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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Democracy – Great Britain – Case studies"

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Cox, Jeffrey. « Provincializing Christendom : The Case of Great Britain ». Church History 75, no 1 (mars 2006) : 120–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700088351.

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Woodfield, N. K., J. W. S. Longhurst, C. I. Beattie, T. Chatterton et D. P. H. Laxen. « Regional collaborative urban air quality management : case studies across Great Britain ». Environmental Modelling & ; Software 21, no 4 (avril 2006) : 595–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.envsoft.2004.05.010.

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Parry, Geraint, et George Moyser. « A Map of Political Participation in Britain ». Government and Opposition 25, no 2 (1 avril 1990) : 147–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00753.x.

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WHEREVER ONE TAKES A POSITION IN THE GREAT DEBATE between representative and participatory democrats it is clear that no democracy can function without the involvement of its citizens. What is at issue is the extent and nature of the citizen participation which is thought to be required if a democracy is to be worthy of its name. Whilst this is a fundamentally normative issue, the protagonists on both sides regularly cite evidence as to actual levels of participation and draw inferences from that evidence in support of their contentions.On the one side are those who assert that in Britain ‘some of the spectators have begun to descend on to the field’; on the other are those who say that ‘the “grass roots” of politics seem shrivelled and starved of the nourishment of participation by the citizens’. For this reason, as Jane Mansbridge has said, ‘field studies of what happens to various ideals when people try to live by them could prove useful in clarifying a wide range of normative questions.
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Eley, Geoff. « Culture, Britain, and Europe ». Journal of British Studies 31, no 4 (octobre 1992) : 390–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386016.

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We are in the midst of a remarkable moment of historical change, in which the very meaning of “Europe” — as economic region, political entity, cultural construct, object of study—is being called dramatically into question, and with it the meanings of the national cultures that provide its parts. While perceptions have been overwhelmed by the political transformations in the east since the autumn of 1989, profound changes have also been afoot in the west, with the legislation aimed at producing a single European market in 1992. Moreover, these dramatic events — the democratic revolutions against Stalinism in Eastern Europe, the expansion and strengthening of the European Community (EC) — have presupposed a larger context of accumulating change. The breakthrough to reform under Yuri Andropov and Mikhail Gorbachev in the Soviet Union, the Solidarity crisis in Poland, and the stealthful reorientations in Hungary have been matched by longer-run processes of change in Western Europe, resulting from the crisis of social democracy in its postwar Keynesian welfare-statist forms, capitalist restructuring, and the general trend toward transnational Western European economic integration.Taken as a whole, these developments in east and west make the years 1989-92 one of those few times when fundamental political and constitutional changes, in complex articulation with social and economic transformations, are occurring on a genuinely European-wide scale, making this one of the several great constitution-making periods of modern European history.
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Flinders, Matthew. « Constitutional Anomie : Patterns of Democracy and ‘The Governance of Britain’ ». Government and Opposition 44, no 4 (2009) : 385–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2009.01294.x.

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Abstract‘The Governance of Britain’ agenda represents Gordon Brown's attempt to respond to long-standing criticisms regarding the way in which Labour governments have since 1997 approached the topic of constitutional reform and democratic renewal. The central argument of this article is that the Labour Party remains afflicted by constitutional anomie and these recent documents, combined with the behaviour of politicians, have done little in response. This article is of methodological importance because it assesses the cumulative impact of recent reforms through the application of Lijphart's framework and reflects on the utility of this tool. It is of conceptual importance because the results of the systematic analysis add further weight to the accusation of constitutional anomie while also allowing the development of a new conceptual tool – bi-constitutionality – which offers a way of understanding long-standing debates. The article is of normative importance because it avoids the descriptive-prescriptive approach to constitutional literature that has dominated British political studies, and it is relevant for comparative politics because it replicates and takes forward a methodology that has been applied around the world. In doing so it provides a critical case of executive politics and statecraft vis-à-vis constitutional reform.
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O'LEARY, PAUL. « When Was Anti-Catholicism ? The Case of Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century Wales ». Journal of Ecclesiastical History 56, no 2 (avril 2005) : 308–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046904002131.

