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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Democracy – Switzerland »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Democracy – Switzerland"

Barber, Benjamin. « Participation and Swiss Democracy ». Government and Opposition 23, n^o 1 (1988) : 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017257x00016997.

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AS THE GREAT HISTORIAN LOUIS HARTZ TAUGHT US IN HIS remarkable study The Liberal Tradition in America, anyone wishing to focus on the special character of a regime would do well to begin by taking the measure of what is absent rather than what is present. Like America, Switzerland has long been regarded as an exception to many of the conventional rules of historical and democratic development — Sonderfall Schweiz is how the Swiss portray and perhaps boast a little about their national exceptionalism. Switzerland possesses a unique form of democratic government the hallmarks of which are participatory democracy, neutrality and radical federalism (decentrahsm or localism, what the Swiss sometimes call Kantönligeist). These hallmarks give to it a character which stands in stark contrast to traditional Anglo-American democracy. The student of comparative politics will observe at once that a great many of Switzerland's leading political features seem to have no analogue in either the English common law or the American Constitution. Swiss democracy is English democracy minus most of English democracy's salient features: which is to say, it is scarcely English democracy at all.The powerful idea of natural rights as the armour of the individual against illegitimate authority (originally against the illegitimacy of absolute monarchy, later against the hyper-legitimacy of majoritarian tyranny) is largely missing, for example. Missing too is the tradition of an independent judiciary devoted to the protection of wholly private rights against an alien, power-mongering state. When Alexis de Tocqueville, whose liberal premises suited America so well, went looking in the Alps for something like the English liberties, he went astray. Not finding English liberties, he quite misunderstood Switzerland's regime.

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Ari, Asim, et Nicolas Schmitt. « Democracy Education in Switzerland, Known for its Strong Democracy ». International Journal of Instruction 14, n^o 3 (1 juillet 2021) : i—iv. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/iji.2021.1430a.

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Solomonova, Svetlana A. « FEATURES OF DIRECT DEMOCRACY IN SWITZERLAND ». Law Enforcement Review 4, n^o 1 (25 mai 2020) : 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2542-1514.2020.4(1).49-55.

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The subject. The article is about the peculiarities of referendum and popular initiative which are the main forms and institutions of direct democracy in Switzerland. The purpose of the article is to determine the peculiarities of direct democracy in Switzer-land and characterize its main forms: referendum and popular initiative. In order to achieve the objective the following tasks can be defined: 1) to find the origins and identify the variations of forms of direct democracy in Switzerland; 2) to trace the evolution of en-shrining on the statutory level of such institutions of direct democracy in Switzerland as referendum and legislative initiative from the time of their conceiving till the enactment of the actual Constitution; 3) where relevant, to perform a brief comparative analysis of the forms of direct democracy in Switzerland and similar institutions shaped in other countries; 4) to define the role and meaning of referendum and legislative initiative in history as well as in the modern stage of the development of the Swiss State. The methodology of the study includes the use of general scientific methods (description, deduction, induction, analysis and synthesis) together with formal juridical and compara-tive juridical approach. In addition, throughout the article and, in particular, while working with sources of law, historical approach and systematic approach were practiced. The main results and scope of their application. The article presents the analysis of such forms of direct democracy in Switzerland as referendum and popular initiative, character-izing each form. The principle of democracy expressed by the practice of referendum and legislative initiative is present in its entirety. No country in the world has come as close to applying direct democracy to national political issues as Switzerland. Since the mid-nineteenth century, when the country's first Federal Constitution was adopted, Switzer-land has managed to hold more referendums than all other countries combined in the same time frame. Conclusions. Referendum enables Swiss citizens to dismiss the measures taken by their representatives and the initiative gives the citizens possibility to put laws into practice in-dependently from the legislative powers. Swiss experience vividly demonstrates that used sensibly and taking into consideration national legislative traditions such forms of consult-ing with the people can be quite promising and efficient for other European countries.

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Lehmbruch, Gerhard. « Consociational Democracy and Corporatism in Switzerland ». CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 23, n^o 2 (1993) : 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330858.

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Matyja, Mirosław. « Is direct democracy in Switzerland dysfunctional ? » Przegląd Politologiczny, n^o 4 (15 décembre 2016) : 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2016.21.4.2.

