Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Democrazia digitale »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Democrazia digitale"
1
Di Viggiano, Pasquale Luigi. « DEMOCRAZIA DIGITALE COME DIFFERENZA : ». Revista da Faculdade Mineira de Direito 24, no 48 (18 mars 2022) : 64–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2318-7999.2021v24n48p64-78.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La partecipazione sociale e politica digitale contemporanea (e-Democracy) è un prodotto della digitalizzazione dello Stato e dei suoi apparati, caratterizzata dalla produzione di nuovi diritti resi possibili dalle tecnologie della comunicazione. La digitalizzazione degli apparati dello Stato attraverso le nuove tecnologie basate su algoritmi intelligenti e le norme sulla società dell’informazione e della comunicazione hanno innescato la produzione di cosiddetti “nuovi diritti” la cui esigibilità amplia il concetto di democrazia stabilendo una differenza tra il tradizionale governo della cosa pubblica e le crescenti pretese delle comunità sempre più legate al sistema della comunicazione digitale. I diritti di accedere a Internet e alla rete, all’e-voting, a comunicare con la PA attraverso le nuove tecnologie, a ricevere servizi pubblici digitali sono paralleli a doveri dello Stato caratterizzati dalla soddisfazione dei nuovi diritti. Contemporaneamente cresce il rischio che forme di partecipazione digitale producano livelli di esclusioni intollerabili che intaccano la democrazia. Osservare e descrivere, con gli strumenti concettuali del Centro di Studi sul Rischio, come il sistema del diritto, della politica e della società evolvono attraverso il rapporto con l’ecosistema digitale trainato dall’arcipelago delle intelligenze artificiali rappresenta l’obiettivo e la sfida sempre incerta negli esiti, sempre nuova nelle acquisizioni ma sempre stimolante e proficua sotto il profilo della ricerca sociale, politica e giuridica.
2
Franco, Thiago. « A CIDADANIA DIGITAL E A CRISE OCIDENTAL DA DEMOCRACIA ». Revista Panorama - Revista de Comunicação Social 10, no 1 (21 septembre 2020) : 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18224/pan.v10i1.8339.
Texte intégralRésumé :
O livro “La cittadinanza digitale: La crisi dell’idea occidentale di democrazia e la partecipazione nelle reti digitali.” de Massimo Di Felice, apresenta três argumentos principais: um ligado ao mito da narrativa do sujeito como independente do mundo; um segundo ligado as transformações tecnológicas e as novas ecologias que conectam humanos e não humanos; e por fim a crise da ideia de democracia ocidental. A cidadania digital seria uma nova concepção de cidadão, o infovíduo , que se conecta a todos os elementos do mundo, independente da composição da substância.
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Balaguer Callejón, Francisco. « La crisi della democrazia rappresentativa di fronte alla democrazia digitale ». CITTADINANZA EUROPEA (LA), no 2 (décembre 2022) : 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ceu2022-002002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La percezione culturale dei progressi tecnologici viene trasferita ai processi democratici e costituzionali, creando l'illusione che ci sia una corrispondenza tra sviluppo tecnologico e sviluppo politico. In tal senso, la democrazia può evolversi nello stesso modo in cui si evolve la tecnologia? E questi progressi tecnologici implicano necessariamente un progresso costituzionale e democratico? Il contributo analizza l'impatto delle nuove tecnologie sui processi democratici dal punto di vista della contrapposizione tra democrazia rappresentativa e democrazia digitale.
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De Blasio, Emiliana. « La democrazia digitale nella sfera pubblica globale ». SOCIOLOGIA E POLITICHE SOCIALI, no 2 (novembre 2014) : 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sp2014-002003.
Texte intégral
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Borges Junior, Eli. « Cidadania digital : ». MATRIZes 13, no 3 (26 décembre 2019) : 257–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.1982-8160.v13i3p257-262.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Na obra La cittadinanza digitale: La crisi dell’idea occidentale di democrazia e la partecipazione nelle reti digitali, Massimo Di Felice descreve duas transformações fundamentais que caracterizariam nossa época: o advento das redes digitais e a crise ambiental. Essa conjunção levaria as formas tradicionais do fazer político – eminentemente humanas – a uma certa aporia, já que agora, em um contexto de conectividade generalizada, elementos de outras naturezas – não humanas – passariam também a agir. Sua proposta à crise: reunir todos em um novo e diverso comum, a cidadania digital. Defende, para isso, uma revisão epistemológica e a formulação de um novo léxico, problematizando conceitos como sociedade, indivíduo e mesmo política.
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Pulignano, Valeria. « E-democrazia al lavoro : effetti e problematicità dell'era digitale ». SOCIOLOGIA DEL LAVORO, no 160 (août 2021) : 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sl2021-160001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Questo contributo mette in evidenza le problematicità derivanti dagli effetti della tecnologia digitale sulla democrazia. Tre sono i temi principali che vengo affrontati. Il primo è legato al controllo di sistemi tecnologici avanzati nelle mani di una élite che rischia di aumentare il suo potere e la sua influenza sulle masse di utenti e consumatori che utilizzano le nuove tecnologie. Il secondo tema, direttamente connesso al primo, riguarda la fiducia del pubblico verso le istituzioni democratiche a seguito dell'entrata in campo di sistemi di comunicazione digitale di massa, che spesso sono portatori di disinformazione e notizie false (‘fake news'). Il terzo tema, è quello del ‘capitalismo della sorveglianza', che si lega alle relazioni industriali e di lavoro, nel senso che esamina le implicazioni che questo comporta per la democrazia, intesa come partecipazione diretta e indiretta dei lavoratori sui luoghi di lavoro.
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Crippa, Giulia. « O mundo da editoria digital entre estratégias de mercado e práticas revolucionárias ». InCID : Revista de Ciência da Informação e Documentação 6, no 2 (2 octobre 2015) : 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2178-2075.v6i2p189-192.
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De Marco, Lia. « Pandemia, controllo digitale e democrazia : un’esperienza DaD di Filosofia e Media education ». Media Education 11, no 2 (2 novembre 2020) : 171–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/me-9650.
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This article presents the teaching experience Pandemic, digital control and democracy conducted in the 5th AU and 5th BU classes of the “G. Bianchi Dottula” of Bari in the months of March and April 2020, in the lockdown period due to the Covid-19 health emergency. The path, based on the combination of research-action methods, consisted in the discussion of philosophical issues in a transversal perspective through a targeted DaD approach (with the help of Padlet, Google Classroom, Google Meet, Screen-cast-o-matic, Rai Scuola and many others), in view of the State Exams. In a historical moment in which the discussion on the present is of extreme urgency and the awareness of the processes in progress is decisive, the narration of this good practice could contribute to the sharing of didactically effective experiences in consideration of the next DDI.
