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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Democratic crisi »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 9 mars 2023
Mis à jour le 10 mars 2023

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1

Fornari, Emanuela. « Tolleranza, governamentalitŕ, depoliticizzazione. Note sulla crisi di un concetto ». PARADIGMI, no 2 (juillet 2009) : 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/para2009-002012.

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- Tolerance is a crucial albeit controversial concept in today's globalized political landscape. Following theorists such as Wendy Brown, Judith Butler, and Bonnie Honig, the author focuses on the discourse of multicultural tolerance as an index of a progressive mutation in the praxis of democratic citizenship. Whereas the discourse of tolerance seems to privatize conflicts and social relationships, hence to empty the participatory meaning of democracy as the power shared by the demos, collective practices of freedom and equality are shed into light as the corrective and counterbalance to the current depoliticization of the relation between self and other or, between a supposedly cosmopolitan Western identity and its ideologically constructed fundamentalist Other.Keywords: Tolerance, Governmentality, Multiculturalism, Democracy, Equality, Freedom, Difference.Parole chiave: Tolleranza, Governamentalitŕ, Multiculturalismo, Democrazia, Eguaglianza, Libertŕ, Differenza.
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Castiglioni, Federico. « Non si può fermare il vento con le mani – Populismo e Moralismo nella crisi del pensiero europeo ». População e Sociedade 35 (30 juin 2021) : 100–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.52224/21845263/rev35a6.

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One of the distinctive features of a democratic society is the pervasive and endless public debate that regularly antagonize groups and individuals, clashing different interests and ideologies. In this competitive environment, the delegitimization of a political enemy is the more natural – and yet democratically unhealthy – way to win the confrontation between diverse ideas. Historically, one of the predilected strategies to discredit a political adversary has always been blaming its morality, thereby eroding the very root on which any consensus rests. The moral blaming is declined differently, depending on the social and cultural context of the time and therefore the dominating values. In a democratic debate, these moral allegations often relate to duplicity or spreading of misinformation, the so-called demagogy. Today, the same campaign is rolled out against some partiers accused to be “populists” for their appeal to the most illogic and instinctive popular sentiment. The definition of “populism” is though still uncertain and subject to academic debate. This article aims at presenting different definition and interpretation of this political phenomenon to better frame it in the nowadays Western politics. The concept of populism is considered in its different shapes, questioning on the one hand the consistency of the existing definition and on the other its relationship with the democratic tenet. At the end of this analysis, the focus is shifted to the European Union and the reason as to why all the populist parties are seemingly Eurosceptic. The reason provided challenges the ideas of European unity itself, underlying the contrasting directions that the experiment of integration conveys, and question the multi-layered architecture of the contemporary democracy.
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Balaguer Callejón, Francisco. « La crisi della democrazia rappresentativa di fronte alla democrazia digitale ». CITTADINANZA EUROPEA (LA), no 2 (décembre 2022) : 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ceu2022-002002.

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La percezione culturale dei progressi tecnologici viene trasferita ai processi democratici e costituzionali, creando l'illusione che ci sia una corrispondenza tra sviluppo tecnologico e sviluppo politico. In tal senso, la democrazia può evolversi nello stesso modo in cui si evolve la tecnologia? E questi progressi tecnologici implicano necessariamente un progresso costituzionale e democratico? Il contributo analizza l'impatto delle nuove tecnologie sui processi democratici dal punto di vista della contrapposizione tra democrazia rappresentativa e democrazia digitale.
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Verri, Carlo. « Silvio Trentin e Ivanoe Bonomi : crisi della democrazia ». ITALIA CONTEMPORANEA, no 262 (octobre 2011) : 107–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ic2011-262007.

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Il saggio riguarda la crisi delle forze democratiche in Italia tra il 1924 e il 1925, nel momento in cui si stava instaurando la dittatura fascista. Il tema viene affrontato a partire dalle esperienze di due esponenti democratici - Silvio Trentin e Ivanoe Bonomi - e attraverso il loro rapporto testimoniato dalle lettere inedite che il primo scrisse al secondo, pubblicate in appendice. Se nel febbraio 1924 Trentin sembra gravitare nell'orbita di Bonomi con il quale ha una'affinitŕ ideologica, dopo 12 mesi - segnati dall'assassinio di Matteotti e dall'Aventino - č diventato un convinto sostenitore di Giovanni Amendola, di cui, diversamente da Bonomi, abbraccia tra l'altro il progetto di unire tutte le forze democratiche, trasformandone la federazione (Unione nazionale) in un vero e proprio partito. Dall'analisi delle lettere di Trentin si evince uno spettro significativo delle vie praticate da esponenti democratici di diverso orientamento per fronteggiare lo sconvolgimento politico rappresentato dall'affermarsi del fascismo.
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Denninger, Erhard. « Demokratische „Bürgertugend“ und die Krise des Parlamentarismus ». Archiv fuer Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie 107, no 1 (2021) : 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/arsp-2021-0007.