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Matyja, Miroslaw. « Federal System and Direct Democracy in Switzerland ». Polit Journal : Scientific Journal of Politics 1, n^o 3 (25 août 2021) : 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/polit.v1i3.484.

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The main aim of this work is to present and analyze the structure and the way of operating of the Swiss instruments of direct democracy, as well as its significance for the country’s development. The Swiss example is the best case of functioning democracy in the world. Throughout the centuries, the Swiss political system has evolved into a mature and efficient democracy. The process of its improvement is still going on. Today, the political system of Switzerland can be described as parliamentary-cantonal. In 1848, the country adopted the Federal Constitution and a system based on referenda, while local issues, such as taxes, judiciary, schooling, police, and welfare were left to the cantons. In 1874, the document was amended and the optional referendum was introduced. In 1891, another amendment cemented the unique system by rooting in strongly in direct democracy. The current constitution of Switzerland was adopted by the majority of voter through a referendum that took place in 1999.

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TRECHSEL, ALEXANDER H., et PASCAL SCIARINI. « Direct democracy in switzerland : do elites matter ? » European Journal of Political Research 33, n^o 1 (janvier 1998) : 99–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00377.

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KRIESI, HANSPETER, et DOMINIQUE WISLER. « Social movements and direct democracy in Switzerland ». European Journal of Political Research 30, n^o 1 (juillet 1996) : 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1996.tb00666.x.

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Bochsler, Daniel, Regula Hänggli et Silja Häusermann. « Introduction : Consensus Lost ? Disenchanted Democracy in Switzerland ». Swiss Political Science Review 21, n^o 4 (19 novembre 2015) : 475–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12191.

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Gribovsky, Vasiliy. « Referendum on Immigration in Switzerland ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, n^o 18 (1 décembre 2020) : 74–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran620207479.

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Referendums are one of the pillars of Swiss democracy. Due to them, citizens have the opportunity to directly express their opinion on particular issues of the political life. One of these referendums was held on September 27, 2020. The most discussed issue was the initiative «For proportionate immigration», put forward by the nationalist Swiss people’s party (SVP). It assumed the return of control over migration processes to the jurisdiction of Bern and, accordingly, the termination of one of the seven sectoral agreements between Switzerland and the European Union. The main political forces of the country (Christian Democrats, Social Democrats, Liberals, Greens), as well as trade unions and employers' associations did not support the proposal of the nationalists. They formed a Committee of resistance. In the end, the «For proportionate immigration» initiative received only 38,29% of electoral support and, consequently, was not adopted. The author comes to the conclusion that the main reason for the failure of the SVP initiative was the awareness of the Swiss that the break of one sectoral agreement with Brussels will lead to the denunciation of the entire package of agreements and, consequently, to a sharp decrease in the degree of interaction between Switzerland and the EU member-states. Thus, the referendum became a serious political defeat for the nationalists, and Switzerland retained its former level of relations with the EU.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Democracy – Switzerland"

Weller, Lennon Plotnick. « Economic and fiscal consequences of direct democracy evidence from the United States and Switzerland / ». abstract and full text PDF (UNR users only), 2008. http://0-gateway.proquest.com.innopac.library.unr.edu/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1456406.

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Kobach, Kris W. « Direct democracy in Switzerland : the impact of the referendum upon political institutions and behavior ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.333309.

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Hochli, Marc. « The invisible scissors : media freedom and censorship in Switzerland ». Thesis, Brunel University, 2010. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/4526.

