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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Demonstrations – Germany – History"
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Fritzsche, Peter. « Seeing Hitler's Germany : Tourism in the Third Reich. By Kristin Semmens. Basingstoke and New York : Palgrave Macmillan. 2005. Pp. xiv+263. $74.95. ISBN 1-4039-3914-4. » Central European History 39, no 2 (19 mai 2006) : 325–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890630012x.
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Between the two world wars, Germany was on the move. The slowdown of the Great Depression notwithstanding, more and more Germans took vacations and enjoyed weekend adventures, and when they traveled, they did so to destinations farther and farther away from home. Along the way, they filled up trains, hotels, and youth hostels. And it was very much Germany that Germans wanted to explore, following as they did quite explicit itineraries of the idealized nation. “Seeing Germany,” as Kristin Semmens puts it, was a way of possessing and occupying Germany. This was quite deliberately the case for the hundreds of thousands of visitors who took special trains to Stahlhelm marches, Reichsbanner demonstrations, and, later in the 1930s, the Nuremberg party rallies, for which more than 700 special trains were pressed into service in 1938. “Seeing Germany” was also at the heart of the new tourist practices the Nazis created: the camp experiences of the Hitler Youth and the rural outposts of the Reich Labor Service. Patriotism required an overnight stay.
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Hanshew, Karrin. « Daring More Democracy ? Internal Security and the Social Democratic Fight against West German Terrorism ». Central European History 43, no 1 (mars 2010) : 117–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890999135x.
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Over the course of the 1970s, West Germans fought one another in an attempt to defend democracy. Frustrated with the seemingly ineffectual speeches and demonstrations of the 1960s protest movements, militant groups such as the Red Army Faction (RAF), June 2ndMovement, and the Red Cells took up arms. They declared war on the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) for its failure to rid itself of the vestiges of fascism, for its hierarchical-authoritarian structure, and for the abuses of western consumer society. Inspired by national liberation movements in the formerly colonized world, the groups aimed both to raise revolutionary consciousness among the West German population and to demonstrate the state's vulnerability through illegal action. The RAF, in particular, stressed the importance of violence as a simultaneous act of emancipation and defense—the latter understood as counterviolence necessitated by state-initiated violence. The repeated violation of norms would, its members argued, undermine Germans' traditional “habit of obedience” and, at the same time, force the state to reveal openly its fascism. These tough-love tactics, in short, aimed to save West Germans from themselves and thereby save German democracy.
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Patton, David F. « Protest Voting in Eastern Germany ». German Politics and Society 37, no 3 (1 septembre 2019) : 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370306.
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In 1989-1990, peaceful protests shook the German Democratic Republic (GDR), ushered in unification, and provided a powerful narrative of people power that would shape protest movements for decades to come. This article surveys eastern German protest across three decades, exploring the interplay of protest voting, demonstrations, and protest parties since the Wende. It finds that protest voting in the east has had a significant political impact, benefiting and shaping parties on both the left and the right of the party spectrum. To understand this potential, it examines how economic and political factors, although changing, have continued to provide favorable conditions for political protest in the east. At particular junctures, waves of protest occurred in each of the three decades after unification, shaping the party landscape in Germany.
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Ross, Ronald J. « TheKulturkampfand the Limitations of Power in Bismarck's Germany ». Journal of Ecclesiastical History 46, no 4 (octobre 1995) : 669–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900080489.
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Few conflicts in imperial Germany were more important than theKulturkampf, a major dispute between the Catholic Church and the Prussian State and a notorious example of the destructive character of Bismarckian politics. TheKulturkampfbegan in 1871, gathered in intensity and bitterness until 1878, and then continued with slowly diminishing severity down to 1887. Despite all its drama (the attempted assassination of governmental officials, the arrest and trial of prominent churchmen, even riots and mass demonstrations) and its undeniable political importance, theKulturkampfremains among the neglected problems of nineteenth-century German history. For the most part what has been written is so contradictory and prejudiced that even now – more than one hundred years later – the issues remain controversial and, in many respects, obscure.