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Uscanga Barradas, Abril. « Democracia republicana = Republican Democracy ». EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad 13 (29 septembre 2017) : 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2017.3816.

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Resumen: Este trabajo pretende explicar los orígenes e importancia del republicanismo como teoría aplicable a la democracia, así como su posible aplicación como una válvula de escape a la crisis democrática actual, pues últimamente se presentan numerosas y constantes críticas al sistema democrático imperante en nuestros días, lo que nos hace pensar en la existencia de una serie de deficiencias tanto políticas como sociales que, quizás, podrían ser subsanadas replanteando el modelo o visualizándolo desde otra perspectiva más acorde a los fines y necesidades de la sociedad contemporánea.Palabras clave: Democracia republicana, libertad como no dominación, virtudes cívicas, liberalismo, crisis democrática, Estado. Abstract: This paper aims to explain the origins and importance of republicanism as a theory applicable to democracy, as well as, its application like a scape valve of the democratic crisis that prevails today, currently, there are many criticisms of today's democratic system, which makes us think of the existence of a series of deficiencies both political and social that, maybe could be rethought or visualized from another perspective, more in line with the aims and needs of contemporary society.Keywords: Republican democracy, liberty without domination, civic virtues, liberalism, democratic crisis, State.
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Borges, Bento Itamar. « Crise e democracia ». EDUCAÇÃO E FILOSOFIA 13, no 26 (4 septembre 2008) : 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/revedfil.v13n26a1999-763.

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Resumo: Esta conferência, apresentada a estudantes de Direito, trata da crise atual, enquanto crise do estado capitalista e analisa três riscos que a democracia corre em momentos de crise acirrada. Dois desses riscos são apontados por Habermas em alguns escritos - o misticismo irracionalista, que pode fomentar a falsa revolução e a recaída no fascismo, que tenta justificar-se, como na teoria política de Carl Schmitt - e um terceiro está presente na obra mesma de Habermas, a saber, a insuficiência de um conceito meramente formal da democracia que ele quer salvar sob o paradigma discursivo. Abstract: This paper, which was originally a lecture for Law students, deals with the present crisis, by understanding it as the crisis of the capitalist State. The author also analyses three risks for democracy in such moments of overwhelming loss of identity. Two risks were already pointed out by Habermas, for instance, in some of his texts the irracionalist misticism, which can inspire the false revolution, and the return to fascism, such as happened in Carl Schmitt's attempt to justify it in his political theory. And a third risk is to be found in Habermas work itself, namely, a mere concept of democracy, such as developped in his late discourse paradigm, turns out to be too formal, with no material substance.
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Silva, Enio Waldir, et Maisa Machado Saldanha. « DEMOCRACIA : EVOLUÇÃO, CRISE E NOVAS PERSPECTIVAS ». Revista Direitos Culturais 10, no 21 (1 août 2015) : 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.20912/rdc.v10i21.1371.

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D’ Acunto, Salvatore, et Francesco Schettino. « DEMOCRACIA BURGUESA E POLÍTICA ECONÔMICA : o trágico caso grego ». Revista Políticas Públicas 19, no 2 (16 juin 2016) : 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v19n2p381-391.

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Resumo: O artigo aborda dimensões da relação democracia burguesa e politica econômica, tendo como referência privilegiada da análise a questão da dívida grega explicitada no ano de 2015. Enfatiza que o problema da dívida não se limita à experiência da Grécia ou aos outros países do sul da Europa, ao contrário, é muito mais abrangente e é da própria natureza da produção capitalista, ainda mais em fase de crise. Conclui que o caso grego evidencia que a democracia burguesa, cada vez mais, é reduzida a um ritual substancial sem sentido. Frente à população da Grécia, esmagada entre a adesão às demandas das instituições representativas do bloco de capitais do continente e o respeito à “delegação” atribuída pelo eleitorado, o governo grego vem resolvendo o conflito curvando-se a chantagens e endossando, neste momento, o regime de “suspensão” à soberania democrática. Palavras-chave: Crise capitalista, referendo grego, democracia burguesa.BOURGEOIS DEMOCRACY AND POLITICAL ECONOMY: the tragic greek caseAbstract: The article discusses dimensiones of the relation of bourgeois democracy and political aconomy, having as prime reference of teh analysis the question of greek debt explained in the year 2015. Emphasizes that the problem of the debt is not limited to the experience of Greece and of other Southern Europeam Countries, by contrast, is much more comprehensive ando f other Southern European countries, by contrast, is much more comprehensive and is in the nature of capitalist production, especially in crisis phase. Concludes that the Greek case shows that bourgeois democracy, increasingly, it is reduced to a ritual substantially pointless. Front of the population of Greece, crushed between adherence to the demands of representative institutions of the continent’s capital block and respect for “delegation” given by the electorate, the Greek government is solving the conflitc bowing to blackmail and endorsing at this time, the regime of “suspension” democratic sovereignty.Key words: Capitalist crisis, Greek referendum, bourgeois democracy.
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10

