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1
AKKAŞ, Necmi Enes. « THE REFLECTION OF THE ARAB SPRING TO THE DEMOCRATICATION OF TUNISIA : RASHID AL GANNUSHI AND THE NAHDA MOVEMENT PARTY ». SOCIAL SCIENCE DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL 7, no 30 (15 mars 2022) : 289–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.31567/ssd.558.
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The Republic of Tunisia, located in North Africa, is an Arab state that gained its independence from France on March 20, 1956 and witnessed the firsts. The official name of Tunisia, which came under the rule of the Turks in 1574, has remained as Tunisia since then. Tunisia, the country of firsts, was the first constitution made under Ahd-ül Aman in 1861 and the first non-governmental organization Tunisian Workers' Union was established in 1924. The first action that ignited the Arab Spring started when 26-year-old computer engineer Mohammed Bouazizi set himself on fire in front of the governor's office on 17 December 2010. While ethnic and sectarian turmoil led to coups d'etat and civil war in the Middle East and North African countries where the Arab Spring spread, Tunisia's weak army organization as well as the experiences of civil and political sectors in the historical process were effective in overcoming the troubles it experienced during the revolution without being dragged into civil war. One of the important factors positively affecting Tunisia's democratization process is the Ennahda Movement Party, which represents a moderate Islamist democratic politics. The name Ennahda, which is defined as the Arab awakening, the Arab resurrection, the Arab Renaissance, was given to the party led by the philosopher and politician Ghannushi. When the effects of the Arab Spring on democratization are evaluated, the Ennahda Movement Party is an important event for the development of Tunisian democracy. The study will analyze the contributions of the Ennahda Movement Party and its leader, Rashid Al-Ghannushi Gannuşi, which made significant contributions to the democratization of Tunisia, to the democratization of Tunisia. Within the scope of the study, the reflections of the Arab Spring on the Tunisian revolution and the political process will be explained.
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Bishara, Dina. « Legacy Trade Unions as Brokers of Democratization ? Lessons from Tunisia ». Comparative Politics 52, no 2 (1 janvier 2020) : 173–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041520x15657305839654.
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The Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT) emerged as a major player in the country's transition from authoritarianism. Existing explanations - focusing on authoritarian legacies, the degree of trade union autonomy from the state, and labor's material incentives to support democratization - do not sufficiently account for the high-profile nature of the union's political role in Tunisia's transition. Instead, as this article argues, the importance of unions' pre-authoritarian legacy is key to understanding the role of unions in the transition from authoritarian rule. If unions enter the regime formation stage with a history of political struggle and with strong organizational capacities, they are more likely to develop a degree of internal autonomy that makes it difficult for authoritarian incumbents to disempower them. The article employs a historical institutional approach and draws on fieldwork and interviews with labor activists in Tunisia.
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Powers, Colin. « Cartelization, Neoliberalism, and the Foreclosure of the Jasmine Revolution : Democracy’s Troubles in Tunisia ». Middle East Law and Governance 11, no 1 (2 mai 2019) : 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01101003.
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While frequently hailed as the sole success story of the Arab Uprisings, the consolidation of Tunisia’s Jasmine Revolution has in fact proven deeply problematic. This paper will argue that the frailty of Tunisia’s democratic present is a direct function of liberal democratization, specifically implicating this practice of democratization in the hollowing and cartelization of the political system. In insulating policymaking within a host of nocturnal councils, I will argue that liberal democratization has purposefully obstructed the translation of popular preferences into policy outcomes, thereby preventing the Tunisian people from realizing the social democracy they so clearly desire.
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Nurali, Rinawati Acan. « PERKEMBANGAN DEMOKRASI DI TUNISIA ». Thaqafiyyat : Jurnal Bahasa, Peradaban dan Informasi Islam 20, no 2 (1 août 2021) : 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/thaq.2021.20204.
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This paper discusses the development of democracy in Tunisia. The goal is to understand the development of Tunisian democracy which is full of dynamics of the effects of the Arab Spring. This research uses the library method. Data collection through journals and books. The results of this study found that the long journey of the Tunisian people, in achieving independence from the occupation of the Tunisian government itself, was a road that was not easy, steep and sharp. Many became victims, in the name of the revolution. Both physically and psychologically. However, the struggle is carried out not only in the name of religion but also human humanity at stake, the rights and obligations desired by the Tunisian people, who become their driving force in their journey to achieve a democratic government. Of course, this requires a sacrifice in the long journey of democracy in Tunisia. Although in some Middle Eastern countries the process of democratization is still uncertain, Tunisia is not. Tunisia has become a hope for countries in the Middle East to rise from adversity. Tunisia has successfully held elections to democratically appoint a leader. Tunisian democracy is getting better with the inauguration of a new constitution that provides equality between men and women so that Tunisia becomes a pioneer of feminism in the Middle East. Although we cannot compare it with other contexts of Islamic government, Tunisia is a system that continues to rise to renew the slump of democracy by removing the influence of secular, far-right ideologies, and the monarchical system. Therefore, the political dynamics of the state system is a transition period whether it will lead to destruction or even towards democratic maturity, thus there is still optimism for the implementation of Islamic democracy in the Tunisian government system in the midst of all the dynamics that are faced.
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Kim, Elvis H. « Democratization and Authoritarianism in the Information Age ». International Area Studies Review 24, no 3 (28 juillet 2021) : 205–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/22338659211026006.
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The outbreak of the Arab Spring in the Middle East and North Africa reignited the debate over the possibilities of democratization, with much attention paid to the roles of the internet. This paper attempts to answer the questions of whether the expansion of the internet leads to democratization and how calls for democratization during the Arab Spring produced contrasting results in Tunisia and China. The time-series cross-sectional analysis based on data of 166 countries suggests that the annual change of internet penetration is positively associated with a country’s Polity score and that the existing level of the penetration has a slightly negative effect on democratization, though the inclusion of the internet does not visibly improve the explanatory power of the models. The case study comparing Tunisia and China closely examines the multifaceted relationship between the internet and democratization and shows that the internet alone cannot determine the direction of political change. Rather, it is spatially and temporally situated state and societal actors who collectively determine the process and outcome of politics.