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Majer-O'Sickey, Ingeborg. « Out of the Closet ? German Patriotism and Soccer Mania ». German Politics and Society 24, no 3 (1 septembre 2006) : 82–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780441601.
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As host of the 2006 soccer World Cup in June and July 2006, Germany was suddenly full of different Germans, waving millions of black-red-gold mini flags and wearing their (and others') national colors with abandon. Was this show of nationalism a new kind of trans/national patriotism? Most certainly, the national enthusiasm exhibited in Germany had nothing whatsoever to do with past demonstrations of patriotism. With the focus on the country as host to world soccer aficionados, the world also learned of a multicultural Germany that has existed for the last fifty years or so. It learned that it is not always successful with its social and economic problems, and that the desire for national unity is sometimes difficult to fulfill. Quite correctly, the national media described Germany as joyous, generous, and open-minded hosts. In the foreign press, too, the old stereotypes were broken down.
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Hirschman, Albert O. « Exit, Voice, and the Fate of the German Democratic Republic : An Essay in Conceptual History ». World Politics 45, no 2 (janvier 1993) : 173–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950657.
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The revolutionary events of 1989 in Eastern Europe took a special shape in the German Democratic Republic: large-scale flights of citizens to the Federal Republic of Germany combined with increasingly powerful mass demonstrations in the major cities to bring down the communist regime. This conjunction of private emigration and public protest contrasts with the way these distinct responses to discontent had been previously experienced, primarily as alternatives. The forty-year history of the German Democratic Republic thus represents a particularly rich theater of operation for the concepts of “exit” and “voice,” which the author had introduced in his book Exit, Voice, and Loyalty (1970). The events of 1989 are scrutinized in some detail as they trace a more complex pattern of interaction than had been found to prevail in most previous studies.
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Nonn, Christoph. « Putting Radicalism to the Test : German Social Democracy and the 1905 Suffrage Demonstrations in Dresden ». International Review of Social History 41, no 2 (août 1996) : 183–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113860.
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SummaryThroughout the long debate on whether the workers' movement of Imperial Germany was predominantly radical or reformist in nature, little attention has been paid to attitudes at the grass-roots level. It is argued here that during the years of 1905–1906, when all Europe was witnessing turmoil and an intensification of social conflict, the German Social Democratic leadership deliberately put the radicalism of the masses to the test. The Dresden suffrage demonstrations of December 1905 were the first to end in violent clashes between participants and police. However, contrary to what has been written to date on this incident and those similar to it, the great majority of the demonstrators were not militant. But they did exhibit a remarkable readiness to engage in civil disobedience, which the Social Democrats could use to press the party's political aims.
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Canning, Kathleen. « The Politics of Symbols, Semantics, and Sentiments in the Weimar Republic ». Central European History 43, no 4 (décembre 2010) : 567–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910000701.
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Contests over the term politics, over the boundaries that distinguished politics from non-politics, were one of the distinguishing features of the Weimar Republic. Not only did the disciplines of history, philosophy, law, sociology, and pedagogy each define this boundary in different terms, but participants in the debate also distinguished between ideal and real politics, politics at the level of state, and the dissemination of politics through society and citizenry. The fact that Weimar began with a revolution, the abdication of the Kaiser, and military defeat meant an eruption of politicization in 1918–19, whereby political organs of state and civil society sought in unprecedented fashion to draw Germans into parties and parliaments, associations, and activist societies. “The German people would still consist of ninety percent unpolitical people, if Social Democracy had not become a political school for the people,” Otto Braun claimed in Vorwärts in 1925. Politics and politicization generated not only political acts—votes, strikes, and vocal demonstrations—but also cultural milieus of Socialists and Communists, Catholics and liberal Democrats, nationalists, and eventually Nazis. In Weimar Germany there was little room for the “unpolitical” citizen of the prewar era, held up as a model in a famous tract of 1918 by Thomas Mann.