Cunha, Paulo Ferreira da. « Law and democracy : ideology, crisis and prospective views ». Boletim de Ciências Económicas 57, no 1 (2014) : 1301–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0870-4260_57-1_36.

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Pinto, Júlio Roberto De Souza, Débora Messenberg Guimarães et Flávia Lessa de Barros. « A CRISE DA DEMOCRACIA REPRESENTATIVA (THE CRISIS OF REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY) ». E-Legis - Revista Eletrônica do Programa de Pós-Graduação da Câmara dos Deputados 9, no 19 (27 avril 2016) : 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.51206/e-legis.v9i19.283.

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12

Jiménez Sánchez, José J. « Eine hegelianische Annäherung an die Krise des demokratischen Rechtsstaats ». Archiv fuer Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie 107, no 3 (2021) : 356. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/arsp-2021-0018.

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Santos, Elisabete, et Renata Alvarez Rossi. « Crise Democrática no Século XXI e Desafios da Pesquisa em Administração Pública ». Organizações & ; Sociedade 30, no 104 (janvier 2023) : 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1984-92302023v30n0000pt.

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Resumo A pesquisa no campo da administração pública encontra-se permanentemente desafiada a refletir sobre a complexa relação que envolve a administração e democracia. O retorno ao cenário nacional e internacional de forças políticas situadas no campo da extrema direita, que recorrem às regras do jogo democrático como ferramentas contra a clássica democracia liberal, coloca desafios teórico-epistemológicos adicionais ao campo. Quais os desafios e perspectivas da produção do saber no campo da administração, particularmente no que diz respeito à articulação entre modelos de gestão e democracia, considerando projetos de sociedade e modelos de desenvolvimento? Esse debate requer a mobilização de conhecimento crítico, o redesenho de objetos de estudo, do significado da participação, o aprofundamento do caráter interdisciplinar da pesquisa, além de explicitar a dimensão política da relação entre res publica e democracia.
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김재민. « The June Democratic Uprising and Human Rights ». Economy and Society ll, no 114 (juin 2017) : 52–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.18207/criso.2017..114.52.

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15

García Jurado, Roberto. « De la crisis de la democracia a la crisis de los partidos políticos ». Política y Cultura, no 48 (31 octobre 2017) : 201–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.24275/ttse5572.

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Schamis, Hector E. « Argentina : Crisis and Democratic Consolidation ». Journal of Democracy 13, no 2 (2002) : 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2002.0030.

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Bendall, Mark J., et Chris Robertson. « The crisis of democratic culture ? » International Journal of Media & ; Cultural Politics 14, no 3 (1 septembre 2018) : 383–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/macp.14.3.383_7.

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Hobson, Christopher. « Democratic Peace : Progress and Crisis ». Perspectives on Politics 15, no 3 (18 août 2017) : 697–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717000913.

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When work on the democratic peace first emerged it contributed to the revitalization of liberal thought and represented an important contribution to International Relations (IR). Yet innovation has been replaced by stagnation. Coding and correlation are debatedad infinitum, while little attention is given to growing economic inequality, voter alienation, a decline in traditional parties, rising populism and a wide array of related trends that raise serious doubts about the health of democracies at the center of the zone of peace. Yet if democratic institutions are not functioning as they are meant to, and norms of compromise are disappearing domestically, what hope can there be that these will facilitate cooperative behavior between democracies? Rather than promoting peace, could it be that capitalism in its contemporary neoliberal form is undermining or hollowing out democracy? The static understanding of democracy adopted by this research means that such questions have been largely overlooked. In response, I focus on two major changes impacting established democracies and consider their significance for democratic peace arguments: the decline of democratic institutions and culture, as well as how neoliberalism is reshaping the relationship between democracy and capitalism. In developing this argument, I propose that the template that the democratic peace research program offers for studying the world is emblematic of—and contributing to—a troubling contracting of our political vision. An excessive concern with methodological rigor, combined with a narrow understanding of what qualifies as valid research, has resulted in a body of scholarship that is remarkably sophisticated but has surprisingly little to say about democracy and its place in the world.
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Kahn, Richard. « The Crisis in Democratic Schooling ». American Book Review 28, no 6 (2007) : 9–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/abr.2007.0055.