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Torelli, Stefano M., Fabio Merone et Francesco Cavatorta. « Salafism in Tunisia : Challenges and Opportunities for Democratization ». Middle East Policy 19, no 4 (décembre 2012) : 140–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.2012.00566.x.
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Mahmoud Radaideh, Ramzy. « The Impact of Democratic Transition on Government Corruption : A Case Study of Tunisia (2006-2020) ». Dirasat : Human and Social Sciences 49, no 4 (30 juillet 2022) : 206–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v49i4.2047.
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The study aims to investigate the impact of democratization on government corruption in the Tunisian case during the period (2006-2020) ,as it uses the descriptive and analytical approach and the systems analysis approach, and assumes an inverse relationship between the two variables. The study found noticeable progress in the indicators of democratic transformation in Tunisia during the study period,It also concluded that the levels of corruption did not decline after the revolution despite the progress of the democratic transition process, and this is related to the widening margin of freedom of expression of the presence of corrupt practices and thus, the impression of their spread, and the short life of the democratic transition process, in addition to the existence of a long legacy of corrupt practices under the system. The study recommended the necessity of consolidating the foundations of the democratic system, deepening the system of democratic values and good governance in Tunisia, and the necessity of strengthening the role and capacity of the Tunisian institutions concerned with combating corruption as mechanisms that contribute to curbing its practices.
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Hussein Obaid, Assist Prof Dr Muna. « US African Relations- Tunisia as a model ». ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 225, no 2 (1 septembre 2018) : 123–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v225i2.141.
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A significant shift in the relations of the United States of America with the countries of African continent, especially after the events of September 11th, 2001 as America drew up a new strategy to combat terrorism to prevent its spread on the continent by establishing military bases including the military command AFRIVOM, as well as the dissemination of its principles of democratization and the promotion of human rights to other principles through which it tries to uphold the values and traditions of American culture and as a result created African political leaderships with ideas, principles and beliefs pro-western in general and the United States of America, particularly, North African countries, especially Tunisia, with which the United States of America established close relations and characterized these relations, are sometimes tense and converging at other times, especially during the time of former Tunisian President Zine El Abiden Ben Ali, but these relations witnessed a remarkable development after the process of change that took place in Tunisia in 2011 that has been reflected by the involvement of the two sides in a new approach to cooperation and consultation with a view to establishing a strategic partnership to establish a different stage of the Tunisian American relations.
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Sadiki, Larbi. « POPULAR UPRISINGS AND ARAB DEMOCRATIZATION ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no 1 (février 2000) : 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380002105x.
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This paper proposes that domestic political conflict presents opportunities for positive change with long-term effects despite the “inherent plausibility” of its harmfulness. This position is tested using examples of Arab bread riots in the context of the wave of Arab democratizations over the past twenty years. Although generally guided and controlled, Arab political liberalizations (especially those of Sudan, Algeria, and Jordan) have their roots in pressure from below. Elsewhere (as in Tunisia and Egypt), similar pressure has helped consolidate—or, at least, place—political reform on the agenda of de-legitimized ruling elites. Democracy and democratization in the Arab Middle East have almost invariably meant a trend toward “parliamentarization” and “electoralization,” without yet presaging polyarchal rule. Between 1985 and 1996, the Arab world has experienced more than twenty pluralist or multiparty parliamentary elections, twice the number that took place in the entire preceding period since the early 1960s, when many Arab countries won independence from colonial rule. A focus on the khubz-iste (the quietist bread seeker who abandons quietism as soon as his livelihood is threatened by the state) and the hitiste (the quietist unemployed who becomes active in bread protests) provides a new perspective on democratization processes in Arab societies.
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Hochman, Dafna. « Divergent Democratization : The Paths of Tunisia, Morocco and Mauritania ». Middle East Policy 14, no 4 (décembre 2007) : 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.2007.00325.x.
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Sanborn, Howard, et Clayton L. Thyne. « Learning Democracy : Education and the Fall of Authoritarian Regimes ». British Journal of Political Science 44, no 4 (13 mai 2013) : 773–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123413000082.
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Studies on what causes a state to democratize have focused on economic, social, and international factors. Many of them argue that higher levels of education should promote democracy. However, few articulate clearly how education affects democratization, and fewer still attempt to test the supposed link across time and space. This article fills that gap by considering how different levels of education influence democratization, and the conditions under which education is most likely to promote democracy. Analyses of eighty-five authoritarian spells from 1970 to 2008 find that higher levels of mass, primary, and tertiary education are robustly associated with democratization. Secondary analyses indicate that education is most effective in promoting democratization when both males and females are educated. An illustration from Tunisia follows.
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Khaddar, M. Moncef. « Oligarchic transitions within the Tunisian ‘autocratic/authoritarian’ system and the struggle for ‘democratic transformations’ ». Journal of Contemporary Iraq & ; the Arab World 16, no 3 (1 septembre 2022) : 169–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jciaw_00090_1.