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Anti-Catholicism was a pervasive influence on religious and political life in nineteenth-century Wales. Contrary to the views of Trystan Owain Hughes, it mirrored the chronology of anti-Catholic agitation in the rest of Great Britain. Welsh exceptionalism lies in the failure of militant Protestant organisations to recruit in Wales, and the assimilation of anti-Catholic rhetoric into the frictions between the Church of England and Nonconformity over the disestablishment of the Church. Furthermore, whereas the persistence of anti-Catholicism in twentieth-century Britain is primarily associated with cities like Liverpool and Glasgow, its continuing influence in Wales was largely confined to rural areas and small towns.
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Boyce, D. G. « Brahmins and carnivores : the Irish historian in Great Britain ». Irish Historical Studies 25, no 99 (mai 1987) : 225–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400026602.

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This paper is concerned with the teaching of Irish history in Great Britain, with the students, the teachers and their subject. Each merits a brief mention before any detailed discussion, in order to draw attention to the problems that exist, and to clear up any misunderstanding or ignorance about the task that is to be performed.In the great controversy between Edmund Burke and Thomas Paine occasioned by the French Revolution, Paine made at least one telling remark in his refutation of Burke’s defence of tradition and usage: he declared that an hereditary monarch was about as sensible as an hereditary mathematician. An hereditary Irish studies student in Great Britain makes about as much sense as both. Much nonsense is talked about the inherited genes of the Irish in Britain, on the assumption that (somehow) an interest in, and ability to comprehend, Irish studies can be transmitted from one generation of Irish immigrants to another. This may be the case; but if it is, it probably takes its rise from social rather than hereditary factors; and it is no more likely to produce an intelligent, perceptive student of Ireland than of France.
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Kozłowski, Artur Roland. « Populism as a Factor of Destabilisation in Consolidated Democracies ». NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy 12, no 2 (1 décembre 2019) : 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nispa-2019-0015.

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AbstractThis study offers a discussion of the dangers to the stability of political systems in consolidated democracies posed by contemporary populism, with a particular focus on the dynamic development of extreme right-wing populism. The author considers the consequences of efficient populist campaigns, such as Brexit in Great Britain, lowered trust towards the United States under Trump’s administration and practices followed by the Law and Justice party (PiS) under the leadership of Jarosław Kaczyński in Poland, which seem especially destructive for liberal democracy. Further examples are those of Hungary and Turkey, where the political systems have eroded into semi-consolidated democracy in the case of the former and an authoritarian system in the latter case. A comparative analysis of freedom indices indicates some dangers related to de-consolidation of the democratic system in Poland. Furthermore, the study points out dangers arising from the transformation of soft populism, understood as communication rhetoric oriented towards the concentration of power in the hands of populist leaders, which clearly paves the way for the dismantling of consolidated democracy in favour of an authoritarian system. The conclusions of the study outlines a variety of actions which can be undertaken to protect the achievements of liberal democracy.
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Grochalski, Stefan Marek. « „Brexit” – konsekwencje dla obywateli Wielkiej Brytanii jako eksobywateli Unii Europejskiej ». Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne 14, no 4 (1) (10 novembre 2016) : 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/osap.1317.

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The results of the referendum regarding the UK leaving the European Union indicated that the majority of British citizens, who are also citizens of the EU, decided to leave the European Union. The citizens’ decision has serious legal consequences arising from Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty. This is the first case of a state leaving the European Union, which raises many questions. In the presented material, the institution of referendum is being analyzed as a form of direct democracy as well as, in this context, the effects of Brexit affecting directly the citizens of Great Britain – ex-citizens of the European Union.
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Fletcher, Denise, et Irene Hardill. « Value-Adding Competitive Strategies : A Comparison of Clothing SMEs Case Studies in France and Great Britain ». International Small Business Journal : Researching Entrepreneurship 14, no 1 (octobre 1995) : 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0266242695141002.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Democracy – Great Britain – Case studies"

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Williams, Fiona. « Bicameral conflict resolution in an asymmetrical Parliament : nine case studies from the House of Lords, 1976-2012 ». Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2018. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/49211/.