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Curti, Sabina. « Folla, città e Covid-19 : governare (con) la paura in una democrazia ». SICUREZZA E SCIENZE SOCIALI, no 1 (avril 2021) : 50–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/siss2021-001005.
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Alcuni dispositivi utilizzati durante l'epidemia Covid-19 per controllare la pau-ra hanno diminuito il potere statale, aumentato quello digitale e generato nuove paure. Dopo un anno di pandemia, si assiste a una vera e propria depolicitizzazio-ne della paura, che rischia di allungare molto l'uscita dall'attuale crisi sanitaria e di produrre per il futuro delle disastrose conseguenze. La tesi dell'articolo è che per affrontare la pandemia nei sistemi democratici sia necessaria un'altra cultura del controllo sociale basata su un sostanziale riposi-zionamento nei confronti della paura da parte dei governi e della città.
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Scarpa, Roberto. « Imparare a cambiare idea. Appunti sul setting teatrale ». EDUCAZIONE SENTIMENTALE, no 37 (septembre 2022) : 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/eds2022-037002.
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Le regole del "setting" teatrale possono essere infrante per maleducazione o per ribellione. Andrea Camilleri con il Birraio di Preston, indica una ribellione giocosa, la ribellione proposta da Pirandello ci ha lasciato una domanda che aspetta ancora risposta: ha ancora senso il teatro nella società dello spettacolo? Se vogliamo reagire alla lenta estinzione del fenomeno teatrale, dimostrata dai numeri, occorre ripartire dalle regole del suo "setting" che, analizzate, conducono a una definizione di teatro e a un'ipotesi sulle sue origini. Queste regole dimostrano che la posta in palio del teatro è la stessa della coscienza e della democrazia: la scoperta che la verità è contendibile. Le poste in palio dello spettacolo e del Game dell'oltremondo digitale sono invece la meraviglia e la distrazione. Appurato che teatro è diverso da spettacolo, "mettere in scena" è diverso da "mettere in assemblea", "spettatore" non è sinonimo di "testimone", cosa fare per reagire alla crisi? Trovare il coraggio di aprire i Teatri, sia per uscirne che per farvi entrare la vita, e costruirne di nuovi, all'altezza delle sfide attuali.
Thèses sur le sujet "Democrazia digitale"
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GIARDINA, MONICA. « Democrazia e giovani nell’era Digitale ». Doctoral thesis, Università di Foggia, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/11369/425272.
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La Rete si configura oggi come il luogo in cui tutti parlano, una stanza dalle dimensioni infinite in
cui avviene una privatizzazione della sfera pubblica, generando un intimismo che trasforma i concetti
di pubblico e di privato. Un serbatoio immenso di contenuti e notizie, dove però appare sempre più
complicato verificare le veridicità e l'autorevolezza, sovvertendo de facto ogni regola del sistema
informativo tradizionale. Si sta delineando una società complessa e instabile, caratterizzata dalla
saturazione del tempo di attenzione e dalla frammentazione dei media, che agiscono in maniera
pervasiva, determinando il fenomeno del sovraccarico informativo, la difficoltà di facoltà critica ed
esperienziale nel distinguere il reale dal falso, cui si contrappone un'accelerazione del tempo mentale
senza precedenti, che enfatizza i tratti dell'iperattività, della transitorietà e dell'incertezza, che sono
tipici dell'era post-moderna.
Post-verità, fake news, analfabetismo funzionale, perdita dell’attenzione, manipolazione, hate
speach: queste alcune delle conseguenze più immediate.
E tutto questo può comportare un rischio per la democrazia stessa. La democrazia vive di opinioni:
ma se l’opinione dei cittadini viene manipolata, non saranno più i cittadini a prendere autonomamente
delle decisioni sulle questioni politiche, ma si lasceranno persuadere da chi ha in mano la
“conoscenza” di tali meccanismi. Di conseguenza, il pilastro stesso sul quale si basa l’istituto della
democrazia, ossia la libera opinione dei cittadini, verrà meno. Una delle strade percorribili per tutelare
la corretta funzione della democrazia è quella di preparare i futuri cittadini di domani a difendersi da
questi meccanismi, e la difesa può avvenire solo attraverso la conoscenza. Uno strumento
indispensabile è la Media Education, intesa sia come strumento di conoscenza dei media che come
mezzo per sviluppare un maggior senso critico negli studenti attraverso i medium a loro familiari,
ossi i social media.
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Trapanese, Thomas. « Modelli e piattaforme per la democrazia digitale : analisi e confronto ». Master's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2018. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/15562/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Democrazia: etimologicamente significa "governo del popolo", una forma di governo nella quale il potere decisionale spetta al popolo.
L'idea di democrazia non è univoca, nel corso della storia ha trovato diverse modalità di applicazione tutte caratterizzate dalla ricerca della forma ideale capace di dare l'effettivo potere decisionale al popolo.
Generalmente siamo portati ad associare l'idea di democrazia ad una forma di governo, è certamente vero che molti governi nazionali implementino una loro forma democratica ma è anche vero che il concetto di democrazia è molto più vasto e può essere applicato in qualunque contesto in cui sia richiesto di prendere una decisione su un argomento.
Negli ultimi anni grazie all'avvento di internet, il concetto di democrazia si è evoluto ed ha portato alla nascita dei concetti di e-democracy (una forma di democrazia diretta esercitata attraverso l'ausilio di strumenti digitali) e democrazia fluida (un modello ibrido tra la democrazia diretta e quella rappresentativa). Entrambi questi concetti sono stati concretizzati in software che mirano a fornire gli strumenti per implementare una democrazia.
L'idea di democrazia ha innumerevoli forme e implementazioni ma, è possibile estrarre delle caratteristiche comuni? in altre parole, è possibile individuare un modello per le varie forme di democrazia?
Nel corso di questa trattazione cercherò di rispondere a questa domanda individuando le componenti essenziali di un modello democratico e valutandone le principali implementazioni. Farò anche un analisi dei principali software per l'e-democracy che valuterò sia dal punto di vista tecnico che democratico (analizzando quale modello implementino).