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At first glance, the very idea of analysing the freedom of the media and of researching censorship in Switzerland seems absurd. After all, the Federal Constitution explicitly guarantees freedom of the media, and censorship is forbidden. Furthermore, this small, federal, multilingual and multicultural landlocked country in the middle of Europe is universally praised as a model of democracy. Indeed, in a country whose people have a far greater say in government than anywhere else, one could easily assume that the freedom of the media is a foregone conclusion. Yet, in reality, this shining image is more than a little tarnished. The "Prototype for Europe" – as the former Federal President of Germany Richard von Weizsäcker once described Switzerland – experiences the same forms and mechanisms of censorship as any other democratic country. Of course, in Switzerland "undesirable" journalists are not threatened with murder, but critically discerning authors do risk becoming social outcasts. Switzerland prohibits governmental pre-censorship, but the advertising industry has on occasion attempted to shape the content of the media by means of post-publication censorship in the form of boycotts. Switzerland is a constitutional state, yet the paragraphs of its penal and civil codes hang over media workers like the sword of Damocles. Then there are structural problems such as the lack of proper journalistic education. However one looks at it, the freedom of the media in Switzerland is officially, materially and structurally restricted. However, most people remain unconcerned by and indeed unaware of this state of affairs. Thomas Jefferson's reminder that, "to preserve the freedom of the human mind then and freedom of the press, every spirit should be ready to devote itself to martyrdom; for as long as we may think as we will, and speak as we think, the condition of man will proceed in improvement”*, has long been forgotten in Switzerland. The Swiss appear to be basking in their country’s reputation as a place without media problems. It therefore came as no surprise to us when, both in our quantitative and qualitative research, many of those interviewed were surprised and even irritated at our 2 questions about possible threats to freedom of the media in Switzerland. Some people even felt that they were being personally attacked and responded along the lines that "Instead of fouling our own nest we ought to describe the advantages of our country and our democratic system". Or: "In comparison with Russia or China we are living in a paradise": It seems that only the most critical among the media personnel, media experts and media scientists are willing to pinpoint the problems faced by the contemporary Swiss media. All the others are convinced that we have the best media on earth. This attitude of part indifference, part ignorance and part wishful thinking, was the catalyst for our research on the freedom of the Swiss media and the potential dangers and mechanisms which threaten it. Our findings reveal that all that glitters is not gold and that the Swiss media scene is, in some ways, reminiscent of a Potemkin village. *Jefferson, Thomas, Letter to William Green Mumford, 18 June 1799 (http://www.positiveatheism.org/hist/quotes/jefferson.htm, consulted 15 June 2006)

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Kamena, Theodore Henry. « Populism and federalism, the interplay of direct democracy and federal institutions in Australia, Canada, Switzerland and the United States ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq64818.pdf.

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Jud, Petra. « A Swiss Tale of Security : Critical Analysis of Switzerland’s Federal Council’s Security Narrative ». Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-9666.

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This paper seeks to explore why the people of Switzerland have preponderantly voted in favour of a strong military defence despite the reality of Swiss security in the 21st century being dependent on international collaboration outside the military arena. The conundrum is answered by determining the Swiss Federal Council’s strategic narrative regarding security, through examination of its explanatory texts in voting booklets between 1978 and 2020, finding that the matter of armed neutrality is a red thread. Either neutrality is used as justification of an act supported by the Federal Council, or that neutrality would be harmed by popular initiatives the Council does not endorse.

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Josi, Claudia. « Direct democracy : What if there is a conflict between the will of the people and fundamental rights ? A comparative analysis between Switzerland and California ». Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/115580.

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In many countries, citizens have the power to propose new laws oramendments to their constitutions by popular initiatives. Provided that they have a special legitimacy, they are often regulated by different procedures to the legislation enacted by the legislature and may be used by their proponents to avoid the restrictions that the “ordinary” legislation is subject to. Recently, this has led that several popular initiatives which have come into conflict with the rights of minorities, fundamental rights of other affected groups, and other constitutional guarantees have been submitted. From the perspective of a comparative analysis, this article explores whether the laws in Switzerland and California set the procedural and substantive restrictions to this mechanism of direct democracy and to what extent. In this context, the author questionswhether the scope and enjoyment of fundamental rights may be subject to popular initiatives. Finally, several recommendations are made to improve the legal limits of popular initiatives and their control mechanisms to ensure that the scope and enjoyment of fundamental rights are not subject to the contentof popular initiatives.
En muchos países, los ciudadanos tienen la facultad de proponer nuevas leyes o modificaciones a la Constitución mediante iniciativas populares. Dado que las mismas gozan de una legitimación especial muchas veces se regulan por procedimientos diferentes a la legislación promulgada por la legislatura y pueden ser usados por sus proponentes para esquivar las restricciones a las que la legislación «ordinaria» está sujeta. Eso ha llevado a que, recientemente, se han presentado varias iniciativas populares que han entrado en conflicto con los derechos de las minorías, derechos fundamentales de otros grupos afectados, y otras garantías constitucionales. Desde una perspectiva de análisis comparativo, este artículo explora si las legislaciones en Suiza y California establecen restricciones procedimentales y sustantivas a este mecanismo de democracia directa y en qué medida. En este contexto, cuestiona si el alcance y el disfrute de los derechos fundamentales pueden estar sujetos a iniciativas populares. Finalmente, este artículo hace ciertas recomendaciones destinadas a mejorar los límites legales de las iniciativas populares y de sus mecanismos de control para garantizar que el alcance y el disfrute de los derechos fundamentales no estén sujetos al contenido de iniciativas populares.