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Sembler, Camilo. « Crisis de los cuidados y crisis de la democracia ». Trans/Form/Ação 46, no 1 (mars 2023) : 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-3173.2023.v46n1.p37.

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Resumen: Este artículo discute el significado político de la crisis de los cuidados en su relación con la crisis de la democracia. Desde las éticas del cuidado y la teoría crítica se caracteriza, en primer lugar, a los cuidados como un tipo específico de práctica social y política. En segundo lugar, se examinan los problemas éticos y políticos derivados de una organización social de los cuidados según principios de mercado. Se concluye abordando la pregunta por una solución democrática a la actual crisis de los cuidados.
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Fasano, Luciano. « L’emergenza democratica : Presidenti, decreti, crisi pandemica ». Contemporary Italian Politics 14, no 1 (2 janvier 2022) : 112–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2021.2010008.

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Filoni, Rosaria. « Crisi della professione o professione per la crisi ». GROUNDING, no 1 (juillet 2012) : 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/gro2012-001005.

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L'autrice ripercorre alcuni aspetti positivi č negativi dell'attuale status della psicologia, psicoterapia, psichiatria e richiama la necessitŕ della partecipazione democratica come condizione per garantire la migliore organizzazione della realtŕ.
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Park Myung-Lim. « Constitutional Reform for Democratic Constitutionalism and Semi-Presidentialism ». Economy and Society ll, no 109 (mars 2016) : 52–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.18207/criso.2016..109.52.

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Park Myung-Lim. « Constitutional Reform for Democratic Constitutionalism and Semi-Presidentialism ». Economy and Society ll, no 109 (mars 2016) : 55–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.18207/criso.2016..109.55.

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de Lange, R. « Crisis van de democratie ? » Tijdschrift voor Constitutioneel Recht 9, no 4 (octobre 2018) : 371–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/tvcr/187966642018009004008.

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Morlino, Leonardo. « Anchors and Democratic Change ». Comparative Political Studies 38, no 7 (septembre 2005) : 743–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004274401.

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Analyses of consolidation and internal crisis need to complement each other to better explain the change within a democracy. This article integrates, revises, and develops the results of the existing literature starting from the empirical results of a systematic, comparative empirical research on the Southern European countries. The main theoretical conclusion concerns the salience of the process of democratic anchoring, when consolidation is considered, and de-anchoring with reference to crisis. The different sections of the article analyze the notions of anchors, anchoring, and de-anchoring; the connections with legitimation, democratic consolidation, and crisis; the patterns of consolidation and crisis building in the four Southern European cases; and the explanations and the theoretical background of anchoring and de-anchoring. The concluding remarks illustrate the possible research developments with reference to other areas and the salience of anchoring for every democracy.
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Amaral, Augusto Jobim do. « Neoliberalismo e democracia que resta : uma análise desde o caso brasileiro / Neoliberalism and democracy that remains : an analysis from the brazilian case ». Profanações 5, no 2 (11 décembre 2018) : 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.24302/prof.v5i2.2000.

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A crise democrática por que passa o Brasil, há algum tempo, em alguma medida conjugada com os efeitos do neoliberalismo em escala global, pode ser lida como o último momento das esquerdas no poder no século XX. Não obstante, é necessário recorrer, de maneira autocrítica, as escolhas políticas realizadas pelos governos no país nos últimos anos para localizar os equívocos e, principalmente, o esgotamento de uma governabilidade que insiste nos limites da democracia representativa gerida pela lógica do capital. AbstractThe democratic crisis that has been going on for some time in Brazil, to some extent coupled with the effects of neoliberalism on a global scale, can be read as the last moment of the lefts in power in the twentieth century. Nevertheless, it is necessary to resort, in a self-critical way, to the political choices made by the governments in the country in recent years to locate the misunderstandings and, above all, the exhaustion of a governability that insists on the limits of representative democracy managed by the logic of capital.
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Sartorius, Nicolás. « Sobre la crisis de la democracia (XXIII Conferencias Aranguren) ». Isegoría, no 52 (22 juin 2015) : 187–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/isegoria.2015.052.08.

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Ferrajoli, Luigi. « Crisi economica, democrazia al collasso ». DEMOCRAZIA E DIRITTO, no 1 (mars 2014) : 9–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ded2013-001001.

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Franco, Thiago. « A CIDADANIA DIGITAL E A CRISE OCIDENTAL DA DEMOCRACIA ». Revista Panorama - Revista de Comunicação Social 10, no 1 (21 septembre 2020) : 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18224/pan.v10i1.8339.