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LADU, MARCO. « LA DEMOCRAZIA RAPPRESENTATIVA AL TEMPO DELLA RIVOLUZIONE DIGITALE. GLI STRUMENTI DELLA PARTECIPAZIONE POLITICA TRA PARTITI TRADIZIONALI E SOCIAL NETWORK ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Brescia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/11379/559320.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La presente tesi di dottorato mira ad approfondire il delicato rapporto intercorrente – nell’ordinamento italiano – tra le trasformazioni che caratterizzano il tempo della rivoluzione digitale e la democrazia rappresentativa nel suo complesso, la quale sembra, già da tempo, subire (tra gli altri) i contraccolpi di una stagione politica complicata che si manifesta, in primo luogo, con la crisi dei partiti politici tradizionali. Nel percorso che prende le mosse dallo studio della profilazione mediante i Big Data, diffusamente impiegata per ampliare il consenso politico-elettorale, si analizzeranno tanto aspetti connessi alla leadership politica quanto all’esaltazione del principio maggioritario e all’assenza di pluralismo. Infine, verranno ampiamente approfonditi tanto i tentativi di riqualificazione degli istituti di democrazia diretta (conseguenza di una rivalutazione della c.d. partecipazione dal basso) quanto gli ultimi sviluppi nel segno di una democrazia post-rappresentativa, la quale trova la sua ultima espressione nell’affermazione del c.d. populismo tecnologico.This PhD thesis aims to investigate the relationship between the transformations that characterize the time of the digital revolution and representative democracy as a whole, which seems, for some time, to suffer (among others) the repercussions of a complicated political season that manifests itself, first, with the crisis of traditional political parties. In the path that starts from the study of profiling through Big Data, widely used to expand the political consensus-electoral, will analyse aspects related to political leadership as well as the exaltation of the majority principle and the absence of pluralism. At last, will be analysed both the attempts to redevelop the institutions of direct democracy (consequence of a revaluation of the so-called participation from below) and the latest developments in the sign of a post-representative democracy, which finds its ultimate expression in the affirmation of the so-called technological populism.
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LADU, MARCO. « LA DEMOCRAZIA RAPPRESENTATIVA AL TEMPO DELLA RIVOLUZIONE DIGITALE. GLI STRUMENTI DELLA PARTECIPAZIONE POLITICA TRA PARTITI TRADIZIONALI E SOCIAL NETWORK ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Brescia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/11379/559317.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La presente tesi di dottorato mira ad approfondire il delicato rapporto intercorrente – nell’ordinamento italiano – tra le trasformazioni che caratterizzano il tempo della rivoluzione digitale e la democrazia rappresentativa nel suo complesso, la quale sembra, già da tempo, subire (tra gli altri) i contraccolpi di una stagione politica complicata che si manifesta, in primo luogo, con la crisi dei partiti politici tradizionali. Nel percorso che prende le mosse dallo studio della profilazione mediante i Big Data, diffusamente impiegata per ampliare il consenso politico-elettorale, si analizzeranno tanto aspetti connessi alla leadership politica quanto all’esaltazione del principio maggioritario e all’assenza di pluralismo. Infine, verranno ampiamente approfonditi tanto i tentativi di riqualificazione degli istituti di democrazia diretta (conseguenza di una rivalutazione della c.d. partecipazione dal basso) quanto gli ultimi sviluppi nel segno di una democrazia post-rappresentativa, la quale trova la sua ultima espressione nell’affermazione del c.d. populismo tecnologico.This PhD thesis aims to investigate the relationship between the transformations that characterize the time of the digital revolution and representative democracy as a whole, which seems, for some time, to suffer (among others) the repercussions of a complicated political season that manifests itself, first, with the crisis of traditional political parties. In the path that starts from the study of profiling through Big Data, widely used to expand the political consensus-electoral, will analyse aspects related to political leadership as well as the exaltation of the majority principle and the absence of pluralism. At last, will be analysed both the attempts to redevelop the institutions of direct democracy (consequence of a revaluation of the so-called participation from below) and the latest developments in the sign of a post-representative democracy, which finds its ultimate expression in the affirmation of the so-called technological populism.
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VILLASCHI, PIETRO. « E-DEMOCRACY E RAPPRESENTANZA POLITICA ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/901540.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Scopo della presente tesi di dottorato è indagare l’impatto che l’e-democracy sta producendo sull’evoluzione della rappresentanza e della partecipazione politica e, più in generale, sul funzionamento dei sistemi democratici.
L’analisi prende le mosse da una ricostruzione dei principali modelli di democrazia che sono stati sperimentati nel corso del tempo, per poi passare ad esaminare il processo di crisi della democrazia rappresentativa e della partecipazione intermediata.
In questo contesto si inserisce, con il suo carico di novità, la rivoluzione digitale. Premessa, quindi, una definizione di riferimento della nozione di e-democracy e delineate analogie e differenze con i concetti di e-voting ed e-government, la ricerca analizza le principali applicazioni di democrazia digitale, con il comune obiettivo di comprendere come esse, da angolature differenti e con diversi gradi di intensità, stiano trasformando il legame tra rappresentanti e rappresentati.
Oggetto di esame è, anzitutto, la comunicazione politica online, con particolare riferimento alle tecniche di profilazione degli utenti-elettori e al conseguente rischio di manipolazione del consenso. In un secondo momento, l’attenzione si sposta sull’evoluzione che le nuove tecnologie stanno determinando nell’organizzazione dei partiti politici. Successivamente, si analizza l’impatto che la digitalizzazione può determinare sull’esercizio del diritto di voto e sui poteri di iniziativa relativi agli strumenti c.d. di democrazia diretta. Infine, una riflessione è dedicata al tema, posto improvvisamente dalla pandemia da Covid-19, dell’introduzione, in determinate circostanze, di forme di partecipazione e voto da remoto ai lavori parlamentari e, pertanto, della possibilità ed opportunità di immaginare un “Parlamento telematico”.This doctoral thesis aims to explore the impact of e-democracy on the evolution of representation, political participation and, more generally, the functioning of democratic systems. After giving an overview of the main models of democracy tested over time, the analysis is carried out considering the current crisis of representative democracies and political intermediation. In this setting, the digital revolution arises. Thereafter, a definition of e-democracy is provided and it is compared with the concepts of e-voting and e-government. Then, the research explores the main applications of e-democracy to assess how the relationship between representatives and citizens is changing. Firstly, online political communication is evaluated, focusing on the targeting of social media users and the consequent threats of political manipulation. Secondly, the transformation of political party organization caused by digital revolution is pointed out. Subsequently, the impact of digitalization on voting procedures and direct democracy tools is assessed. Finally, the study focuses on the issue, raised by the COVID-19 pandemic, of introducing, under certain circumstances, electronic remote participation and voting in parliamentary work, in order to reflect on the legitimacy, as well as the opportunity, of a “virtual Parliament”.
