasa-Matei, Irina. « The Humboldt Fellowships for Eastern Europe During the Cold War : Politics and Numbers ». PLURAL. History, Culture, Society 9, no 1 (28 mai 2021) : 180–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.37710/plural.v9i1_9.
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The Alexander von Humboldt Foundation was re-established in the Federal Republic of Germany in 1953, with the aim of demonstrating that Germany continued to be a great cultural power and of marking its place on the international arena. It awarded very prestigious fellowships to researchers from abroad, based on the criteria of academic excellence and lack of quotas. Even if sporadically at the beginning, the Foundation’s relationship with the countries of Eastern Europe started to develop in the late 1960s, despite the opposite political systems of the two blocs. This happened in the context of the FRG’s East-centered foreign policy (Ostpolitik), and was also due to the opening of socialist countries to the West. The relationship, however, was marked in many cases by tensions, as political interests, as opposed to the cultural or academic dimension, prevailed. The article tackles the situation of the Humboldt fellows from Eastern Europe during the Cold War, focusing, from a comparative perspective, on the quantitative aspect, as well as on the political dynamics which determined their presence in West Germany.
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Wilkinson, Robert J. « The Poetic Transformation of Christian Cabbala ». Aries 20, no 2 (1 juillet 2020) : 173–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700593-02002001.
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Abstract This article follows the development of a genre of eighteenth-century texts, explicitly self-designated as ‘cabbalistic’, initially intended for fortune telling by use of a number-alphabet. Such texts were found in Latin and German and eventually emerged from clandestinity into print, though initially they were often anonymous and with false places of printing. As these texts attracted the attention of those interested in promoting the German vernacular and demonstrating the poetic capacity of that language, they were increasingly identified as ‘paragrams’, lost much of their mantic purpose and increasingly became an inventive technique for the stimulation of the composition of honorific verse.
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Anderson, Jeffrey. « From the Bonn to the Berlin Republic : The Twentieth Anniversary of German Unification : Introduction ». German Politics and Society 28, no 1 (1 mars 2010) : 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280101.
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‘Tis the season of anniversaries in Germany. 2009 unfolded like a hitparade of history. March ushered in the sixtieth anniversary of the foundingof the Federal Republic and May witnessed the sixtieth anniversary ofthe end of the Berlin Blockade. After a summer lull, the seventiethanniversary of Nazi Germany’s invasion of Poland fell on 1 Septemberand in October, the twentieth anniversary of the first Monday demonstrationin Leipzig took place. Finally, the month of November offered up amajor date—the twentieth anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall—and alesser one, suited more for the political connoisseur: the fortieth anniversaryof the Social Democratic Party’s (SPD) ratification of the GodesbergerProgram. 2010, of course, culminates in October with the twentiethanniversary of unification.
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Orehovs, Ivars. « Kultūrvēstures aspekti Jāņa Čakstes vācu valodā sarakstītajā apcerējumā „Die Letten und Ihre Latwija” (1917), tā tulkošanas un izdevumu vēsture latviski („Latvieši un viņu Latvija”, 1989/1990–2019) ». Aktuālās problēmas literatūras un kultūras pētniecībā : rakstu krājums, no 26/2 (11 mars 2021) : 155–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.37384/aplkp.2021.26-2.155.
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On May 4, 2020, the 30th anniversary of the restoration of Latvia’s national independence was celebrated, and the 160th anniversary since the birth of the first President of Latvia, Jānis Čakste (1859–1927), was remembered on September 14, 2019. In 1917, even before the establishment of the Latvian state, Čakste published a longer essay in German, entitled „The Latvians and Their Latvia” (Die Letten und ihre Latwija), in which both the ethnic and geopolitical history of the Baltics was presented to communicate the public opinion and strivings of that time internationally. The essay also reflected economic relations in the predominantly Latvian-inhabited territory, demonstrating the political convictions and the culture-historical background of the era. The article aims to characterise the history of writing and publishing the essay in German, and its translation into Latvian (1989/90), and the translation’s editions (1999, 2009, 2014, 2019). Part of the article is devoted to analysing the culture-historical aspects, which in the authorial narrative have been expressed in the interethnic environment of the territory and the era.
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Sperber, Jonathan. « Comments on Marcus Kreuzer's Article ». Central European History 36, no 3 (septembre 2003) : 359–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916103771006043.
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Marcus Kreuzer's vigorously-argued essay on the progress of parliamentarization in Imperial Germany is an innovative intervention into a long-running scholarly debate about a central assertion of the Sonderweg thesis, namely the power or powerlessness of the democratically elected Reichstag of Imperial Germany. Plausibly dividing historians who have studied the topic into three groups: “optimists,” who perceive a steady increase in parliamentary power and a move toward democratic and parliamentary government, particularly in the Wilhelmian Era; “pessimists,” who deny the power of the Reichstag vis-à-vis the executive increased at any point in the history of the empire; and “skeptics” who point toward an increase in the power of the Reichstag, once again primarily in the Wilhelmian era, but deny that such an increase in power was leading toward democratic or parliamentary government. Kreuzer points out that underlying all three arguments is an implicit assumption of what a powerful parliament should be. Blinded by the “Westminster model” of British parliamentary government, he suggests, pessimists and skeptics have condemned the imperial Reichstag for not resembling the House of Commons. Yet the British governmental system represented just one possible form of parliamentarization. By systematically comparing the powers of the Reichstag with those of today's West European and North American legislatures, Kreuzer ascertains that the Reichstag was a politically influential parliament, thus demonstrating that the optimists have had the better of the argument about parliamentarization.