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O livro “La cittadinanza digitale: La crisi dell’idea occidentale di democrazia e la partecipazione nelle reti digitali.” de Massimo Di Felice, apresenta três argumentos principais: um ligado ao mito da narrativa do sujeito como independente do mundo; um segundo ligado as transformações tecnológicas e as novas ecologias que conectam humanos e não humanos; e por fim a crise da ideia de democracia ocidental. A cidadania digital seria uma nova concepção de cidadão, o infovíduo , que se conecta a todos os elementos do mundo, independente da composição da substância.
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Marcus, Sara. « Novels of Democratic Exhaustion ». American Literary History 35, no 1 (1 février 2023) : 364–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajac200.

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Abstract A shared effort to make the US live up to its democratic promises was a regular feature of twentieth-century US fiction. Authors often wrote of the continuation of this endeavor, even in the face of disappointment, as the responsibility of an epic “us”—a national readership that was asked to participate in the ongoing quest. Contrastingly, in many very recent US novels, the collective pursuit of democratic redemption, however uncertain, no longer makes sense as a way to organize a narrative. This essay discusses contemporary novels including Ling Ma’s Severance (2018), Brit Bennett’s The Vanishing Half (2020), Asali Solomon’s The Days of Afrekete (2021), and Vanessa Veselka’s Zazen (2011), books that depict collective attempts to recover US democracy or make it anew as irrelevant or useless, while individual efforts to keep going in the face of crisis portend no brighter future. These narratives map the terrain of our contemporary democratic crisis, a crisis to which it is difficult to envision a solution. Not merely documents of defeat, these books also sharpen our desire for a different future, and they suggest that in seeking to narrate our way out of contemporary crises, we may need to imagine possibilities beyond the bounds of US democracy.Considered together, the books discussed here … map the terrain of our contemporary democratic crisis, a crisis to which it is difficult to envision a solution.
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Tully, James. « Sustainable Democratic Constitutionalism and Climate Crisis ». McGill Law Journal 65, no 3 (2020) : 545. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1075601ar.

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Upchurch, Martin, Graham Taylor et Andy Mathers. « The Crisis of “Social Democratic” Unionism ». Labor Studies Journal 34, no 4 (8 octobre 2008) : 519–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x08324739.

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Prospero, Michele. « La cultura istituzionale nella crisi democratica attuale ». DEMOCRAZIA E DIRITTO, no 2 (décembre 2022) : 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ded2022-002001.

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Danner, Leno Francisco. « Crise econômica hodierna como crise do poder : Algumas considerações/Current economic crisis as power crisis : some considerations ». Pensando - Revista de Filosofia 3, no 6 (13 février 2013) : 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.26694/pensando.v3i6.930.

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Defendo, neste artigo, que a atual crise econômica não pode ser entendida nem apreendida consistentemente apenas a partir de sua redução a um déficit interno à estrutura produtivo-financeira, em termos de queda nos padrões de acumulação; na verdade, essa crise é originada de uma crise do poder diretivo em termos de sociedade, que acirra a separação entre as esferas econômica, política e social, a partir da defesa de uma autorreferencialidade do âmbito econômico em relação aos demais, que, por causa disso, são enquadrados pelos imperativos econômicos, tendo solapada sua especificidade normativa (no caso do social) e diretiva da evolução da sociedade (no caso do político). Essa crise econômica, assim, agudizou os problemas oriundos da modernização liberal, que efetivamente foi marcada por essa blindagem das esferas econômica, política e social umas em relação às outras. Como consequência, a superação da modernidade liberal, modernidade essa retomada pelo neoliberalismo, somente pode ser feita no momento em que se reafirma o social enquanto horizonte normativo, o político enquanto instância diretiva da evolução social e o econômico enquanto esfera de controle público-estatal e de gestão democrática da produção e da distribuição da riqueza, que o modelo do Estado de bem-estar social representou e representa de maneira exemplar, em termos de ligação e de complementaridade entre tais esferas.Abstract: the paper argues that current economic crisis cannot be understood or conceived consistently just since its reduction to an internal deficit into productive-financial structure, as a drop in the standards of accumulation; indeed, this crisis is originated from a crisis in the directive power of society, that intensifies the separation between economic, political and social spheres, since the defense of a self-referentiality of economic scope related with others (social and political), which, because that, are framed by economic imperatives, having undermined the normativity (social sphere) and the evolutionary direction of society (political sphere). So, economic crisis exacerbated the problems legated by liberal modernity, that was characterized by the shielding of economic, political and social spheres to each other. Consequently, overcoming of liberal modernity, that was resumption by Neoliberalism, only can be done when we reiterate the social as horizon of normativity, the political as directive instance of social evolution, and the economical as a sphere of public and state-owned control and democratic management of production and distribution of the wealth, that the model of Welfare State represented and represents exemplarily with its complementarity of those spheres. Keywords: Economic Crisis; Power Crisis; Welfare State; Liberal Modernity.
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Coutrot, Thomas. « BRASIL, TURQUIA : algumas lições de Junho de 2013 ». Revista Políticas Públicas 18 (5 août 2014) : 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v18nep33-39.