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Pereira, Tiago Porto. « A vontade geral : do s?culo XVII ? democracia digital ». Pontif?cia Universidade Cat?lica do Rio Grande do Sul, 2016. http://tede2.pucrs.br/tede2/handle/tede/6723.
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The Modern Age provided the Philosophy with a wide number of influential thinkers, whose theories keep actual until nowadays. Among these notorious authors was Jean-Jacques Rousseau, remarkable by the volont? g?n?rale concept. Nevertheless, the expression was not created by him and has been used with diverse purposes since Samuel Pufendorf. Therefore, what the Citizen of Geneva in fact made was the appropriation of the expression and its secularization, attitude that revolutionized the political thinking by removing the power of the ruler and laying it amongst the citizens. Almost 240 years have passed since Rousseau?s death and both society and politics became more complex. With the arrival of the Internet and the strengthening of the network society, governance forms that employ digital platforms began to be discussed by theorists from distinct fields of knowledge. Amid the several political models thus emerged, the digital democracy arises with the promise of promoting an environment suitable for the citizen?s participation. Considering these facts, the present work sought to investigate the general will?s idea in two moments: first, since the concept?s genesis until Rousseau; second, how the constitutive elements of the volont? g?n?rale are found in John Rawls? philosophy and in the digital democracy. Therefore, our intent is to understand how the concept could keep itself present until now, showing how the Citizen of Geneva?s theory still dialogues with us on the XXI century.
A Modernidade ofereceu ? Filosofia um grande n?mero de influentes pensadores cujas teorias at? os dias de hoje se mant?m atuais. Dentre esses c?lebres autores figurou Jean-Jacques Rousseau, famoso sobretudo pelo conceito de volont? g?n?rale. Entretanto, o termo n?o foi cria??o sua, sendo usado com fins diversos desde Samuel Pufendorf. Dessa forma, o que o Cidad?o de Genebra de fato realizou foi a apropria??o do termo e sua seculariza??o, atitude que revolucionou o pensamento pol?tico ao retirar o poder do governante e deposit?-lo nas m?os dos cidad?os. Quase 240 anos se passaram desde a morte de Rousseau e tanto a sociedade quanto a pol?tica se complexificaram. Com o advento da Internet e da consolida??o de uma sociedade em rede, formas de governan?a a partir das plataformas digitais come?aram a ser debatidas por te?ricos dos mais distintos campos do saber. Dentre os v?rios modelos pol?ticos assim surgidos, desponta a democracia digital com a promessa de promover um ambiente prop?cio para a participa??o cidad?. Considerando esses dados, o presente trabalho busca investigar a ideia de uma vontade geral em dois momentos distintos: inicialmente, desde a g?nese do conceito at? Rousseau; em seguida, como os elementos que constituem a volont? g?n?rale s?o encontrados na filosofia de John Rawls e na democracia digital. A nossa inten??o ?, portanto, compreender como o conceito pode se manter presente at? a atualidade, demonstrando como a teoria do Cidad?o de Genebra ainda dialoga conosco no s?culo XXI.
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Frigo, Letícia Ferreira. « Tecnologias digitais e democracia na educação : a promoção da interatividade em sala de aula ». Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2017. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/20536.
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Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq
The present research deals with the use of digital technologies in the classroom as an auxiliary resource in the teaching-learning process, aiming at the individual and / or collective cognitive extension of subjects guided by interactivity and the adoption of collaborative learning practices: hybrid teaching and connectivism. The corpus of this research is anchored in the use of these technologies in the construction of the student's autonomy, making him the co-author of his learning, from the information search process to the content transformation, through filtering and data selection. Within this link, the following questions are raised: [1] Are the procedures, which presuppose interactive bilaterality, adopted by the practice of hybrid teaching, and establishe the use of such technologies in the classroom, to be applicable? [2] Do connectivist practices that seek to expand content circulating on the web through data sharing really form networks of interests in which the subjects involved exchange discoveries? [3] What are the reasons why many schools and teachers reject technological immersion in school, discouraging and / or prohibiting the use of such equipment in schools? The hypotheses drawn during this research point to the need to define how these processes become possible; and to this end, the topics addressed to digital learning highlight some of these practices, such as the search for information, through rhizomatic navigation and hypertextual and / or hypermedia reading, and the development of self-learning practices. The research highlights the role of the teacher in face of this new panorama and his current attributions regarding the methodologies for the insertion of the subjects in the cyberspace. The objective of this work is justified in the use of digital equipment as auxiliary tools to promote the cognitive expansion of subjects and to increase collective intelligence through playful and transformative practices. The result of the research, noting these two intellectual effects through the use of these technologies and the large-scale exclusion of society, which is on the margins of this process, advocates the need to include more subjects in these innovations and democratize the use of digital technologies as way to reduce social differences generated by educational discrepancies in our society. Research indicates that matching the learning opportunities will reduce the social gulf among the students; Therefore, the adoption of collaborative practices with the use of digital technologies promotes inclusion in the learning spheres, potentially improving their socioeconomic conditions
A presente pesquisa versa sobre o uso das tecnologias digitais em sala de aula como recurso auxiliar no processo de ensino-aprendizagem, visando à ampliação cognitiva individual e/ou coletiva dos sujeitos pautada pela interatividade e pela adoção de práticas colaborativas de aprendizagem: ensino híbrido e conectivismo. O corpus desta pesquisa ancora-se no uso dessas tecnologias na construção da autonomia do aluno, tornando-o coautor de sua aprendizagem, desde o processo de busca de informações até a transformação dos conteúdos, passando pela filtragem e seleção dos dados. Dentro desse enlace, são levantadas as seguintes questões: [1] Os procedimentos, que pressupõem bilateralidade interativa, adotados pela prática do ensino híbrido, e estabelecem o uso de tais tecnologias em sala de aula seriam de fato aplicáveis? [2] As práticas conectivistas que visam ampliação dos conteúdos circulantes na web a partir do compartilhamento de dados, realmente formam redes de interesses nas quais os sujeitos envolvidos trocam descobertas? [3] Quais os motivos que levam muitas escolas e professores a rechaçarem a imersão tecnológica no âmbito escolar, desestimulando e ou proibindo o uso destes equipamentos nas escolas? As hipóteses traçadas durante essa pesquisa apontam para a necessidade de definir como esses processos tornam-se possíveis; e, para tanto, os tópicos destinados à aprendizagem digital ressaltam algumas dessas práticas, tais como a busca pela informação, por meio da navegação rizomática e de leituras hipertextuais e/ou hipermidiáticas, e o desenvolvimento de práticas de autoaprendizagem. A pesquisa ressalta o papel do professor diante desse novo panorama e de suas atuais atribuições quanto às metodologias para a inserção dos sujeitos no ciberespaço. O objetivo deste trabalho justifica-se no uso de equipamentos digitais como ferramentas auxiliares à promoção da ampliação cognitiva dos sujeitos e ao aumento da inteligência coletiva por meio de práticas lúdicas e transformadoras. O resultado da pesquisa, constatando esses dois efeitos intelectivos por meio do uso dessas tecnologias e a exclusão de grande camada da sociedade, que se encontra à margem desse processo, advoga a necessidade de incluir mais sujeitos nessas inovações e democratizar o uso das tecnologias digitais como forma de reduzir diferenças sociais geradas pelas discrepâncias educacionais em nossa sociedade. A pesquisa indica que se igualando as oportunidades de aprendizagem, diminuiri-se-a o abismo social entre os sujeitos; logo, a adoção de práticas colaborativas, com o uso das tecnologias digitais, promove inclusão nas esferas de aprendizagem, melhorando, potencialmente, suas condições socioeconômicas