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Salzborn, Samuel. « Renaissance of the New Right in Germany ? A Discussion of New Right Elements in German Right-wing Extremism Today ». German Politics and Society 34, no 2 (1 juin 2016) : 36–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340203.
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Right-wing extremism in Germany has recently undergone considerable changes with a new right-wing party, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) successfully entering several local state parliaments as well as the European Parliament, “Pegida” demonstrations representing a new type of public action in terms of social movements, and the emergence of institutions like the Library of Conservatism and magazine projects like Sezession. This article considers whether such developments could be seen as a renaissance of the “New Right”, representing a long-term success in its strategies. Since the 1970s, the strategy of the New Right has been based on promoting a culturally conservative metapolitics in the pursuit of “cultural hegemony”, meaning to influence public opinion in the Federal Republic of Germany and shift it to the right— which at first glance might seem to have succeeded in light of recent events. The developments seen in German far-right extremism, however, have been neither monocausal nor monolithic. Therefore, this article will take a closer look at various aspects of the idea that recent changes in Germany’s rightwing extremism might represent a successful implementation of this New Right strategy.
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Hepworth, Andrea. « From Survivor to Fourth-Generation Memory : Literal and Discursive Sites of Memory in Post-dictatorship Germany and Spain ». Journal of Contemporary History 54, no 1 (16 mai 2017) : 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417694429.
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The transition of the memory of twentieth-century conflicts from survivor to cultural memory has become inevitable with the passing of the survivor generation. This article examines the role of different generations in the retrieval and commemoration of the traumatic past in Germany and Spain by focusing on two main areas: firstly, it analyzes the debates surrounding the Holocaust Memorial in Berlin and the ongoing review of form and function of existing memorial sites in the city, as well as ongoing vandalism and trivialization of these sites. Secondly, it examines recent debates and protests in Spain surrounding the 1977 Amnesty Law by prominent artists and the wider public. These range from protests against the indictment of Judge Baltasar Garzón in 2010 for opening an investigation into crimes against humanity committed by the Franco regime to demonstrations in November 2015 demanding an annulment of the 1977 Law, and to the recent Argentinean court case of Franco-era human rights crimes. Considering Pierre Nora’s notion that lieux de mémoire can be ‘material or non-material’, this article suggests that debates and demonstrations can act as a virtual space in which memory is viable. It analyzes the role of the ‘generations of postmemory’, in particular the third and fourth generations, in forestalling silence and forgetting and changing existing rigid discursive patterns.
Thèses sur le sujet "Demonstrations – Germany – History"
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JOHANSEN, Anja. « Bureaucrats, generals and the domestic use of military troops : patterns of civil-military co-operation concerning maintenance of public order in French and Prussian industrial areas, 1889-1914 ». Doctoral thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5846.