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Jakšová, Karolína. « Imigrace jako faktor ohrožení bilaterálních vztahů mezi EU a Švýcarskem ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-261971.

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This thesis deals with the theme of bilateral relations between the EU and Switzerland, focusing on the current phenomenon of migration. The EU and Switzerland cooperate on bilateral sectoral basis, since Switzerland (hence the citizens of Switzerland) does not want to integrate into the European internal market to maintain its sovereignty and autonomy. Within the first series of bilateral agreements between the EU and Switzerland an agreement on free movement of persons was signed, thereby Switzerland opened its labour market to EU citizens. In February 2014, however, the citizens of Switzerland used the institution of direct democracy and adopted by a narrow majority the initiative to stop mass immigration. This step disrupted the agreement on free movement of persons and the complex negotiations started in order to solve this impasse. The aim of the thesis is to evaluate the impacts of immigration on the Swiss economy and the subsequent evaluation of the reasonableness to mitigate the immigration through a citizens' initiative.

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Bonnaz, François. « Le contre-pouvoir et la démocratie directe agrégative : le cas de l'initiative populaire en Suisse ». Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019GREAH027.

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Notre travail de recherche a pour objectif de faire avancer les savoirs sur le dispositif de l’initiative populaire en Suisse. L’enjeu principal de cette thèse en science politique vise à questionner l’organisation du pouvoir en démocratie. Pour ce faire, nous proposons une réflexion autour du contre-pouvoir en démocratie « directe ». En étudiant les rapports de domination entre les représentants de l’autorité fédérale et les membres des comités d’initiative, nous donnons à voir une nouvelle compréhension du contre-pouvoir et de ses effets. En adoptant un regard à la fois historique, sociologique et philosophique sur ce processus politique, nous souhaitons porter une critique originale du système suisse et du fonctionnement de ses mécanismes de démocratie directe. Notre démarche épistémologique se fondera sur des principes déterministes et spinozistes afin de mieux saisir les affects et les indignations qui engendrent l’engagement en politique. Enfin, nous interrogerons les conséquences contrastées du contre-pouvoir au prisme de plusieurs théories structurantes de l’histoire des idées des démocraties occidentales. En somme, nous posons la question suivante: l’initiative populaire en Suisse favorise-t-elle l’avènement de l’idéal démocratique ?
Our research work aims to advance knowledge about the popular initiative system in Switzerland. The main issue of this thesis in political science is to question the organization of power in a democracy. To do this, we propose a reflection on counter-power in a "direct" democracy. By studying the relationships of domination between representatives of federal authority and members of initiative committees, we provide a new understanding of the counter-power and its effects. By taking a historical, sociological and philosophical look at this political process, we wish to offer an original critique of the Swiss system and the functioning of its direct democracy mechanisms. Our epistemological approach will be based on deterministic and spinozist principles in order to better understand the affects and indignations that generate political engagement. Finally, we will examine the contrasting consequences of counter-power in the light of several structuring theories of ideas history of Western democracies. In short, we ask the following question: Does the popular initiative in Switzerland promote the democratic ideal?

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Dellagi, Adel. « L'Europe, c'est les autres ! : l'enjeu européen en Suisse : représentations et dynamiques de compétition des partis politiques (1999-2014) ». Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE2159.