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Mullins, Jr Ricky Dale. « Dewey, Disability, and Democratic Education ». Diss., Virginia Tech, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/89091.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation is comprised of three manuscripts that coalesce around the topics of Dewey, Disability, and Democratic Education. Each manuscript is formatted for publication and the dissertation itself is prefaced by information that explains my background and how it connects to my current research. As such, the work contained in this dissertation is a product of my experiences as a social studies teacher, special educator, and administrator. Henceforth, my work focuses on Dewey, Disability, and Democratic Education. My research interests culminate in a three-article dissertation. The first paper is entitled, "Using Dewey to Problematize the Notion of Disability in Public Education." A version of this paper is currently under review for publication. In this paper I situate Dewey's theoretical underpinnings in the conversation around special education. Previous scholars of Dewey and disability have examined the ways in which his work speaks to educational growth and educational opportunity; my work adds to this body of research. However, my work is unique in that not only do I discuss pluralistic, communicative, participatory democracy as it pertains to students with disabilities, I also examine how Deweyan democracy can take shape, specifically within the context of an Individualized Education Plan (IEP) meeting. I conclude by arguing that Deweyan democracy is not only ideal, but realistic, attainable, and necessary, especially in the lives of students with disabilities.
In my second paper, I use the Schools and Staffing Survey (SASS) dataset in a paper entitled, "Can We Meet Our Mission? Examining the Professional Development of Social Studies Teachers to Support Students with Disabilities and Emergent Bilingual Learners." A version of this paper has been accepted for publication in The Journal of Social Studies Research. In this work, I first examine the social studies scholarship looking at students with disabilities and emergent bilingual learners, as well as research about the nature of professional development within the social studies. I then analyze the number of students with disabilities and emergent bilingual learners that we support in the social studies to provide a portrait of the field. Next, I examine the extent to which social studies teachers receive professional development to support those student groups, as well as the extent to which the social studies teachers found the professional development to be useful. My findings indicate that social studies teachers do not receive substantial professional development to support the learning of all students, as evidenced by the limited amount of professional development received focusing on students with disabilities and emergent bilingual learners.
In my third paper, I build on previous research examining the possibilities and benefits of participating in informal learning spaces such as Twitter in a paper entitled, "'So I Feel Like We Were Theoretical, Whereas They Actually Do It': Navigating Twitter Chats For Teacher Education." A version of this paper is also under review for publication. In this paper, specifically, I examine the experiences and perceptions of pre-service social studies teachers who particip¬¬¬¬ated in a discipline specific Twitter chat known as #sschat. My findings indicate that pre-service teachers found value in the chat when they were able to share resources with practicing teachers and build professional learning networks. However, there were instances when the pre-service teachers felt like they contributed little because they did not have direct experience with teaching. Additionally, the pre-service teachers expressed dissatisfaction with using Twitter as a platform for professional chats. However, I still contend and conclude that the utility of such chats outweighs the negatives. Therefore, this study sheds light on the potentiality and necessity of utilizing Twitter chats as a space to provide ongoing and systematic support to pre-service teachers to help not only them, but the field of social studies education move forward. These papers when considered together form a foundation of scholarship and further inquiry focused on Dewey, Disability, and Democratic Education, on which I plan to build in the years to come.Doctor of Philosophy
When I completed my undergraduate social studies teaching program, the job market appeared bleak in the coalfields of southwest Virginia. Coal, no longer king, had driven the economy for years. With its decline, my community barely managed to survive. My advisor at the time, honest and plain-spoken, told me that unless I obtained a license in special education, I would most likely not obtain a teaching job. Unlike many other areas of the country, in my hometown unless you could do other things like coach or drive a bus, a license to teach social studies was of little value. There was not much money and a new hire had to be willing to do many different jobs to prove his or her worth. Luckily, I had gotten my Commercial Driver License (CDLs) through a training program offered by the county school board, and I was consequently able to obtain a position, although not as a social studies teacher. I started my career in education as a special educator and substitute school bus driver. In this position I worked in an alternative education setting and taught vocational skills to secondary students with significant disabilities (in the institutional meaning of the word). From the start of my career, I aspired to become an administrator, so I enrolled in and completed a degree in Administration and Supervision. As I was working on that degree, I moved to the general education high school level, where I held a position teaching social studies and special education in an inclusive setting. Shortly thereafter, I obtained a job as an assistant principal. The part I enjoyed most about this position was working with and thinking about how to help teachers become better at their craft. At this point is when I decided to pursue a PhD in social studies education, so I could develop my interest into a body of research and eventually a career. Two years into my PhD program I was still grappling with who I was as a scholar. As I familiarized myself with social studies scholarship, I discovered that in my first position as an alternative education special educator, I was essentially preparing my students for the responsibilities of citizenship, which is the mission of the field of social studies (NCSS, 2013). Nevertheless, it was not until I started reading the work of John Dewey that I truly realized the complexity of what I experienced when I taught in the alternative education setting. That position allowed me to examine an element that I otherwise, would not have had the privilege to see; the complexity and intellect required for physical labor (Rose, 2004) and the inter-workings of true, vibrant, Deweyan democracy. Dewey’s work sparked a new interest in me and I started developing a deep-seated curiosity about how his theoretical underpinnings related to disability and democratic education. My interest in disability then caused me to ask other questions about social studies in relation to special education, which made me reflect on my prior experiences as a social studies educator. Although I had a license in special education, there were many instances in which I felt unprepared and unsupported in addressing the needs of all students in my classes which included general education students, students with disabilities (SWDs), and emergent bilingual learners (EBLs). I began to wonder if my feelings of unpreparedness and lack of support were in isolation. As I parsed the literature, I found that there was not a significant amount of research focused specifically on the extent to which social studies teachers felt they were prepared and supported to address the needs of all learners in their classroom. Additionally, my experience in both public education and teacher education gave me insight to realize that school systems do not have funding to provide specialized professional development and similarly, teacher education is under financial constraints as well. Therefore, I began examining what informal spaces such as Twitter offer educators in terms of professional support and development. My interests and curiosity fueled my scholarly work and eventually culminated into three distinct, but interconnected manuscripts. The three manuscripts that follow coalesce around my interests in Dewey, Disability, and Democratic Education.