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O artigo faz uma breve análise da conjuntura do capitalismo mundial em crise e das estratégias dos países emergentes para perpetuar as suas taxas de crescimento. Destaca o caráter predatório, ecologicamente incorreto e desigual do desenvolvimento dessas economias emergentes do início do século XXI. Apresenta os movimentos democráticos das multidões de diferentes países, destacadamente da Tunísia, Turquia e Brasil. Enfâse analítca na última experiência recente brasileira, o movimento de junho de 2013. Discussão em torno do “despertar político global” para a consolidação de um modelo de sociedade mais democrático, de respeito aos direitos dos seus cidadãos.Palavras-chave: Crise, países emergentes, movimentos, democracia.BRAZIL, TURKEY: some lessons from June 2013Abstract: The article makes a brief analysis of the global crisis of capitalism and the strategies of emerging countries to perpetuate their growth rates. Highlights the predatory nature, ecologically incorrect and uneven development of these emerging economies of the beginning of twenty-first century. Displays the democratic’ movements of crowds of different countries, notably in Tunisia, Turkey and Brazil. Analytic emphasis on the last recent experience, the brazilian movement in June 2013. Discussion on "global political awakening" to consolidate a model of society more democratic, respect the rights of its citizens.Keywords: Crisis, emerging countries, movements, democracy.
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Comisso, Ellen. « Crisis in Socialism or Crisis of Socialism ? » World Politics 42, no 4 (juillet 1990) : 563–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010514.

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The immediate causes of the current crisis in socialism are the highly authoritarian and extremely hierarchical political and economic structures created by Leninism. Yet the collapse of state socialism also appears to be part of a more general crisis of socialism, a crisis that includes even its potentially more democratic variants. At the core of this broader crisis lies the diminishing appeal of the publicly owned enterprise, an institution that has always been central to the very definition of socialism, but whose economic advantages are called into question by the recent and rapid development of global markets in factors of production and especially in assets. Consequently, communism's demise by no means signifies a victory for either democratic socialism or even social democracy.
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Prole, Dragan. « Untrustworthiness of Troubadour’s mask ». Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no 173 (2020) : 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2073025p.

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Troubadour? mask denotes a figure activated by Nietzsche in order to arrange a quarrel with his own time. Transformative capacities of its untimilyness were examined from the perspective of the contemporary instability of democratic order, recognized by bulgarian political scientist Ivan Krastev as an expression of encreasing crisis of the trust in the democratic order. Unlike Krastev?s thesis, this paper uncovers that the process of absolutization of trust caracterizes a trajectory from religious faith to antidemocratical, slave-like totalitarian submission. Its conclusion claims that maximalized trust leads to a totalitarian subject, who is unevitably dumb, speechless, deprived of language, explicitly different from all characteristics of Aristotelian political being whose crucial gift was logos. Consequently, the ruth of contemporary mistrust is not antidemocratical, as claimed by Krastev, but reflects an outstanding democratical orientation and presents a direct consequence of the resistance towards the cult of leader.
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Fraser, Nancy, et José Ivan Rodrigues de Sousa Filho. « Crise de legitimação ? Sobre as contradições políticas do capitalismo financeirizado ». Cadernos de Filosofia Alemã : Crítica e Modernidade 23, no 2 (23 décembre 2018) : 153–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2318-9800.v23i2p153-188.