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Defence date: 20 April 1999Supervisor: Prof. Raffale Romanelli, European University Institute ; Co-supervisor: Prof. Michael Müller, University of Halle-Wittenberg ; External supervisor: Dr. Vincent Wright, Nuffield College, Oxford ; External examiner: Prof. Peter Becker, European University Institute
First made available online 21 September 2017
The purpose of the thesis is to understand the role of the army in the management of civil conflicts within the 'democratic' republican system in France and the 'semiabsolutist' and 'militaristic' Prussian system. In both countries, existing interpretations of the domestic role of the army focus on legal-constitutional perspectives, governmental and parliamentary policy making, and social conflicts, and are often normative. However, the lack of a cross-national comparative perspective has led to a series of conclusions that are called into question when the French and Prussian cases are compared. The thesis seeks to answer the question why the authorities in French and Prussian industrial areas, when confronted with similar challenges from mass protest movements between 1889 and 1914, adopted strategies that involved very dissimilar roles for the army in maintaining public order. On the basis of empirical observations of the process of bureaucratic decision making and inter-institutional co-operation between the state administration and the military authorities in Westphalia and Nord-Pas-de-Calais, the analysis was established using a 'historical institutionalist' framework of interpretation. The thesis puts forward two main arguments: that the strategies adopted by the French and Prussian authorities in the early 1890s that involved very dissimilar roles for the army in domestic peacekeeping were linked to dissimilar perceptions of the threat to the regime. The French Republic, despite its democratic and civilian ideals, made extensive use of the army because the fragility of the regime meant that it could not afford the danger that public unrest might get out of control. Conversely, the Prussian authorities considered their regime to be sufficiently stable to experiment with strategies to deal with public unrest that did not imply military intervention, even if these strategies provided a much lower degree of control over public unrest. The other main conclusion of the study is that the repeated implementation in the French case o f strategies that involved mobilisation of the army and the implementation in the Prussian case of strategies that drew upon civil forces alone, led to different strategies, organisations and uses of forces available. Hence, veiy dissimilar patterns of inter-institutional co-operation developed between the state administration and the military authorities in Westphalia and Nord-Pas-de-Calais.
Livres sur le sujet "Demonstrations – Germany – History"
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Rüdiger, Schmitt. Die Friedensbewegung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland : Ursachen und Bedingungen der Mobilisierung einer neuen sozialen Bewegung. Opladen : Westdeutscher Verlag, 1990.
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Hoffmann, Eckardt. Niemand konnte sie auslöschen : Die friedliche Revolution im Herbst 1989 in Gotha : Originaldokumente der Wende (November 1988 bis Mai 1990) : die Protokolle des Runden Tisches. Gotha : Hoffmann, 2001.
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Šibík, Jan. Jan Šibík, 1989. [Czech Republic] : Jan Šibík, 2019.
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Der Marsch zu den Gräbern von Karl und Rosa : Geschichte eines Gedenktages. Frankfurt am Main : P. Lang, 2004.
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Landtag, Thuringia (Germany), dir. Die "Runden Tische" der Bezirke Erfurt, Gera und Suhl als vorparlamentarische Gremien im Prozess der Friedlichen Revolution 1989/1990. Weimar : Wartburg, 2009.
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Bronk, Kay-Ulrich. Der Flug der Taube und der Fall der Mauer : Die Wittenberger Gebete um Erneuerung im Herbst 1989. Leipzig : Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1999.
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Der Flug der Taube und der Fall der Mauer : Die Wittenberger Gebete um Erneuerung im Herbst 1989. Leipzig : Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1999.
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Antrag auf Demonstration : Die Protestversammlung im Deutschen Theater am 15. Oktober 1989. Berlin : Links, 2010.
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Dostal, Caroline. 1968 -- Demonstranten vor Gericht : Ein Beitrag zur Justizgeschichte der Bundesrepublik. Frankfurt am Main : P. Lang, 2006.
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Weber, Anne-Katrin. Television before TV. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland : Amsterdam University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463727815.
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Television before TV rethinks the history of interwar television by exploring the medium’s numerous demonstrations organized at national fairs and international exhibitions in the late 1920s and 1930s. Building upon extensive archival research in Britain, Germany, and the United States, Anne-Katrin Weber analyses the sites where the new medium met its first audiences. She argues that public displays were central to television’s social construction; for the historian, the exhibitions therefore constitute crucial events to understand not only the medium’s pre-war emergence, but also its subsequent domestication in the post-war years. Designed as a transnational study, her book highlights the multiple circulations of artefacts and ideas across borders of democratic and totalitarian regimes alike. Richly illustrated with 100 photographs, Weber finally emphasizes that even without regular programmes, interwar television was widely seen.
Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Demonstrations – Germany – History"
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Shoshan, Nitzan. « Afterword ». Dans The Management of Hate. Princeton University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691171951.003.0010.