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This work focuses on a contextualized understanding of ‘autocratic authoritarianism’ in Tunisia without approaching its peculiarities in reference to the ideal type of capitalist-liberal democracy and teleological democratization assumptions but instead on its own merits as a Tunisian civilian dictatorship (1957–2010). This latter is reminiscent of French colonial authoritarianism (1881–1956) and traditional beylic monarchic absolutism (1705–1957). For more than half a century, the Tunisian autocratic political system functioned as state-manufactured nationalist-populist authoritarianism associated with a presidential hegemonic ruling party, two successive autocratic presidents and their subservient oppressive elites. The diachronic survey of Tunisia’s political system encompasses the early years of autocracy, under the autocratic rule of the first president of the Republic Bourguiba, 1957–87, as well as the various stages of its consolidation into a police-security state with the second autocrat-President, Ben Ali, 1987–2011. This study also explores the reasons behind the durability of the ruling authoritarian-autocratic elites who played a decisive role in shaping state-society relations under the first and second president and left an indelible mark on the Tunisian polity beyond the 2010 ‘popular uprisings’. Therefore, the question is how, throughout the 2010 ‘Jasmine Revolution’, anti-democratic forces mutated in Tunisian politics in such a way that the end of ‘autocracy’, brought about by people’s uprisings, did not translate into social transformations, economic gains and ‘popular sovereignty’? Put more bluntly, why does the ‘revolution’ remain ‘unfinished’ and the transition ‘endless’ or ‘blocked’?
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Jamal, Amal, et Anna Kensicki. « A Theory of Critical Junctures for Democratization : A Comparative Examination of Constitution-Making in Egypt and Tunisia ». Law & ; Ethics of Human Rights 10, no 1 (1 mai 2016) : 185–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lehr-2016-0007.
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Abstract Most studies on constitution-making emphasize how cultural and institutional characteristics independently impact successful democratic transitions. This article proposes a new approach to theorizing this process, positing that the character of institutional and cultural elements and the relationships between them give rise to a unique temporal and political context called a critical juncture, with qualities and characteristics that place some states on trajectories toward success and others toward failure. By analyzing and comparing the events surrounding the Egyptian and Tunisian transitions, we demonstrate how the placement of these institutional and cultural elements put Tunisia on the path to democratization and led Egypt inevitably toward autocracy. The findings show that, where these junctures fail to instill civic ideals and avenues for all parties’ participation, the political environment becomes uninhabitable for successful transition.
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Bellin, Eva. « Contingent Democrats : Industrialists, Labor, and Democratization in Late-Developing Countries ». World Politics 52, no 2 (janvier 2000) : 175–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100002598.
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Many classic works of political economy have identified capital and labor as the champions of democratization during the first wave of transition. By contrast, this article argues for the contingent nature of capital and labor's support for democracy, especially in the context of late development. The article offers a theory of democratic contingency, proposing that a few variables, namely, state dependence, aristocratic privilege, and social fear account for much of the variation found in class support for democratization both across and within cases. Conditions associated with late development make capital and labor especially prone to diffidence about democratization. But such diffidence is subject to change, especially under the impact of international economic integration, poverty-reducing social welfare policies, and economic growth that is widely shared. Case material from Korea, Indonesia, Mexico, Zambia, Brazil, Tunisia and other countries is offered as evidence.
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Tho Seeth, Amanda. « Islamist-Secular Cleavages at Tunisia ́s Universities ». International Higher Education, no 85 (14 mars 2016) : 21–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/ihe.2016.85.9243.
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This article shows how the struggle between secularist and Islamist forces has entered Tunisia´s universities since the introduction of democracy in 2011. In the new political freedom, Islamist voices have become more powerful at the campuses. The Islamist student organization UGTE for the first time ever won the elections over the student councils in November 2015. A future constant rise and stabilization of Islamist power over academia could be backed up by the current weakness of the secular parties in parliament. Furthermore, since democratization, universities have become targets of Salafist violent protests and are affected by the temporary curfews imposed after recurrent terrorist attacks by The Islamic State (IS) in the country.
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Kinney, Drew Holland. « Sharing Saddles : Oligarchs and Officers on Horseback in Egypt and Tunisia ». International Studies Quarterly 65, no 2 (27 janvier 2021) : 512–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa093.
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Abstract Research on the military's removal from politics overemphasizes the attitudes and interests of officers. Civilians are portrayed as incapable of confronting refractory men with guns. This essay compares regime transitions in Egypt (2011–2013) and Tunisia (2011–2014) to show that unified civilian elites strengthen and polarized elites undermine civilian control of the armed forces. Research for the cases is based on interviews with Egyptian and Tunisian businesspersons, party members, and civil society activists; the International Consortium of Investigation Journalists's tax-offshoring database; loan disbursements from the IMF and World Bank; and secondary sources in Arabic, French, and English. The cases reveal novel insights about the military's removal from politics in fledgling democracies. Pleasing Egypt's officers did not shield President Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood from a coup in July 2013 because Morsi and the Brotherhood threatened the wealth and power of civilian politicians and oligarchs. In Tunisia, Islamist and non-Islamist political and economic elites pushed democratization for fear of another Ben “Ali-style kleptocracy. Even during crisis in 2013, united civilian elites contained opposition calls for army intervention. The study's findings suggest that democratizers are not at the mercy of soldiers, but rather civilian leaders have the power to sideline their armies.
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Sahide, Ahmad. « The Arab Spring and Democratization ; Why is Syria Different ? » JURNAL SOSIAL POLITIK 3, no 2 (4 décembre 2017) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/sospol.v3i2.5064.
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AbstractThe Arab Spring is the momentum of the rise of the political power in the Middle East. It brought hope to have political power, namely democracy. So the people power demanded democracy for their life. Syria is one of the states impacted by the Arab Spring where the regime is shaken by this political turbulence.In this paper, it’s said that the democratization in Syria failed before the successfulness of the people in overthrowing Assad’s regime. Syria is different from Tunisia which succeeded in consolidating democracy. Syria is also different from Egypt which succeeded in consolidating democracy and passing background condition, even though failed in the prefatory fase (second step of the democratization). Here, it’s found that one of the factors why the democratization in Syria failed is the foreign intervention. Two biggest states are contesting in having influence and control in Syria, those are United States of America and Russia.Keywords: Arab Spring, Democracy, failure, foreign intervention, Syria, AbstrakArab Spring merupakan momentum kebangkitan kekuatan politik di Timur Tengah. Momentum tersebut membawa harapan berupa munculnya demokrasi. Dengan demikian, selama berlangsungnya Arab Spring, rakyat terus berupaya mendesak pemerintah agar demokrasi diterapkan. Suriah merupakan salah satu negara yang terkena dampak Arab Spring. Tulisan ini menyebutkan bahwa proses demokratisasi di Suriah telah gagal sebelum jatuhnya rezim Assad. Suriah berbeda dengan Tunisia yang berhasil dalam konsolidasi demokrasi. Suriah juga berbeda dengan Mesir yang berhasil dalam konsolidasi demokrasi dan melewati kondisi latar belakang, meskipun gagal dalam fase Pendahuluan (langkah kedua dari demokratisasi). Dari sini, telah ditemukan bahwa salah satu faktor kegagalan demokratisasi di Suriah ialah adanya intervensi asing. Terdapat dua terbesar negara besar yang bertarung dalam mendapatkan pengaruh dan kontrol di Suriah, yaitu Amerika Serikat dan Rusia.Kata Kunci:Arab Spring, Demokrasi, Intervensi Asing, Kegagalan, Suriah.