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Pereira, Jessica Voigt Quintino. « É pra valer ? Experiência da democracia digital brasileira : um estudo de caso do marco civil da internet ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-09052016-103754/.
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O presente trabalho se insere no campo sobre Democracia Digital e procura compreender o funcionamento das iniciativas de participação digitais que visam incidir na decisão política. Será argumentado que, na ausência de ferramentas de agregação e de níveis de representação, é através de um processo de tradução que o Estado é capaz de lidar com os grandes volumes de informação difusa provenientes dessas iniciativas. Ao longo do trabalho, serão explorados os aspectos que compõem o processo de tradução e será utilizado como exemplo empírico o estudo de caso sobre o Marco Civil da Internet.This work falls within the field of Digital Democracy and intents to understand the functioning of digital participation initiatives seeking to produce effects on political decision. I argue that in the absence of aggregation- and representation-level tools, it is through a translation process that the state is able to handle the large volumes of scattered information from these initiatives. Throughout the work, the aspects that constitute the translation process and the empirical example will be a case study on the Brazilian Civil Rights Framework for the Internet
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Angelo, Tiago Novaes 1983. « Extrator de conhecimento coletivo : uma ferramenta para democracia participativa ». [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/259820.
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Orientadores: Ricardo Ribeiro Gudwin, Cesar José Bonjuani PaganDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Engenharia Elétrica e de Computação
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Resumo: O surgimento das Tecnologias de Comunicação e Informação trouxe uma nova perspectiva para o fortalecimento da democracia nas sociedades modernas. A democracia representativa, modelo predominante nas sociedades atuais, atravessa uma crise de credibilidade cuja principal consequência é o afastamento do cidadão na participação política, enfraquecendo os ideais democráticos. Neste contexto, a tecnologia surge como possibilidade para construção de um novo modelo de participação popular que resgate uma cidadania mais ativa, inaugurando o que denomina-se de democracia digital. O objetivo desta pesquisa foi desenvolver e implementar uma ferramenta, denominada "Extrator de Conhecimento Coletivo", com o propósito de conhecer o que um coletivo pensa a respeito de sua realidade a partir de pequenos relatos de seus participantes, dando voz à população num processo de democracia participativa. Os fundamentos teóricos baseiam-se em métodos de mineração de dados, sumarizadores extrativos e redes complexas. A ferramenta foi implementada e testada usando um banco de dados formado por opiniões de clientes a respeito de suas estadias em um Hotel. Os resultados apresentaram-se satisfatórios. Para trabalhos futuros, a proposta é que o Extrator de Conhecimento Coletivo seja o núcleo de processamento de dados de um espaço virtual onde a população pode se expressar e exercer ativamente sua cidadania
Abstract: The emergence of Information and Communication Technologies brought a new perspective to the strengthening of democracy in modern societies. The representative democracy, prevalent model in today's societies, crosses a crisis of credibility whose main consequence is the removal of citizen participation in politics, weakening democratic ideals. In this context, technology emerges as a possibility for construction of a new model of popular participation to rescue more active citizenship, inaugurating what is called digital democracy. The objective of this research was to develop and implement a tool called "Collective Knowledge Extractor", with the purpose of knowing what the collective thinks about his reality through small reports of its participants, giving voice to the people in a process participatory democracy. The theoretical foundations are based on methods of data mining, extractive summarizers and complex networks. The tool was implemented and tested using a database consisting of customer reviews about their stay in a Hotel. The results were satisfactory. For future work, the proposal is that the Extractor Collective Knowledge be the core data processing of a virtual space where people can express themselves and actively exercise their citizenship
Mestrado
Engenharia de Computação
Mestre em Engenharia Elétrica
Livres sur le sujet "Democrazia digitale"
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Come finisce il libro : Contro la falsa democrazia dell'editoria digitale. Roma : Minimum fax, 2014.
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La cittadinanza digitale : La crisi dell'idea occidentale di democrazia e la partecipazione nelle reti digitali. Milano : Meltemi, 2019.
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Partecipazione, democrazia, comunicazione pubblica : Percorsi di innovazione della pubblica amministrazione digitale. Soveria Mannelli : Rubbetino, 2009.
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Critica della democrazia digitale : La politica 2.0 alla prova dei fatti. Torino : Codice edizioni, 2014.
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Democracia en la era digital. Xalapa : LXII Legislatura, H. Congreso del Estado de Veracruz, 2012.
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Seminário de Pesquisa CEPOS (4th 2009 São Leopoldo, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil). TV digital, economia política e democracia. São Leopoldo, RS, Brasil : CEPOS Grupo de Pesquisa, 2010.
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Llauradó, Josep M. Democràcia digital : Informació, participació, transparència. Palma, Spain : Universitat de les Illes Balears, 2000.
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Ciberpopulismo : Política e democracia no mundo digital. São Paulo : Editora Contexto, 2021.
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Rubben, Marc. Van digitale klant tot digitale burger : E-democratie bij steden en gemeenten. Brugge : Vanden Broele Uitgeverij, 2012.
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Viggiano, Pasquale Luigi Di, Rossella Bufano et Pasquale Luigi Di Viggiano. Donna e società : Partecipazione democratica e cittadinanza digitale. Trento : Tangram edizioni scientifiche, 2013.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Democrazia digitale"
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Comeforo, Kristin, et Berna Görgülü. « Democratic Possibilities of Digital Feminism ». Dans Democratic Frontiers, 63–82. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003173427-4.
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Starks, Michael. « The Democratic Dividend ». Dans The Digital Television Revolution, 202–20. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137273352_11.
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Bromell, David. « Deplatforming and Democratic Legitimacy ». Dans Regulating Free Speech in a Digital Age, 81–109. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-95550-2_4.