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IN RECENT YEARS, as tensions between Athens and Berlin over the former’s debt crisis have deepened, Germany’s past was staged not only on the streets of Greece, where portraits of Chancellor Merkel and Finance Minister Schäuble, rendered as Nazis, decorated demonstration posters. Under the shadow of sour negotiations, the Greek government announced it would seek 162 billion euros in damages from Germany over unpaid WWII reparations and a forced war-time loan. Later, citing a figure of 341 billion euros, Justice Minister Paraskevopoulos raised the possibility of property seizures should Germany fail to respect its alleged obligations. Prime Minister Tsipras and other prominent politicians spoke of “an open wound” and a “moral issue.” For the most part, Berlin and German media hit back with anger and denial, some complaining about “moral blackmail.” Germany’s debts and reparations have been legally, politically, and definitively resolved during its reunification, Merkel insisted; 1989, we see once more, continued to re-sequence history and signal a new “Stunde Null” and a new national project....
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Robinson, Cedric J. « German Critical Philosophy and Marx ». Dans An Anthropology of Marxism, sous la direction de H. L. T. Quan et Avery F. Gordon, 60–87. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649917.003.0003.
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In this chapter, Robinson explores the German intellectuals who form the basis of Marxism. He links the history of German pietism and the Church with the development of Kantian materialism, which advocated for a radical reformulation of the German social order. Robinson then demonstrates how Kantian German idealism set in motion in German thought a series of determinations essential for Marx’s philosophy. While Marx is applauded for positing a revolutionary theory from the less radical ideas of Hegel, Robinson instead suggests that Hegel in fact contributed far more directly to Marxism than Marx admitted. Indeed, Robinson demonstrates how Hegel’s conception of a universal class (to be Marx’s proletariat), secularization of history (making history happen), and privileging of Western civilization as the only society based on Reason (the secularization of social change) all made their way into Marxism, notwithstanding Marx’s dismissal of Hegel as a mystical idealist. Robinson historicizes Marxism by demonstrating how Kant’s formulation of the German bureaucracy as a class, followed by Hegel’s argument that this class’s consciousness came from its political work, were appropriated by Marx and Engels for their later work.
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Eldridge, Hannah Vandegrift. « Meter, Language, History, and the “Whole Human” ». Dans Metrical Claims and Poetic Experience, 22–55. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192859211.003.0002.
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Abstract This chapter outlines the central questions and problems for metrical theory and practice in the years between 1720 and 1800. It takes the vigorous debate over whether and how to write hexameters (the meter of Homeric epic) in German as a central example demonstrating that meter is not defined solely by the phonological characteristics of a given language. In the second half, the chapter shows how metrical debates shaped and were shaped by the Late Enlightenment’s quest to understand how language plays a vital role in a subjectivity determined not only by reason but also by the emotions and the body as part of the quest for an aesthetics and anthropology of the “whole human.”
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Robinson, Cedric J. « The Discourse on Economics ». Dans An Anthropology of Marxism, sous la direction de H. L. T. Quan et Avery F. Gordon, 88–116. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649917.003.0004.
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Based on the previous chapter’s demonstration of the links between Marxism and German bourgeois thought, Robinson argues in this chapter that Marxism represents neither the interests of the oppressed nor a radical break with contemporary philosophy. Chapter 4 provides an alternative history of oppositional discourse on poverty in European history that Robinson uses to emancipate socialism from the rigid ideological regime of bourgeois intellectuals imposed by Marxism. Robinson demonstrates the importance of Aristotle and Athenian philosophy for the empirical, conceptual, and moral precepts of modern economics. Robinson then traces the persistence of socialist impulses in Europe’s Middle Ages, particularly in the work of Marsilius and the Jesuits and its eventual transformation into the secular socialist utopianism of eighteenth century bourgeois Europeans. In both cases, he shows how radical gender relations are effaced by modern economics and by Marxism. Robinson thus shows how Marx and Engel’s scientific historical economics privileged a select group of bourgeois ideologists, insisting upon individualism and historical materialism and ignoring alternative oppositional discourses built in previous rebellions against oppression, inequality, racism, gender discrimination, and poverty.