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Democracia de fachada. Pós-democracia. Democracia moribunda. Desdemocratização. Ao multiplicarem tais termos, muitos observadores introduzem a hipótese de que estamos passando por uma “crise da democracia”. Mas o que exatamente está em crise aqui? Defendo que as atuais aperturas da democracia são melhor compreendidas como expressões, sob condições contemporâneas historicamente específicas, de uma tendência geral à crise política que é intrínseca às sociedades capitalistas. Desenvolvo essa tese em três passos. Primeiro, proponho uma explicação geral da “contradição política do capitalismo” enquanto tal, sem referência a qualquer forma histórica particular. Em seguida, reconstruo Problemas de Legitimação no Capitalismo Tardio, livro de Jürgen Habermas publicado em 1973, como uma explicação da forma que essa contradição política assumiu numa fase específica da sociedade capitalista, a saber, o capitalismo estatalmente administrado do período subsequente à Segunda Guerra Mundial. Por último, esboço uma explicação dos problemas atuais da democracia como expressões da contradição política do capitalismo em sua presente fase, a financeirizada. [Texto original: Fraser, N. (2015). Legitimation crisis? On the political contradictions of financialized capitalism. Critical Historical Studies, 2(2), pp.157-189. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1086/683054. Tradução de José Ivan Rodrigues de Sousa Filho (Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, CAPES), com a expressa autorização da autora (titular dos direitos autorais) e com o benefício da cuidadosa revisão de um par anônimo de pareceristas. (N. T.)]
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Resende, Madalena, et António Dias. « Que crise ? Que democracia ? » Relações Internacionais, no 59 (septembre 2018) : 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2018.59a01.

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Monsiváis, Denih, Francesca Savoia, Joana A. Coutinho et John Kennedy Ferreira. « CRISE DA DEMOCRACIA REPRESENTATIVA ». Revista de Políticas Públicas 26, Especial (6 novembre 2022) : 315–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v26nep315-334.

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Este artigo reflete as participações na mesa Crise da Democracia representativa: avanço do autoritarismo ou radicalização dademocracia. São quatro abordagens que trabalham com a reflexão gramsciana acerca do fascismo, da democracia e da sociedade civil. O que significa pensar sobre diferentes abordagens um mesmo fenômeno a disputa pela hegemonia o fascismoontem e hoje e a contribuição de Gramsci e também de Mariátegui para pensarmos a América Latina. A partir de categorias como autoritarismo do Estado, fascismos e democracia debate os limites das democracias liberais e as aspirações radicais das massas.
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Duarte, André de Macedo. « Democracia em crise : biopolítica e governamento neoliberal de populações ». EDUCAÇÃO E FILOSOFIA 33, no 68 (30 novembre 2020) : 527–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/revedfil.v33n68a2019-51961.

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Resumo: Este texto discute a hipótese de que a crise das democracias contemporâneas é indissociável de dois fenômenos políticos distintos, porém correlatos, analisados a partir das teorizações de Michel Foucault sobre a biopolítica e o neoliberalismo: a) a crescente disseminação de atos e discursos de violência, de ódio e de preconceito contra populações vulneráveis, obedecendo à lógica biopolítica da proteção da vida de alguns ao custo da exposição à morte de vastas parcelas da população; b) a disseminação de políticas neoliberais para a gestão da vida de populações vulneráveis. Considera-se que a articulação entre biopolítica e neoliberalismo produz o paradoxo de uma democracia sem demos, no sentido da desvalorização das lutas políticas coletivas por direitos iguais e por melhores condições de vida. Na conclusão, sugere-se que a reinvenção da democracia exige repensar o poder do demos, isto é, repolitizar o poder político de categorias sociais sujeitas a processos históricos de vulneração. Palavras-chave: Crise da democracia. Biopolítica. Neoliberalismo. Foucault. Butler. Democracy in crisis: biopolitics and neoliberal government of populations Abstract: This text discusses the hypothesis that the crisis of contemporary democracy relates to two distinct political phenomena, however correlated, analyzed thru Michel Foucault’s concepts about biopolitics and neoliberalism: a) the ascending dissemination of acts and discourses of hate, violence and prejudgment against vulnerable populations, according to the biopolitical logics of protecting the life of some at the expense of exposing the life of others to death; b) the dissemination of neoliberal policies to administrate the life of vulnerable populations. I argue that both phenomena seem to imply the paradox of a democracy without the demos, in the sense of the devaluation of collective political struggles for equal rights and for better life conditions. At the conclusion, it is suggested that the reinvention of democracy requires rethinking the power of the demos in the sense of re-politicizing the political power of social categories subjected to historical process that render them vulnerable. Keywords: Crisis of democracy. Biopolitics. Neoliberalism. Foucault. Butler. Démocratie en crise : biopolitique et gouvernement néolibéral de populations Résumé : On discute l’hypothèse que la crise de la démocratie contemporaine est associée à deux phénomènes politiques distinctes, mais corrélâtes, analysés par les concepts de Foucault sur la biopolitique et le néolibéralisme : a) la vague accrue d’actes et de mots de violence, haine et pré-jugements contre des populations vulnérables, selon la logique biopolitique de la protection de la vie de quelques-uns au prix du rejet à la morte de la vie des autres ; b) la dissémination des politiques néolibéraux vouées à la gestion de la vie des populations vulnérabilisées. L’articulation entre biopolitique et néolibéralisme semble impliquer le paradoxe d’une démocratie sans demos, au sens de la dévaluation des luttes politiques collectives pour des droits égaux et pour des meilleures conditions de vie. Finalement, on considère la réinvention de la démocratie par la ré-politisation du pouvoir du demos en tant que pouvoir des catégories sociales soumises à la vulnération. Mots-clés: Crise de la démocratie. Biopolitique. Néolibéralisme. Foucault. Butler.
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Gelpi, Christopher F., et Michael Griesdorf. « Winners or Losers ? Democracies in International Crisis, 1918–94 ». American Political Science Review 95, no 3 (septembre 2001) : 633–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401003148.