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Sahide, Ahmad, Yoyo Yoyo et Ali Muhammad. « Tunisia's Success in Consolidating Its Democracy One Decade Post-the Arab Spring ». Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 26, no 1 (29 juin 2022) : 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.65912.
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The political turmoil in Tunisia at the end of 2010 opened the door to the democratization of Arab countries. This event, widely known as The Arab Spring, presented a dream for the Arab community to live a better life under a democratic system. However, after a decade of progress, only Tunisia has succeeded in consolidating its democracy among the Arab countries that have been affected by the political turmoil. This paper tries to read the success factors for Tunisia in consolidating its democracy by using the theory of democracy from Robert Dahl, Jack Snyder, and Georg Sorensen. This study concludes that democracy in Tunisia is already included in the category of matured democracy according to Snyder's theory or has entered the category in which a democratic culture has begun to develop (Sorensen) and fulfills the elements of a democratic state according to Dahl. This success is inseparable from internal and external factors. The internal factor is the foundation of a civil society built before The Arab Spring and the openness of viewpoints of political actors after the political upheaval. Meanwhile, the external factor is the absence of America as the dominant actor in Tunisia because Tunisia is considered a ferry country. Tunisia also proves that Islam and democracy can go hand in hand, and this is a refutation of the pessimistic views of the scholars on Islam and democracy that can go hand in hand.
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Wohlfeld, Monika. « The OSCE contribution to democratization in North African countries ». Security and Human Rights 22, no 4 (2011) : 383–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502311798859628.
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AbstractThe article focuses on a possible assistance of the OSCE to North African countries in political transition following the events of the so called 'Arab Spring'. The OSCE has extensive experience in relevant realms. It also has a long-standing institutionalized dialogue and co-operation with a number of North African states. The discussion within the Organization itself on what the OSCE could offer and with states such as Tunisia on their needs has began in January 2011, and is ongoing. The OSCE has also implemented first hands-on projects aimed at supporting the transitions processes in those countries, and linked to the on-going election processes there. But the OSCE Mediterranean dialogue suffers from the institutional context in which the Mediterranean Partners have the status akin to that of observers, and a certain lack of vision.
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Stepan, Alfred. « Multiple but Complementary, Not Conflictual, Leaderships : The Tunisian Democratic Transition in Comparative Perspective ». Daedalus 145, no 3 (juillet 2016) : 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00400.
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Many classic studies of leadership focus on strong leadership in the singular. This essay focuses on effective leaderships in the plural. Some of the greatest failures of democratic transitions (Egypt, Syria, Libya) have multiple but highly conflictual leaderships. However, a key lesson in democratization theory is that successful democratic transitions often involve the formation of a powerful coalition, within the opposition, of one-time enemies. This was accomplished in Chile, Spain, and Indonesia. In greater detail, this essay examines Tunisia, the sole reasonably successful democratic transition of the Arab Spring. In all four cases, religious tensions had once figured prominently, yet were safely transcended by the actions of multiple leaders via mutual ideological and religious accommodations, negotiated socioeconomic pacts, and unprecedented political cooperation. A multiplicity of cooperating leaders, rather than a single “strong leader,” produced effective democratic leadership in Tunisia, Indonesia, Spain, and Chile.
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Al-Momani, Mohammad. « Th e Arab “Youth Quake” : Implications on Democratization and Stability ». Middle East Law and Governance 3, no 1-2 (25 mars 2011) : 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633711x591521.
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Th e Arab Spring has advanced the prospects for democracy in the region. After years during which any democratic transition seemed implausible in the Arab World, masses across the region have risen to challenge the political status quo, inspired by the successful revolution in Tunisia. A major cause to the political unrest can be identifi ed in the large number of unemployed youth in Arab nations, whose political frustrations were aggravated by their inability to express themselves in a tightly controlled police state, political corruption, and the incapability of the state to deal with social and economic problems. In addition, social media was a vital vehicle in both sustaining reform movements within single countries, and spreading the wave of demonstrations across the region. Yet, the events of the Arab Spring have challenged the stability of countries undergoing these transitions. Th e possibility for the creation of failed states or international interventions, and the necessity of governments to deal with large numbers of refugees, sectarian tensions, and deeply rooted economic problems threaten to derail the recent political transformations. In spite of these challenges, however, the recent political changes do provide encouraging opportunities for creating peace in the region and moderating Islamic parties.
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Lizzio, Celene Ayat. « Religious Dimensions of Democratization Processes in Muslim-Majority Nations ». American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no 1 (1 janvier 2013) : 140–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i1.1171.