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Špecián, Petr. « Fortifying Democracy for the Digital Age ». Dans Behavioral Political Economy and Democratic Theory, 132–71. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003274988-6.
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Collin, Philippa. « Addressing the Democratic Disconnect ». Dans Young Citizens and Political Participation in a Digital Society, 155–69. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137348838_7.
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Olsson, Susanne, Simon Sorgenfrei et Jonas Svensson. « Puritan Salafis in a liberal democratic context ». Dans Salafi-Jihadism and Digital Media, 92–112. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003261315-5.
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Kwak, Ki-Sung. « Digital Media and Democratic Transition in Korea ». Dans The Routledge Handbook of Korean Culture and Society, 218–30. 1st edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, [2017] | : Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315660486-15.
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White, Andrew. « Digital Media and Politics in the Liberal Democratic State ». Dans Digital Media and Society, 43–64. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137393630_3.
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Pianini, Danilo, et Andrea Omicini. « Democratic Process and Digital Platforms : An Engineering Perspective ». Dans The Future of Digital Democracy, 83–96. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05333-8_6.
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Pitt, Jeremy, Ada Diaconescu et Josiah Ober. « Knowledge Management for Democratic Governance of Socio-Technical Systems ». Dans The Future of Digital Democracy, 38–61. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05333-8_4.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Democrazia digitale"
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Caetano, Bárbara P., Guilherme W. De Oliveira, Melise M. V. De Paula et Jano M. De Souza. « Democracia digital : uma análise sobre recursos e aceitação ». Dans XII Simpósio Brasileiro de Sistemas de Informação. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/sbsi.2016.5954.
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O avanço tecnológico tem influenciado a relação entre o governo e o cidadão. Nesse cenário, surge o tema Democracia Digital que estimula o Estado na adoção de estratégias que viabilizem a atuação do cidadão não como cliente das informações disponibilizadas, mas como agente catalisador da democracia. Paralelo a esta vertente, observa-se as mudanças no que diz respeito ao entendimento do exercício da cidadania. Contudo, a democracia digital é um fenômeno que necessita de elucidação tanto em relação aos diversos recursos disponibilizados quanto à aceitação dessas novas possibilidades de participação social. Neste artigo, será descrita uma pesquisa exploratória que procurou compreender este fenômeno. O estudo foi realizado a partir de três linhas de ação: revisão bibliográfica, análise de recursos disponíveis e pesquisa de opinião. Nesta última, foram entrevistadas 220 pessoas através de um questionário online. A investigação mostrou que há diferentes iniciativas que convergem para graus de democracia digital semelhantes. Além disso, a pesquisa de opinião indicou um nível consistente de aceitação da utilização da tecnologia neste contexto.
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Gibson, Melissa. « Enacting Critical Democratic Pedagogy : Digital Video Production as Embodied Democratic Practice ». Dans 2020 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC : AERA, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1586963.
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Brill, Markus. « From Computational Social Choice to Digital Democracy ». Dans Thirtieth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-21}. California : International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2021/698.
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Digital Democracy (aka e-democracy or interactive democracy) aims to enhance democratic decision-making processes by utilizing digital technology. A common goal of these approaches is to make collective decision-making more engaging, inclusive, and responsive to participants' opinions. For example, online decision-making platforms often provide much more flexibility and interaction possibilities than traditional democratic systems. It is without doubt that the successful design of digital democracy systems presents a multidisciplinary research challenge. I argue that tools and techniques from computational social choice should be employed to aid the design of online decision-making platforms and other digital democracy systems.
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Gibson, Melissa. « Embracing the Social Inquiry of Democratic Pedagogy : Digital Video Production as Embodied Democratic Practice ». Dans 2021 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC : AERA, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1693345.
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Hänggli, Regula, Evangelos Pournaras et Dirk Helbing. « Human-centered Democratic Innovations with Digital and Participatory Elements ». Dans DG.O'21 : The 22nd Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA : ACM, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3463677.3463708.
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« Ethics and Digital Transformation : The Role of Democratic Institutions ». Dans 15th European Conference on Management, Leadership and Governance. ACPI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.34190/mlg.19.064.
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Paloma da Silva, Gisele, Larissa Shirley Gomes Lima, Sabrina Pereira Marques, Lorrane Isabelle Souza Martins, Lívia Mara Silva de Oliveira et Gisele Fráguas. « ESTRATÉGIAS DE TERRITORIALIZAÇÃO NA APS COM O USO DE TECNOLOGIA DIGITAL : RELATO DE EXPERIÊNCIA ». Dans I Seminário Internacional de Saúde da Família e Democracia. , : Even3, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.29327/saudeedemocracia.533935.
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Kahle, Brewster. « Building Trust When Truth Fractures ». Dans Charleston Library Conference. Purdue Univeristy, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5703/1288284317192.
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In our current era of disinformation, ready access to trustworthy sources is critical. “Fake news,” sophisticated disinformation campaigns, and propaganda distort the common reality, polarize communities, and threaten open democratic systems. What citizens, journalists, and policymakers need is a canonical source of trusted information. For millions, that trusted source resides in the books and journals housed in libraries, curated and vetted by librarians. Yet today, as we turn inevitably to our screens for information, if a book isn’t digital, it is as if it doesn’t exist. To address this gap, the Internet Archive is actively working with the world’s great libraries to digitize their collections and to make them available to users via controlled digital lending, a process whereby libraries can loan digital copies of the print books on their shelves. By bringing millions of missing books and academic literature online, libraries can empower journalists, researchers, and Wikipedia editors to cite the best sources directly in their work, grounding readers in the vetted, published record, and extending the investment that libraries have made in their print collections.
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Karabushenko, Pavel L. « Political elites in the epoch of “warring democracies” ». Dans Sustainable and Innovative Development in the Global Digital Age. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcsebm.mzur7298.
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The instability of the modern world is largely due to its current state – the state of conflict between the “warring democracies”. None of the parties involved in the conflict will ever admit that it (a conflict party) is not a democracy. Therefore, the level of trust/distrust of the society in the authority institutions will depend in many ways on how successfully a country implements its democratic project. The democracies fight for the right to be considered a true democracy and for this they accuse and discredit their rivals of having a false democracy form. The elites successfully use this rivalry for their own purposes, both ideologically and geopolitically. Moreover, the very concept of “democracy” (as the sum of specific values) becomes a victim of axiological decomposition. At the same time, the democratic values themselves transform into victims of political demagogy and numerous political speculations. The political elites abuse democratic values too often, seeing them as some effective mechanism to advance their speculative goals. They use civic “charm of democracy” to achieve their goals that are sometimes undemocratic. On the contrary, the maturity of civil society always shows the qualitative level of democracy itself. Any discrepancy between ideals and the reality leads to intraspecific conflict. In the rivalry, the elites tend to use unconventional means that do not deal with the norms of democracy.