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Historiquement sceptique au sujet d’une intégration à la Communauté Européenne, la Suisse s’est engagée ces vingt dernières années sur une voie de rapprochement, à travers les premiers accords bilatéraux signés en 1999 dont un des chapitres fondamentaux est la libre circulation des personnes. Certains ont vu dans cet engagement un premier pas vers une intégration toujours plus étroite avec l’Union Européenne (UE), d’autres une nécessaire concession pour permettre à la Suisse de préserver sa souveraineté tout en bénéficiant des opportunités économiques du géant européen. Que ce soit par le premier volet des accords bilatéraux précédemment évoqué ou par le second volet entériné en 2004, une volonté politique forte a prévalu de la part de la classe politique suisse pour un rapprochement avec l’Union Européenne. Dans ce cadre, la spécificité helvétique a fait que le peuple a été amené à se prononcer sur ces jalons essentiels de la coopération grandissante entre la Suisse et l’UE. C’est ainsi que les partis politiques ont du se livrer à une compétition ardue opposant le camp en faveur de l’ouverture à l’UE à leurs détracteurs, farouches opposants à tout accord bilatéral présenté par l’UE. Ainsi, entre 1999 et 2014, le peuple suisse a été sollicité à huit reprises par voie de référendum pour se prononcer sur la poursuite des accords bilatéraux, cette « troisième voie » à mi-chemin de l’isolationnisme et de l’intégration européenne, entre leur pays et l’UE. Durant ces quinze années et au gré de ces campagnes référendaires, les partis politiques ont été amenés à se positionner sur chacun de ses objets en produisant un matériel de campagne conséquent portant sur l’UE. La période 1999-2014 correspond donc à un ‘momentum’, une période intense autour de l’enjeu européen. Ces huit votations ont mises en avant un aspect des relations bilatérales entre la Suisse et l’Union Européenne. Le thème de cette recherche s’inscrit ainsi dans l’analyse de la représentation de l’UE et des dynamiques de compétition en Suisse à travers l’étude du discours que les partis politiques majeurs de la vie politique suisse ont tenu aucours des campagnes référendaires dites ‘européennes’
Known to be reluctant on European integration, Switzerland has been taking significant steps towards rapprochement with the European Union (EU) over the last twenty years through the first bilateral agreements signed in 1999, one of the fundamental chapters of which is the free movement of persons. On the one hand, this has been considered by some scholars and political observers as a first commitment towards an ever closer integration with the EU. On the other hand, some have seen through this agreement a necessary concession allowing Switzerland to preserve its sovereignty while benefiting from the economic opportunities of the European giant. Whether through the first set of bilateral agreements previously mentioned or the second set endorsed in 2004, a strong political will has prevailed from the Swiss political elite for a rapprochement with the European Union. In this context, the specificity of the country has led the Swiss people to decide on these crucial milestones about thegrowing cooperation between Switzerland and the EU. This is why the political parties had to engage in a though competition opposing those in favor of more EU and those being euro-skeptical, fierce opponents of any bilateral agreement presented by the EU. Consequently, the Swiss people have been involved eight times between 1999 and 2014 into referendum voting to decide if bilateral agreements and European integration should be pursued. This is known to be the Swiss "third way", halfway between isolationism and European integration. During these fifteen years, the political parties had to develop their arguments and strategies on every EU topic brought into the political arena. Hence, a sizeable amount of texts, speeches and discourses have been produced in the framework of these campaigns about the EU. The period 1999-2014 fits to a 'momentum', an intense period around the European challenge. These eight referendums shed the light on an essential aspect of the bilateral relations between Switzerland and the European Union. The scope of this research is about the analysis of the EU representation and competition dynamics in Switzerland through the study of the discourse that the major political parties of the Swiss political arena have been producing during the 'European' campaigns of these referendums

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Hille, Jochen. « Gute Nation oder Europa ? » Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/15381.