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The 41st AMSS annual conference, held on 29 September 2012 at Yale DivinitySchool, brought together scholars and activists to address “ReligiousDimensions of Democratization Processes in Muslim-Majority Nations.” Theevent, consisting of four panels and Juan R. I. Cole’s (University of Michigan)very anticipated keynote luncheon address, was co-sponsored by the Yale DivinitySchool and the Council on Middle East Studies at The MacMillian Centerat Yale. Several luminaries in the field, including Ambassador SallamaShaker (conference program chair, Yale Divinity School), also attended. GregoryE. Sterling (dean, Yale Divinity School) opened the conference, and AliA.Mazrui (former AMSS president, State University of New York) made welcomingremarks.The first panel, “The Arab Spring: A Revolution towards Democracy,”was chaired by Narges Erami (Yale University). In his opening paper, “TheArab Spring and Democratization in Sub-Saharan Africa: Which Is Cause andWhich Is Effect?,” Mazuri examined political processes, recent uprisings, andlonger-term democratic trends in South Africa, Tunisia, Egypt, Sudan, andYemen. He raised questions of chronology and causality, as well as howprocesses of colonialism and decolonization shaped contemporary politicallandscapes. After examining the concept of democratic contagion, he observedhow democratic processes that occurred in many African nations during thetwentieth century could serve as models for how to enshrine human rights andan independent judiciary in new constitutions. His paper ended with a detaileddiscussion of women’s contributions to shaping and buttressing a vibrant publicsphere, the positive effects of which can be seen particularly strongly inTunisia ...
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Somer, Murat. « Conquering versus democratizing the state : political Islamists and fourth wave democratization in Turkey and Tunisia ». Democratization 24, no 6 (15 décembre 2016) : 1025–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2016.1259216.
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Jahanbegloo, Ramin. « Iran and the Democratic Struggle in the Middle East ». Middle East Law and Governance 3, no 1-2 (25 mars 2011) : 126–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633711x591486.
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Many commentators in the West have referred to the uprisings sweeping the Middle East and the Maghreb as the “Arab Spring”. If we take a closer look at the young Middle Easterners who launched these democratic demands, it is clear that the Arab Spring started in Iran back in June 2009. As such, the Arab Uprising had a non-Arab beginning in Iran’s Green Movement, and in what was known as the “Twitter Revolution” of young Iranians. Furthermore, the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt have reenergized Iranian civil society, helping it become fi rmer and more outspoken in its demand for democratization in Iran.
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Mihályi, Dorottya. « Két hét Tunéziában és Algériában ». Belvedere Meridionale 34, no 1 (2022) : 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2022.1.2.
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Paul Sabatier’s journey (1896) in the French colonies Tunisia and Algeria illustrates how colonizer state takes advantage of tourists and tourism to contribute to the propagation of a positive image on the colonies. Participant of a scientific congress, Sabatier becomes “victim” of the organized travels with pre-fixed timetable and itinerary. Our article focuses on the particularities of Sabatier’s handwritten travelogue, richly accompanied by photos and drawings. It aims to highlight the typical tourist-behaviour at the and of the 19th century, the method of representing a culturally distant and exotic places in the light of colonial ideology, and the importance of photographical illustration in the early period of democratization of photography.
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Munck, Gerardo L. « Democratic Theory afterTransitions from Authoritarian Rule ». Perspectives on Politics 9, no 2 (juin 2011) : 333–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711000600.
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Recent events across the globe make clear the complexities of the politics of “democratization” and the importance of developing nuanced and compelling understandings of these complexities. In Eurasia, “Color Revolutions” have given way to democratic disappointments and “authoritarian regimes.” In north Africa, an unanticipated upsurge of democratic movements has felled autocrats in Tunisia and Egypt, but the political outcomes of these “transitions” are very much in doubt. Contemporary political science has developed an elaborate vocabulary for understanding such processes. And this vocabulary owes a great deal to a small group of scholars—Juan Linz, Guillermo O'Donnell, Philippe Schmitter, Alfred Stepan and Adam Przeworksi—who helped to lay the theoretical foundations of our current understanding of politics around the globe.
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Penner Angrist, Michele. « The Expression of Political Dissent in the Middle East : Turkish Democratization and Authoritarian Continuity in Tunisia ». Comparative Studies in Society and History 41, no 4 (octobre 1999) : 730–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417599003114.
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Hoesterey, James B. « Is Indonesia a Model for the Arab Spring ? Islam, Democracy, and Diplomacy ». Review of Middle East Studies 47, no 2 (2013) : 157–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2151348100058043.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As protestors filled Tahrir Square in Cairo in January 2011, Western diplomats, academics, and political pundits were searching for the best political analogy for the promise—and problems—for the Arab Uprising. Whereas neoconservative skeptics fretted that Egypt and Tunisia might go the way of post-revolutionary Iran, Hillary Clinton and Madeleine Albright praised Indonesia's democratization as the ideal model for the Arab Spring. During her 2009 visit to Indonesia, Clinton proclaimed: “if you want to know whether Islam, democracy, modernity, and women's rights can coexist, go to Indonesia.” Certainly Indonesia of May 1998 is not Egypt of January 2011, yet some comparisons are instructive. Still reeling from the Asian financial crisis of 1997, middle class Indonesians were fed up with corruption, cronyism, and a military that operated with impunity.
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Dillman, Bradford L. « Parliamentary Elections and the Prospects for Political Pluralism in North Africa ». Government and Opposition 35, no 2 (avril 2000) : 211–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00024.
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HAVE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN NORTH AFRICA IN THE 1990S bolstered prospects for democratization and greater pluralism? This study argues that, with the possible exception of Algeria's 1991 elections, they have not been harbingers of democracy in Egypt, Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia. The elections can be viewed as public displays by the state or limited political barometers, rather than processes which create obligations for the government. They have been means through which regimes have sought to dampen reactions to political immobilism, structural adjustment and the death of a social contract. Some elections have been manipulative, exclusionary exercises of elites trying to roll back the liberalizations of the 1980s, while others have been pseudo-competitive instruments of regime maintenance. Most of the elections can be seen as mechanisms for a top-down ‘artificializing’ of pluralism in order to preserve the core of regime control. In Egypt, Tunisia and Algeria, there seems to be no contradiction between fostering a selectively pluralistic atmosphere and simultaneously undermining the transition to democracy. In Morocco, pluralism and alternance seem to remain quite compatible with continued political domination by the Makhzen. Mona Makram-Ebeid's characterization of Egypt's 1995 elections could equally be applied to others in the region: ‘What has occurred is a pluralization of the political sphere, yet it has been liberal neither in intent nor outcome.’