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We attempt to explain when and why democratic states will prevail in international crises. We review several of the prominent theories about democratic political structures and derive hypotheses from each framework about crisis outcomes. These hypotheses are tested against the population of 422 international crises between 1918 and 1994. Our findings provide further evidence that the democratic peace is not a spurious result of common interests. Moreover, we also begin the difficult task of differentiating among the many theories of the democratic peace. In particular, we find strong evidence that democratic political structures are important because of their ability to generate domestic audience costs. Our findings also support the argument that democratic political structures encourage leaders to select international conflicts that they will win.
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Spencer, Vicki. « Democratic Citizenship and the “Crisis in Humanities” ». Humanities 3, no 3 (29 août 2014) : 398–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h3030398.

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Ihonvbere, Julius O. « The crisis of democratic consolidation in Zambia ». Civilisations, no 43-2 (1 avril 1996) : 83–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/civilisations.1570.

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Best, Jacqueline. « Economic Wishful Thinking and the Democratic Crisis ». Current History 117, no 802 (1 novembre 2018) : 291–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2018.117.802.291.

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Crum, Ben, et Stefano Merlo. « Democratic legitimacy in the post-crisis EMU ». Journal of European Integration 42, no 3 (29 mars 2020) : 399–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2020.1730347.

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Andersen, David Delfs Erbo, et Suthan Krishnarajan. « Economic Crisis, Bureaucratic Quality and Democratic Breakdown ». Government and Opposition 54, no 4 (19 février 2018) : 715–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.37.

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Why do economic crises sometimes lead to democratic breakdown and sometimes not? To answer this question, we bring in a new conditioning factor. We propose that bureaucracies of higher quality – implying more competent, efficient and autonomous employees – to a greater extent shield the masses from impoverishment and unjust distribution of resources. This dampens anti-regime mass mobilization, which decreases elite incentives and opportunities for toppling the democratic regime. Statistical analyses of democracies globally from 1903 to 2010 corroborate that the impact of economic crises on the risk of democratic breakdown is suppressed when democracies have a bureaucracy of higher quality. The results are robust to alternative model specifications, including a battery of ‘good governance’ indicators. The effect of bureaucratic quality is not driven by bureaucracies’ ability to hinder crisis onset or shorten crisis duration but rather their ability to decrease domestic upheavals during crises.
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Facchini, François, et Mickael Melki. « The Democratic Crisis and the Knowledge Problem ». Politics & ; Policy 47, no 6 (21 octobre 2019) : 1022–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/polp.12330.

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Narita, Felipe Ziotti, et Danilo Seithi Kato. « Construção democrática e educação popular : para um esquema interpretativo da América Latina ». Cadernos CIMEAC 10, no 3 (1 décembre 2020) : 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.18554/cimeac.v10i3.4934.

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O texto propõe uma reflexão sobre as linhas de força que articulam a educação popular na América Latina, com ênfase nas duas primeiras décadas dos anos 2000. Inserindo a educação popular nos quadros da construção democrática junto aos movimentos sociais, posicionamos o problema a partir de uma grade estrutural (articulando instituições estatais, movimentos infra-estatais, sujeitos e esferas de comunicação) correlacionada às forças históricas que condicionam a modernização regional, propondo um esquema interpretativo para as contradições da educação popular à luz das demandas por reconhecimento e redistribuição.Palavras-chave: Educação popular; América Latina; Crise; Mobilização; Teoria social; Democracia. ABSTRACT: This article offers a refection on the structural tendencies that organize popular education in Latin America, with a special emphasis on the first two decades of the 21st century. Our approach articulates popular education into que framework of the democratic construction carried out by social movements according to a structural perspective that emphasizes the role played by state institutions, infra-state movements, subjects and structures of communication. The approach comprises the historical forces that pressure modernizing moves in the region. In this sense, the article counts on an interpretative scheme dedicated to grasp the contradictions of popular education in light of the struggles for recognition and redistribution.Keywords: Popular education; Latin America; Crisis; Mobilization; Social theory; Democracy.
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