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Norwegen und die Schweiz sind keine EU-Mitgliedstaaten, weil die Bevölkerungen die Integration mehrheitlich in Referenden ablehnte. Die enorme Mobilisierung und Emotionalisierung in den nationalen Integrationsdebatten kann weder durch ökonomische noch durch politische Umstände hinreichend erklärt werden, zumal die Eliten beider Länder mehrheitlich die Integration unterstützen. Die Hauptmobilisierungsressource von Euroskeptikern liegt vielmehr darin, tief verwurzelte nationale Selbst- und Fremdbilder zu reaktivieren. Diese Diskursanalyse beschreibt vergleichend, auf welche Art und Weise die größten euroskeptischen Akteure der Schweiz und Norwegens diesen Rückgriff auf das Nationale in Integrationsdebatten herstellen. Gefragt wird, wie die „Aktion für eine Unabhängige und Neutrale Schweiz“ (AUNS) und die eng mit ihr verbundene „Schweizerische Volkspartei“ (SVP) einerseits, und die norwegische Bewegung „Nein zur EU“ (norwegisch: Nei Til EU) andererseits, ihren Integrationswiderstand mittels nationaler Narrationen und Bildersprachen als sinnvoll darstellen. Hierzu werden umfangreiche euroskeptische Bild- und Textquellen referiert und gedeutet. Damit wird ein Beitrag zur Forschung über das Selbstverständnis, die Denkweise, die Rhetorik und das Tugendsystem anti-integratorischer Bewegungen geleistet. Denn Euroskeptiker verstehen sich primär als Verteidiger der guten nationalen Gemeinschaft. Diese Gemeinschaft und dessen Nationalstaat beschreiben sie als wärmer, natürlicher, näher, gerechter, effizienter, friedlicher und demokratischer als das integrierte Europa, welches als ferner, kalter, bürokratischer Superstaat EU dargestellt wird.
Norway and Switzerland are not member states of the EU, since the majority of the people rejected integration in several referenda. The emotionality and the enormous mobilisation in national debates on integration cannot sufficiently be explained by economic and political reasons, since the majority of the elites are supporting integration. Instead, the main resource of mobilisation for Eurosceptics lies in reactivating deeply rooted descriptions of national self and other. For carving out these collective images, this discourse-analysis compares how the major Eurosceptical actors of Switzerland, the “Action for an Independent and Neutral Switzerland” (AUNS) together with the tightly connected “Swiss People’s Party” (SVP), on one hand, and the Norwegian movement “No To EU” (NEI TIL EU), on the other hand, describe their actions as meaningful in their iconography and narrations. In doing so, the study refers to and interprets extensive material from Eurosceptical actors and contributes to the understanding of Eurosceptical self-perception, ways of thinking, rhetoric and virtue system. Here Eurosceptics perceive themselves mainly as defenders of the national community and its nation-state, which are regarded as warm, natural, close, justified, efficient, peaceful and democratic, while Europe is perceived as the cold, distant, bureaucratic superstate EU.

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Livres sur le sujet "Democracy – Switzerland"

Direct democracy in Switzerland. New Brunswick, N.J : Transaction Publishers, 2002.

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The referendum : Direct democracy in Switzerland. Aldershot, Hants, England : Dartmouth, 1993.

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E-democracy in Switzerland : Practice and perspectives. Zurich : Dike, 2010.

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Kaufmann, Bruno. Guidebook to direct democracy : In Switzerland and beyond. Sous la direction de Büchi Rolf, Braun Nadja, Carline Paul et Initiative & Referendum Institute Europe. Marburg : Initiative & Referendum Institute Europe, 2007.

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H, Trechsel Alexandre, dir. The politics of Switzerland. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2008.

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Janice, Golay, Golay Jean-Pierre, Panczenko Russell et Elvehjem Museum of Art, dir. Art in Switzerland 1991 : Celebrating 700 years towards democracy. Madison : Elvehjem Museum of Art, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1991.

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Church, Clive H. The politics and government of Switzerland. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.

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Consensus democracy ? : Swiss education policy between federalism and subsidiarity. New York : P. Lang, 1999.

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Kucholl, Vincent. Swiss democracy in a nutshell. Basel, Switzerland : Bergli Books, an imprint of Schwabe AG, 2014.

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Linder, Wolf. Swiss democracy : Possible solutions to conflict in multicultural societies. 3^e éd. New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Democracy – Switzerland"

Linder, Wolf, et Sean Mueller. « Switzerland in Europe and the World ». Dans Swiss Democracy, 265–79. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63266-3_7.