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Entelis, John P. « The Democratic Imperative vs. the Authoritarian Impulse : The Maghrib State Between Transition and Terrorism ». Middle East Journal 59, no 4 (1 octobre 2005) : 537–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/59.4.11.
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Despite public promises to the contrary, Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia continue to be ruled autocratically even as their civil societies aspire to greater public space. Rather than promoting concrete steps towards democratization including institutionalizing freedom of speech, association, and pluralistic political practices, the three states of the Maghrib are pursuing survivalist strategies leading to a robust authoritarianism that seems unlikely to be overturned anytime soon. Yet failure to transform authoritarian politics dramatically and decisively into a sustainable democracy will not only hamper long-term socioeconomic development but, more ominously, foster an environment within which radical forces will emerge to threaten domestic as well as regional and global stability. Current American efforts to promote democratic reform in the region must evolve more imaginatively if they are to meet the challenge of global terrorism that itself is so deeply embedded within the authoritarian impulse that can only be overcome through the democratic imperative.
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Howard, Philip N. « The Net Delusion : The Dark Side of Internet Freedom. By Evgeny Morozov. New York : PublicAffairs, 2011. 432p. $27.95. » Perspectives on Politics 9, no 4 (décembre 2011) : 895–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711004014.
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Since early 2011 there have been significant changes in North Africa and the Middle East. Zine El Abidine Ben Ali had ruled Tunisia for 20 years, and Hosni Mubarak reigned in Egypt for 30 years. Yet their bravest challengers were 20- and 30-year-olds without ideological baggage, violent intentions, or clear leaders. Political change in these countries inspired activists across the region. Some tough authoritarian governments responded with tear gas and rubber bullets, others with policy concessions, welfare spending, and cabinet shuffles. The groups that initiated and sustained protests had few meaningful experiences with public deliberation or voting, and little experience with successful protesting. These young citizens were politically disciplined, pragmatic, and collaborative. Where did they come from? How do young people growing up in modern, entrenched, authoritarian regimes find political inspirations and aspirations? Are digital media important parts of the contemporary recipe for democratization?
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Del Sarto, Raffaella A., et Tobias Schumacher. « From Brussels with love : leverage, benchmarking, and the action plans with Jordan and Tunisia in the EU's democratization policy ». Democratization 18, no 4 (21 juillet 2011) : 932–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2011.584733.
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Zajaczkowski, Małgorzata. « External and internal liberalization that ENP promotes as transmission belts of democratization and political stability : success and failure revisited - the Southern Dimension ». Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no 3 (26 novembre 2017) : 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2017.3.5.
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The European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) was launched in 2004 with the aim of building new political and economic relations between the EU and its Southern and Eastern neighboring states through support for introduction of reforms and systemic changes in the partner states. In the South, the initiative covered ten countries: Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Palestine, Syria and Tunisia. It was associated with better political and economic relations with the EU, which should result in a wider access to the European market for Mediterranean goods and a larger foreign direct investment in$ow to the partner countries' markets. The aim of the paper is to analyze the effects of ENP on the Southern Mediterranean neighbors in the context of economic liberalization and pro-democratic changes. The paper analyses two problems: economic development and trade liberalization offered by ENP through deeper integration with the EU and marketoriented regulations. The second problem analyzed in the paper concerns the process of democratic changes that the EU committed to promote. Due to the highly controversial nature of democratization for the Mediterranean states, it was replaced by the idea of good governance. For this purpose, general trends within the Mediterranean societies in their approach to that notion of governance are presented.
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Yasmine, Shafira Elnanda. « Arab Spring : Islam dalam gerakan sosial dan demokrasi Timur Tengah ». Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 28, no 2 (1 avril 2016) : 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v28i22015.106-113.
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Social movement during Arab Spring has lead to political uprising in Middle East. Started from Tunisia, the revolt spread to neighboring states such as Egypt, Libya, also Syiria. Influenced by religion and strong Islamic tradition, protestors demand the presence of democracy within political system which had held autocracy as ruling system for decades. It is commonly assumed that democracy and Islam were mostly incompatible, moreover in a state whose Islamic values has deeply rooted in the daily life of its people. This article focuses in the usage of Islamic values within global civil society movement in Arab Spring. Theory of Islam and Ideology were applied to analyze the phenomena. Having view the revolution generally, this research found that Arab Spring is required as a phase which led Islam into particular flexibility level towards democracy and brought democratization into the Arab world. This article resulted in the conclusion that trigger a revolution not because of religious affairs, the demonstrators were joined not one hundred percent Muslim, and the issues that required not related to the religious life of the community, but Islam is either the value or the practice of worship, can not be separated in the organization of the masses during the revolution.
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Dris-Aït-Hamadouche, Louisa, et Yahia Zoubir. « The Maghreb : Social, Political, and Economic Developments ». Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no 1-3 (2007) : 261–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207757.
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AbstractDue to its geographical position, events in the Middle East, the Sahel, and Europe have consequential effects on the Maghreb (Algeria, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia). Hence, recent economic, political, and cultural changes are more or less inspired or encouraged by those developments taking place in the surrounding environment. Together with Mauritania, the four countries founded in 1989 the Arab Maghreb Union (UMA), which aimed at regional integration. Unfortunately, the UMA remains a distant wish; the conflict over Western Sahara and the political differences between Algeria and Morocco have prevented the UMA's advance.Each Maghrebi country witnessed particular events and reacted differently to identical stimuli. Undoubtedly, the countries' distinctive historical experiences provide a valuable understanding of the internal logic of the processes they have undergone and the way they sought to tackle them. This article will review the salient developments that occurred within each of the four Maghrebi countries and analyze the ways through which the regimes seek to resolve the challenges they are faced with. The main contention in the article is that the regimes in place have yet to open up the political space and allow genuine democratization to take place, for despite some genuine transformations in a few areas, the old rulers are still reluctant to loosen their grip over power. While they succeed in reestablishing order, the roots that generate cyclical uprisings remain intact. Civil society has yet to fulfill its full potential and enjoy genuine citizen participation.