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Nassar, Dalia. « The Relevance of Romantic Empiricism ». Dans Romantic Empiricism, 245–48. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190095437.003.0009.
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The conclusion offers a brief overview of the aims of the book, noting that they are both revisionary and systematic. The book challenges our usual understanding of the history of nineteenth-century German philosophy, by tracing the development of an understudied empiricist tradition, and detailing its significance. Furthermore, it highlights the work of authors usually relegated to the sidelines of philosophy, and shows how their work was crucial in the emergence of an ecological way of thinking. The book, furthermore, seeks to revitalize the approach practiced by the romantic empiricists, by demonstrating, first, how their understanding of knowledge, and of the relationship between epistemology, aesthetics, and ethics, illuminates and expands the sense in which the environmental crisis is a crisis of reason or culture, and, second, how their practices of knowledge challenge us to think differently about what it means to know well.
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von Greyerz, Kaspar. « The Argument from Design ». Dans European Physico-theology (1650-c.1760) in Context, 49–89. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192864369.003.0003.
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Among contemporary physico-theological treatises we can distinguish different genres. The argument from design was the most prevalent among them. Chapter 3 illustrates the main concerns of practitioners of this genre while, at the same time, demonstrating the geographical and cross-cultural scope of physico-theology in introducing authors from Britain, the Netherlands, France, Germany, and Swedish Finland. It points to the pivotal role of John Ray’s works for the deployment of physico-theology in Britain and on the continent, but also makes clear that our grasp must reach beyond treatises that identify themselves explicitly as physico-theological works. Furthermore, the present chapter introduces the Scandinavian ‘wing’ of the physico-theological movement. To date, it has been well known that the famous Swedish botanist Carl Linnaeus adhered to physico-theology, but owing to the canonization by traditional history of science of outstanding exponents of early modern science without considering their environment, it has been little recognized outside Scandinavia that Linnaeus was at the centre of a whole group of eighteenth-century Swedish physico-theologians.
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van Santen, Rutger, Djan Khoe et Bram Vermeer. « Engineering Society ». Dans 2030. Oxford University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195377170.003.0033.
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A storm blew up in Berlin in 1989 not far from the spot where much of this book was written. It all began in a small way with people attending weekly services at the local church to pray for peace. When the communist East German regime used violence to break up a demonstration, the church became a refuge for hundreds, and later thousands, of people. The society in question had grown rigid. To express it in the language of complexity, the social network became so tautly stretched that any shock was readily propagated throughout the system. The police repeatedly beat up the churchgoers, but the multitude failed to respond in the expected way. Instead of kicking and punching, they prayed and sang. They didn’t display the anticipated logic of action and reaction, eventually causing the police to withdraw in confusion. The demonstrators created positive feedback, and as a result, the mass of people grew even bigger. “We were prepared for everything but not for candles,” a police commander later commented. The protests also confused the GDR’s inflexible leaders. At the peak of the protests, an East German minister declared that citizens would be permitted to travel to the West. The chaos that ensued was so great that historians are still trying to unravel the precise sequence of events. On the brink of a critical transition, old forces dissipate and unpredictable movements can occur. This is a typical example of a small movement that can lead to much greater things, as we have also seen in other complex systems. Tens of thousands of people laid siege to the Wall. Exactly who eventually decided to raise the barriers has been lost in the fog of history. It was most likely a low-ranking officer at a border crossing who was no longer able to cope with the mass of people. To ease the pressure, he allowed a few citizens through the barrier. The effect was to throw gasoline onto the fire or, to put it another way, to create positive feedback that tipped the situation into transition. Within minutes, the crowd could no longer be restrained.