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AbstractThe final chapter looks at Switzerland in Europe and the world. The first section discusses the reasons why Switzerland is not a member of the EU. The second and third sections analyse the reasons and political consequences of Switzerland’s selective participation without membership and try to answer the question whether or not ‘bilateralism’ is a sustainable strategy for the Swiss preference: utmost economic integration and least political loss of national autonomy. The final section addresses the growing interest in the institutions of Swiss democracy from abroad, be it regarding decentralisation, direct democracy or political power-sharing. Instead of wanting to export democracy, the chapter proposes the ‘dialogue model’ as a discourse between equals. Through this approach, others can draw from the ‘Swiss experience’ as a base for autochthonal developments of their institutions. And the Swiss can be inspired, in turn.

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Linder, Wolf, et Sean Mueller. « Consensus Democracy : The Swiss System of Power-Sharing ». Dans Swiss Democracy, 167–207. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63266-3_5.

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AbstractThis chapter unpacks the notion of power-sharing and explains its centrality for political Switzerland. While direct democracy has played an important part in its evolution, law-making in Switzerland has become impossible without the participation of various interest groups at early stages of drafting already. The chapter details the functioning of Switzerland’s broad-based political pluralism, its structure of consociational democracy, the representation of the most important political parties and interest groups, and the ensuing processes of negotiation and mutual adjustment. It also discusses challenges and pitfalls of power-sharing.

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Ladner, Andreas, et Reto Steiner. « Reforming the Swiss Municipalities : Efficiency or Democracy ? » Dans Contemporary Switzerland, 239–55. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523586_11.

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Geser, Hans. « Electronic Voting in Switzerland ». Dans Electronic Voting and Democracy, 75–96. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523531_5.

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Sciarini, Pascal. « Explaining support for European integration in direct democracy votes ». Dans Switzerland–EU Relations, 104–17. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series : Dealing with Europe : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003038719-9.

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Kübler, Daniel. « The Lost Dimension of Swiss Federalism : Democracy Problems of New Regionalism in Metropolitan Areas ». Dans Contemporary Switzerland, 256–80. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523586_12.

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Lloren, Anouk. « Switzerland : Direct Democracy and Women’s Political Participation ». Dans The Palgrave Handbook of Women’s Political Rights, 155–67. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59074-9_11.

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Chappelet, Jean-Loup, et Pierre Kilchenmann. « Interactive Tools for e-Democracy : Examples from Switzerland ». Dans E-Government : Towards Electronic Democracy, 36–47. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-540-32257-3_4.

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Linder, Wolf, et Sean Mueller. « Building a Multicultural Society by Political Integration ». Dans Swiss Democracy, 9–58. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63266-3_2.

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AbstractThis chapter explains how, despite the absence of single ethnic culture, Swiss state- and nation-building was possible. Neither the Swiss nation, nor the Swiss society existed when modern Switzerland was founded in 1848, after a brief civil war. The chapter provides a reading of Swiss history since then as one of gradually achieving the participation of the most important minority groups and the different social classes through proportional representation. Beginning with the losers of the civil war, the Catholic-Conservatives, followed by Protestant farmers and the petite bourgeoise, and ending with the Social-Democrats, the Swiss thus invented the ‘magic formula’ in 1959 for proportionally sharing the seven seats in the federal government. Even the rise of right-wing populism since the 1990s has not changed this basic feature.

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Danaci, Deniz. « The Minaret Ban in Switzerland : An Exception to the Rule ? » Dans Direct Democracy and Minorities, 155–64. Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-94304-6_11.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Democracy – Switzerland"

Glauser, Christoph, et Uwe Serdült. « From Alibaba to Youtube : User Search for Digital Democracy Topics in Switzerland ». Dans 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002581.

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Digital Democracy tools such as e-consultation, e-petitions or internet voting play an increasing role and are part of the digitalisation process in politics and government. Digital life styles in general and during the pandemic in particular might have pushed for an increasing demand for so called civic tech tools. Digital democracy search terms were monitored across multiple digital channels for several months in the year 2021 and contrasted to the offer for such tools in the German, French and Italian speaking part of the country. To measure the offer for digital participation tools an index per canton established in 2021 is being used.

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