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Burdah, Ibnu. « New Trends in Islamic Political Parties in the Arab Spring Countries ». Al-Jami'ah : Journal of Islamic Studies 52, no 2 (20 décembre 2014) : 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2014.522.459-485.
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The recent developments of Islamic political parties in the Arab spring countries show new orientation and agendas, i.e. reconfirmation of their commitment to democratic values, strengthening civil society, and adopting human rights principles. In the same time, they indicate not to be interested in the old Islamic agendas relating to jihad for Islamic states (dawlah Islāmiyah) and “global Islamic government” under one centralized caliphate (al-khilāfah al-Islāmiyyah). It is the case of Justice and Development Party (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) in Morocco, Freedom and Justice Party (Ḥizb al-Ḥurriyyah wa’l-‘Adālah) in Egypt, and Awakening Party (Ḥizb al-Nahḍah) in Tunis. This paper seeks to explore and explain this new fact. Based on literary research and interviews with the leaders of the Justice and Development Party (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) in Morocco, the paper concludes that the new orientation and agendas of Islamic political parties in the Arab spring states are related to democratization in the world, strong waves of Arab spring in many Arab states, and the dynamics of the internal parties.[Perkembangan mutakhir partai-partai politik Islam di sejumlah negara Arab “Musim Semi” menunjukkan adanya perubahan orientasi dan agenda baru, berupa penegasan kembali komitmen mereka terhadap nilai-nilai demokrasi, penguatan masyarakat sipil, dan adopsi prinsip-prinsip hak asasi manusia. Pada saat yang sama, mereka tampak kurang tertarik kepada agenda-agenda politik Islam lama seperti jihad bagi pendirian negara Islam dan pendirian pemerintahan Islam global di bawah satu khalifah yang tersentralisasi. Hal ini relevan terhadap kasus Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) di Maroko, Partai Kebebasan dan Keadilan (Ḥizb al-Ḥurriyyah wa’l-‘Adālah) di Mesir, dan Partai Kebangkitan (Ḥizb al-Nahḍah) di Tunisia. Artikel ini berupaya mengeksplorasi dan menjelaskan fakta baru ini. Berdasarkan kajian pustaka dan wawancara dengan sejumlah petinggi Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan di Maroko, penulis berkesimpulan bahwa orientasi baru ini terjadi akibat dari gelombang demokratisasi dunia, “angin kencang musim semi” Arab yang begitu kuat, dan dinamika internal partai.]
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Hoesterey, James B. « Is Indonesia a Model for the Arab Spring ? Islam, Democracy, and Diplomacy ». Review of Middle East Studies 47, no 1 (2013) : 56–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2151348100056330.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As protestors filled Tahrir Square in Cairo in January 2011, Western diplomats, academics, and political pundits were searching for the best political analogy for the promise—and problems—of the Arab Uprising. Whereas neoconservative skeptics fretted that Egypt and Tunisia might go the way of post-revolutionary Iran, Hillary Clinton and Madeleine Albright praised Indonesia’s democratization as the ideal model for the Arab Spring. During her 2009 visit to Indonesia, Clinton proclaimed: “If you want to know whether Islam, democracy, modernity, and women’s rights can coexist, go to Indonesia.” Certainly Indonesia of May 1998 is not Egypt of January 2011, yet some comparisons are instructive. Still reeling from the Asian financial crisis of 1997, middle class Indonesians were fed up with corruption, cronyism, and a military that operated with impunity. On 21 May 1998 Soeharto resigned after three decades of authoritarian rule. Despite fits of starts and stops, the democratic transition has brought political and economic stability. Whereas academics and pundits have debated the merits of the Indonesia model for democratic transition, in this article I consider how the notion of Indonesia as a model for the Arab Spring has reconfigured transnational Muslim networks and recalibrated claims to authority and authenticity within the global umma.An increasing body of scholarship devoted to global Muslim networks offers important insights into the longue durée of merchant traders and itinerant preachers connecting the Middle East with Southeast Asia. In his critique of Benedict Anderson’s famous explanation of “imagined communities” as the result of print capitalism within national borders, historian Michael Laffan argued that Indonesian nationalism had important roots in global Muslim networks connecting the Dutch East Indies with Cairo’s famous al-Azhar University.
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Günay, Cengiz, et Fabian Sommavilla. « Tunisia’s democratization at risk ». Mediterranean Politics 25, no 5 (20 juin 2019) : 673–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2019.1631980.
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Dorraj, Manochehr. « Tunisia's Troubled Path of Democratization ». Digest of Middle East Studies 7, no 4 (octobre 1998) : 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.1998.tb00339.x.
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Spierings, Niels. « Democratic disillusionment ? Desire for democracy after the Arab uprisings ». International Political Science Review 41, no 4 (10 septembre 2019) : 522–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512119867011.
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Have the Arab uprisings influenced the desire for democracy in the Middle East and North Africa? This study presents a systematic explanation of the different impact the uprisings had on people’s desire for democracy across the region. It applies the relatively new consequence-based theory of democratic attitudes, and integrates the notion of deprivation into it. The expectations derived from this framework are tested empirically by examining data from 45 public opinion surveys in 11 Middle East and North Africa countries (2001–2014) and combining them with a systematic country-level case comparison. The study shows that the desire for democracy drops mainly in countries of major protest and initial political liberalization, but no substantial democratization (e.g. Egypt, Morocco) indeed, and that a lack of major protest or initial reform (e.g. Algeria, Yemen) ‘prevents’ disillusionment. The seemingly exceptional Lebanese and Tunisian cases also show the mechanism holds for specific groups in society: Lebanese Sunnis and the poorest Tunisians.