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The House of Lords has been rising in profile in academic, political, and popular narratives. Whilst existing research has developed our understanding of the House of Lords and its role in bringing about defeats of the Government and the genesis and paths of amendments made within both chambers, there has been little distinction made between how the Lords brings about a defeat, and the Lords bringing about a defeat that is later overturned. Equally, the role of the Lords in amending a bill as a reviewing chamber, and amending one as a second chamber in its own right have not been separated. Research into comparable international examples has shown that this period between an amendment being moved and a defeat being sustained or overturned can define the bicameral relationship, and it is this area of the House of Lords relationship with the wider British political system that this thesis examines. This thesis studies the extent to which the Lords attempts and succeeds with amendments to bills, looking at the changes in both as the procedure known as ping pong progresses. It also examines the behaviour changes, both through debate language and through tangible voting turnout as, ping pong progresses to build up a picture of behaviour within the chamber. This thesis bridges the gap between the procedural single case study model and the large scale defeats and amendment tracing study model to show that the House of Lords has become a chamber that is driven more than ever by historical and political realities, as well as the political needs of the policy in question. This research argues that the House of Lords maintains a delicate balance between two roles, that of a second chamber which is performing a function complimentary to and distinct from that of the first chamber in passing legislation and that of a chamber that is aware of its somewhat uncomfortable position as a non-democratic institution, filled with non-directly elected members. Ultimately in the House of Lords, for ping pong to begin there is a need for strong feeling on the policy in question. The House of Lords ability to achieve its aims is measured in three points, first in its desired amendments to legislation, second in its actions as ping pong divisions progress, and the debates leading to them take place and lastly in the final degree of conciliation it achieves. In all three points, the role of self restraint has a positive role in achieving an outcome that is closest to the Lords original aims, whilst still allowing the Government's legislative programme and aims to pass. It is this understanding that allows the Lords to have the greatest influence over legislation, and perform a significant role.
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Urk, Felix van. « Function-focused implementation fidelity for complex interventions : the case of Studio Schools ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5c73b308-efbf-48aa-91b1-f8c06b7eb885.

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This thesis is concerned with an initial assessment of the implementation of Studio Schools, a novel and highly flexible model of secondary education, in England. Responding to the methodological challenges towards evaluating a 'standard' national social programme that is encouraged to be adapted to context by local schools, the thesis also reports the development, operationalisation, and testing of a new approach towards the concept of implementation fidelity for evaluation science. The thesis commences by presenting the modern-historic foundations and challenges of the current English secondary education system that gave rise to Studio Schools, and describing the nature and objectives of the schools. This is followed by a discussion of the general challenges involved in the development and evaluation of complex social interventions and the specific challenges presented by the case of Studio Schools. The remainder of the thesis reports the development, use, and assessment of methods to overcome these challenges - with particular focus on evaluating implementation as part of process evaluations - as well as the current state of implementation in the schools. Delphi-inspired consensus methods were used in order to develop an explicit programme theory for Studio Schools where none previously existed, involving stakeholders in the theory specification process. The process demonstrated that stakeholders without a background in programme evaluation can agree to a specific and explicit theory of change after a programme was designed but prior to its evaluation. Next, a novel conceptual approach towards defining and measuring implementation fidelity was developed to translate a standard programme theory into flexible implementation measures. This approach focuses on the functions - or targeted change mechanisms - of a programme alongside its form of a given set of activities. Implementation measures were developed in the form of quantitative, paper-based questionnaires that were used to rate form- and function- focused fidelity of implementation of project-based learning (PBL) and personal coaching in schools on ordinal Likert scales. These measures were piloted and refined, and subsequently tested for their psychometric properties through the use of factor analysis in addition to established methods for determining the reliability of instruments in terms of internal consistency and inter-rater agreement. Findings show that it is feasible to monitor programme functions alongside form in process evaluations, and that the validity and reliability of measures based on this approach can be established using common psychometric methods. The measures developed earlier in the thesis were used by the doctoral candidate as well as teachers and students to rate the current state of implementation practices of PBL and coaching in Studio Schools was monitored over a period of four months in four participating schools. Ratings were based on observations made in-vivo or based on video- and audio recordings made during repeated visits to the schools. Quantitative implementation scores were calculated per rater group for PBL and coaching by aggregating ratings given to individual sessions, and were compared within and between schools. Spearman's correlation coefficients were calculated to assess correlation between form- and function-focused fidelity scores. The results of this study imply that implementation in Studio Schools likely varies substantially between individual schools and can be improved in all of them, but also suggest that the model could be evaluated for its effectiveness as long as implementation and process are carefully monitored. The additions of this thesis to the evaluation literature are considered, as well as its strengths and limitations and implications for practice and research.
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Koch, Insa Lee. « Personalising the state : law, social welfare and politics on an English council estate ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4335c11c-c0a5-44dc-bd15-5bbbfe2fee6c.