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Bonner, Thomas Neville. « Toward a University Standard of Medical Education, 1890-1920 ». Dans Becoming a Physician. Oxford University Press, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195062984.003.0015.
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In the waning years of the nineteenth century, despite (or perhaps because of) the inroads of laboratory science, uncertainty still hung heavy over the future shape of the medical curriculum. Although currents of change now flowed freely through the medical schools and conditions of study were shifting in every country, agreement was far from universal on such primary questions as the place of science and the laboratory in medical study, how clinical medicine should best be taught, the best way to prepare for medical study, the order of studies, minimal requirements for practice, and the importance of postgraduate study. “Perturbations and violent readjustments,” an American professor told his audience in 1897, marked the life of every medical school in this “remarkable epoch in the history of medicine.” Similar to the era of change a century before, students were again confronted with bewildering choices. Old questions long thought settled rose in new form. Did the practical study of medicine belong in a university at all? Was bedside instruction still needed by every student in training, or was the superbly conducted clinical demonstration not as good or even better? Should students perform experiments themselves in laboratories so as to understand the real meaning of science and its promise for medicine, or was it a waste of valuable time for the vast majority? And what about the university—now the home of advanced science, original research work, and the scientific laboratory—was it to be the only site to learn the medicine of the future? What about the still numerous hospital and independent schools, the mainstay of teaching in Anglo- America in 1890—did they still have a place in the teaching of medicine? Amidst the often clamorous debates on these and other questions, the teaching enterprise was still shaped by strong national cultural differences. In the final years of the century, the Western world was experiencing a new sense of national identity and pride that ran through developments in science and medicine as well as politics. The strident nationalism and industrial-scientific strength of a united Germany, evident to physicians studying there, thoroughly frightened many in the rest of Europe.
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Rowley-Conwy, Peter. « The Three Age System as Predator : Copenhagen and Lund 1836–1850 ». Dans From Genesis to Prehistory. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199227747.003.0007.
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We saw in the last chapter how Thomsen’s Three Age System was establishing itself as the ancient historical chronology started to fail in the 1830s. The years immediately following its publication in 1836 saw two major developments that Thomsen could never have foreseen. The first development was that three entirely separate chronologies came to maturity, and were grafted by their makers onto Thomsen’s stone–bronze–iron sequence. These chronologies were Sven Nilsson’s economic scheme of hunter-gatherers preceding farmers; Japetus Steenstrup’s environmental scheme of successive forest types; and the craniological scheme of racial replacement devised by Daniel Eschricht and Anders Retzius, and championed by Sven Nilsson. None could easily be linked to the ancient historical chronology; but since all three were based on material remains rather than literary sources, they were easier to link with Thomsen’s artefactual scheme, so they naturally gravitated towards it. Only Steenstrup’s environmental scheme provided any hint of absolute chronology—and the hint it gave was so revolutionary that Steenstrup initially lacked the confidence to make much of it. But as it became more secure, it gradually became evident that the human time depth revealed by the broadened Three Age System dwarfed the conception of ancient history. The First part of this chapter examines how these chronologies developed and then attached themselves to Thomsen’s. The second development was that, having attracted to itself these other chronologies, the Three Age System (in the hands of J. J. A. Worsaae) went over to the attack against ancient history. The second part of this chapter examines how Worsaae used archaeological excavation and data to wrest large parts of the material record from the ancient historians, by demonstrating that their use of it had been substantially inept. As a direct result, much of the ancient historical account lost its historical force and reverted to the status of literature and legend, leaving archaeology as the dominant voice speaking for the ancient past. In the later 1840s nationalist agendas were sharpening in various parts of Europe, and Worsaae used the archaeological voice to refute an aggressive historical claim by a German whose name is well-known in the Anglophone world— none other than Jacob Grimm, one of the brothers responsible for the fairy tales that are still so associated with their name.