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Sadiki, Larbi. « Tunisia's Peripheral Cities : Marginalization and Protest Politics in a Democratizing Country ». Middle East Journal 75, no 1 (15 avril 2021) : 77–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/75.1.14.
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This article investigates Tunisia's southern "periphery within the periphery," drawing on original interviews to examine marginalization and center-periphery relations in the country since the 2011 revolution. Comparisons are drawn between the informal economy of cross-border smuggling in Ben Guerdane and the jobless youth of Tataouine being left behind as corporate elites and companies become wealthy from the natural resources extracted from the area. This had led to an embrace of "unruly" protest politics, rebelling against the postrevolutionary political establishment. A trend toward disillusionment with democracy might be on the horizon for the marginalized youth in the south, exacerbating regional cleavages and posing a potential crisis for Tunisia's democratization.
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Inmaculada Szmolka. « Exclusionary and Non-Consensual Transitions Versus Inclusive and Consensual Democratizations : The Cases of Egypt and Tunisia ». Arab Studies Quarterly 37, no 1 (2015) : 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.13169/arabstudquar.37.1.0073.
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Alkan Özcan, Sevinç. « The Role of Political Islam in Tunisia’s Democratization Process : Towards a New Pattern of Secularization ? » Insight Turkey 20, no 1 (1 janvier 2018) : 209–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2018201.12.
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Marzo, Pietro. « International democracy promoters and transitional elites : favourable conditions for successful partnership. Evidence from Tunisia’s democratization ». Cambridge Review of International Affairs 33, no 3 (18 juillet 2019) : 307–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2019.1636765.
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Keskes, Hanen, et Alexander P. Martin. « Orientalism and binary discursive representations of Tunisia’s democratization : the need for a “continuity and change” paradigm ». British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 47, no 4 (7 novembre 2018) : 632–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2018.1544481.
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Moghadam, Valentine. « Engendering Democracy ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no 3 (26 juillet 2011) : 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381100047x.
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The year 2011 will forever be known as the year of mass protests for regime change and democratization in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Opinions on causes and outcomes have focused on the role of young people, the demands of “the Arab street,” and the possible transition to a liberal, Islamist, or coalition type of governance. Middle East specialists have long been aware of the problems of authoritarian regimes, widening inequalities, high rates of youth unemployment, deteriorating infrastructure and public services, and rising prices attenuated only by subsidies. But something has been missing from recent discussions and analyses. Let us pose it in the form of a number of (socialist-feminist) questions. We have seen that “the Arab street” is not exclusively masculine, but what kind of democratic governance can women's rights groups expect? To what extent will Tunisian women shape the democratic transition and the building of new institutions? In Egypt, will an outcome be—to use a phrase coined by East European feminists in the early 1990s—a “male democracy”? How can a democratic transition benefit working women and the poor?
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Miller, Alyssa. « “I Do Not Forgive!” ». Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no 2 (1 août 2021) : 205–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9127089.
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Abstract Reconciliation is a central goal of transitional justice. Yet, its importance for democratization can give reconciliation a coercive edge, pressuring victims to abandon legitimate grievances for the good of the nation to come. This article considers struggles over popular sovereignty in Tunisia's democratic transition, by examining the anticorruption campaign Manish Msamah (“I do not forgive”). Manish Msamah was formed in 2015 to defeat the Project Law on Economic and Financial Reconciliation, legislation that proposed amnesty for crony capitalists who profited from the Ben Ali dictatorship. Drawing on participant observation, media analysis, and activist interviews, the author shows how Manish Msamah debunks the ruse of consent at the heart of reconciliation, and in doing so maintains fidelity to the ideals of the 2011 Revolution. The campaign is revealed as an early participant in the “second wave” of the Arab Spring, which has refused the lure of procedural democracy in favor of deeper structural change.
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Brown, Nathan J. « Book Review : Building the Rule of Law in the Arab World : Tunisia, Egypt, and Beyond68.1417 BellinEva ; LANEHeidi A. — Building the Rule of Law in the Arab World : Tunisia, Egypt, and Beyond (Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2016). Democratization24(7), Dec. 2017 : 1365–1367. » International Political Science Abstracts 68, no 1 (février 2018) : 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002083451806800125.
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Boose, Jason William. « Democratization and Civil Society : Libya, Tunisia and theArab Spring ». International Journal of Social Science and Humanity, 2013, 310–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7763/ijssh.2012.v2.116.
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Jermanová, Tereza. « From Mistrust to Understanding : Inclusive Constitution-Making Design and Agreement in Tunisia ». Political Research Quarterly, 7 novembre 2020, 106591292096710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912920967106.
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In 2014, Tunisia’s National Constituent Assembly (NCA) almost unanimously approved the country’s first democratic constitution despite significant identity-based divisions. Drawing on the Tunisian case, the article explores the role of an inclusive constitution-making process in fostering constitutional agreement during democratization. Emerging studies that link different process modalities to democracy have so far brought only limited illumination to how inclusive processes matter, nor were these propositions systematically tested. Using process tracing, and building on original interviews gathered in Tunisia between 2014 and 2020, this article traces a causal mechanism whereby an inclusive constitution-making process allowed for a transformation of interpersonal relationships between political rivals. It demonstrates that more than two years of regular interactions allowed NCA deputies to shatter some of the prejudices that initially separated especially Islamist and non-Islamist partisans and develop cross-partisan ties, thus facilitating constitutional negotiations. However, I argue that the way these transformations contributed to constitutional settlement is more subtle than existing theories envisaged, and suggest alternative explanations. The article contributes to the debate about constitution-making processes by unpacking the understudied concept of partisan inclusion and applying it empirically to trace its effects on constitutional agreement, bringing precision and nuance to current assumptions about its benefits.