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Nam, Taewoo. « Whither Digital Equality ? : An Empirical Study of the Democratic Divide ». Dans 2010 43rd Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences. IEEE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/hicss.2010.442.
Texte intégralRapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Democrazia digitale"
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Spies, Samuel. On Digital Disinformation and Democratic Myths. MediaWell, Social Science Research Council, décembre 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.35650/md.2012.d.2019.
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Bergsen, Pepijn, Carolina Caeiro, Harriet Moynihan, Marianne Schneider-Petsinger et Isabella Wilkinson. Digital trade and digital technical standards. Royal Institute of International Affairs, janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784135133.
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There is increasing impetus for stronger cooperation between the US, EU and UK on digital technology governance. Drivers of this trend include the economic incentives arising from opportunities for digital trade; the ambition for digital technology governance to be underpinned by shared values, including support for a democratic, open and global internet; and the need to respond to geopolitical competition, especially from China. Two specific areas of governance in which there is concrete potential to collaborate, and in which policymakers have indicated significant ambitions to do so, are digital trade and digital technical standards. - To leverage strategic opportunities for digital trade, the US, EU and UK need to continue identifying and promoting principles based on shared values and agendas, and demonstrate joint leadership at the global level, including in the World Trade Organization (WTO) on e-commerce. - Policy actors in the US, EU and UK should work individually and collectively to build on the latest generation of digital trade agreements. This will help to promote closer alignment on digital rules and standards, and support the establishment of more up-to-date models for innovation and governance. - Collaborating on digital technical standards, particularly those underlying internet governance and emerging technologies, offers the US, EU and UK strategic opportunities to build a vision of digital technology governance rooted in multi-stakeholder participation and democratic values. This can provide a strong alternative to standards proposals such as China’s ‘New IP’ system. - Policy actors should seek to expand strategic cooperation on standards development among the US, EU and UK, among like-minded countries, and among states that are undecided on the direction of their technology governance, including in the Global South. They should also take practical steps to incorporate the views and expertise of the technology industry, the broader private sector, academia and civil society. By promoting best-practice governance models that are anticipatory, dynamic and flexible, transatlantic efforts for cooperation on digital regulation can better account for the rapid pace of technological change. Early evidence of this more forward-looking approach is emerging through the EU’s proposed regulation of digital services and artificial intelligence (AI), and in the UK’s proposed legislation to tackle online harms. The recently launched EU-US Trade and Technology Council is a particularly valuable platform for strengthening cooperation in this arena. But transatlantic efforts to promote a model of digital governance predicated on democratic values would stand an even greater chance of success if the council’s work were more connected to efforts by the UK and other leading democracies
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de Haas, Wim, Charlotte Wagenaar, Roel During, Jaclyn Bolt, Frank Hendriks, Ira van Keulen et Iris Korthagen. Jongeren, democratie en duurzaamheid : Verkenning digitale participatie door jongeren bij besluitvorming over duurzaamheid. Wageningen : Wageningen Environmental Research, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18174/525124.
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Ardèvol Abreu, A., S. Toledano et M. Trenta. Opinión pública en democracia. De la información a la participación en la era digital. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, septembre 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/cac164.
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Cruz, Maria Helena. DEMOCRACIAS, FAKE NEWS E VERDADES EM REDE : O MUNDO DIGITAL NO CONTEXTO POLÍTICO DEMOCRÁTICO. Home Editora, octobre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46898/home.trab2022.35.
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Goode, Kayla, et Heeu Millie Kim. Indonesia’s AI Promise in Perspective. Center for Security and Emerging Technology, août 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51593/2021ca001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The United States and China are keeping an eye on Indonesia’s artificial intelligence potential given the country’s innovation-driven national strategy and flourishing AI industry. China views Indonesia as an anchor for its economic, digital, and political inroads in Southeast Asia and has invested aggressively in new partnerships. The United States, with robust political and economic relations rooted in shared democratic ideals, has an opportunity to leverage its comparative advantages and tap into Indonesia’s AI potential through high-level agreements.
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Crooks, Roderic. Toward People’s Community Control of Technology : Race, Access, and Education. Social Science Research Council, janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35650/jt.3015.d.2022.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This field review explores how the benefits of access to computing for racialized and minoritized communities has become an accepted fact in policy and research, despite decades of evidence that technical fixes do not solve the kinds of complex social problems that disproportionately affect these communities. I use the digital divide framework—a 1990s policy diagnosis that argues that the growth and success of the internet would bifurcate the public into digital “haves” and “have-nots”—as a lens to look at why access to computing frequently appears as a means to achieve economic, political, and social equality for racialized and minoritized communities. First, I present a brief cultural history of computer-assisted instruction to show that widely-held assumptions about the educational utility of computing emerged from utopian narratives about scientific progress and innovation—narratives that also traded on raced and gendered assumptions about users of computers. Next, I use the advent of the digital divide framework and its eventual transformation into digital inequality research to show how those raced and gendered norms about computing and computer users continue to inform research on information and communication technologies (ICTs) used in educational contexts. This is important because the norms implicated in digital divide research are also present in other sites where technology and civic life intersect, including democratic participation, public health, and immigration, among others. I conclude by arguing that naïve or cynical deployments of computing technology can actually harm or exploit the very same racialized and minoritized communities that access is supposed to benefit. In short, access to computing in education—or in any other domain—can only meaningfully contribute to equality when minoritized and racialized communities are allowed to pursue their own collective goals.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail et Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia : India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail et Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia : India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Developing Agriculture and Tourism for Inclusive Growth in the Lao People’s Democratic Republic. Asian Development Bank, septembre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/sgp210337-2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This report explores potential links between the agriculture and tourism sectors that could strengthen infrastructure development and inclusive growth in the Lao People’s Democratic Republic. Over the last 3 decades, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic has seen remarkable economic growth, with per capita income quadrupling between 1989 and 2019. However, this growth has been accompanied by widening inequality as the economy generated limited job opportunities beyond agriculture. In the aftermath of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, this report emphasizes the need to develop synergies between agriculture and tourism. It recommends investing in infrastructure, human capital, and digital connectivity among other development areas in the country’s agriculture and tourism sectors.