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This dissertation offers a study of everyday relations between residents and the state on a post-industrial council estate in England. Drawing upon historical and ethnographic data, it analyses how, often under conditions of sustained exclusion, residents rely upon the state in their daily struggles for security and survival. My central ethnographic finding is that residents personalise the state alongside informal networks of support and care into a local sociality of reciprocity. This finding can be broken into three interconnected points. First, I argue that the reciprocal contract between citizens and the state emerged in the post-war years when the residents on the newly built estates negotiated their dependence upon the state by integrating it into their on-going social relations. A climate of relative material affluence, selective housing policies, and a paternalistic regime of housing management all created conditions which were conducive for this temporary union between residents and the state. Second, however, I argue that with the decline of industry and shifts towards neoliberal policies, residents increasingly struggle to hold the state accountable to its reciprocal obligations towards local people. This becomes manifest today both in the material neglect of council estates as well as in state officials' reluctance to become implicated in social relations with and between residents. Third, I argue that this failure on the part of the state to attend to residents' demands often has onerous effects on people's lives. It not only exacerbates residents' exposure to insecurity and threat, but is also experienced as a moral affront which generates larger narratives of abandonment and betrayal. Theoretically, this dissertation critically discusses and challenges contrasting portrayals of the state, and of state-citizen relations, in two bodies of literature. On the one hand, in much of the sociological and anthropological literature on working class communities, authors have adopted a community-centred approach which has depicted working class communities as self-contained entities against which the state emerges as a distant or hostile entity. I argue that such a portrayal is premised upon a romanticised view of working class communities which neglects the intimate presence of the state in everyday life. On the other hand, the theoretical literature on the British state has adopted a state-centred perspective which has seen the state as a renewed source of order and authority in disintegrating communities today. My suggestion is that this portrayal rests upon a pathologising view of social decline which fails to account for the persistence of informal social relations and the challenges that these pose to the state's authority from below. Finally, moving beyond the community-centred and state-centred perspectives, I argue for the need to adopt a middle ground which combines an understanding of the nature and workings of informal relations with an acknowledgement of the ubiquity of the state. Such an approach allows us to recognise that, far from being a hostile entity or, alternatively, an uncontested source of order, the state occupies shifting positions within an overarching sociality of reciprocity and its associated demands for alliances and divisions. I refer to such an approach as the personalisation of the state.
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Jung, Tobias. « Networks, evidence and lesson-drawing in the public policy process : the case of Sarah Payne and the British debate about sex offender community notification ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14006.

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This thesis examines the public policy process. It explores the role of and relation between three concepts considered important in defining and shaping the making of policies: policy networks, evidence-use and policy transfer. It does this through examining a high profile and controversial area of public policy: the debate about sex offender community notification that resulted from the abduction and murder of eight-year-old Sarah Payne by a convicted sex offender in the summer of 2000. A case study methodology is employed, which includes interviews with key players and extensive documentary analysis. The study finds that none of the main concepts for understanding policy networks - iron triangles, issue networks, policy communities and advocacy coalitions - provide sufficient characterisation of the policy network involved in the 2000 community notification debate. Areas that these concepts do not fully address include the degree of choice participants have in getting involved in a policy network, the causes and processes of alliance building between network participants and the importance, characteristics and impact of organisational as well as personal links. Practitioner knowledge emerges as a major influence in policy making with different forms of evidence entering the policy debate in a strategic way - that is to support an argument. Factors that explain the influence of research evidence are its comprehensiveness, its perceived value for future policy debates on the same topic and the assumed integrity of the evidence-provider. The existing concept of lesson-drawing is found to focus too much on cases in which policy transfer has taken place. It is necessary to develop the concept further to explain situations in which lessons are drawn but where the idea of transferring a policy is dismissed. Finally, lesson-drawing is not limited to the substance of policies and practices but also includes lessons about tactics and processes.
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Wright, Sharon Elizabeth. « Confronting unemployment in a street-level bureaucracy : jobcentre staff and client perspectives ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/259.

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This thesis presents an account of the roles played by social actors in the implementation of unemployment policy in the UK. Lipsky’s (1980) theory of street-level bureaucracy has been adopted, updated to the contemporary context of the managerial state (Clarke & Newman, 1997) and developed in the specific case of the Jobcentre. The analysis is based on data collected during an ethnographic investigation of one case study Jobcentre office in Central Scotland. The methods consisted of six months of direct observation, interviews with 48 members of Jobcentre staff, semi-structured interviews with 35 users and analysis of notified vacancies and guidance documents. The argument is that front-line workers re-create policy as they implement it. They do so in reaction to a series of influences, constraints and incentives. Users therefore receive a service that is a modified version of the official policy. Users do not necessarily accept the policy that they are subjected to. They do not identify with the new managerialist notion of customer service because as benefit recipients they are denied purchasing power, choice and power. Unemployment policy is not delivered uniformly or unilaterally because front-line staff are active in developing work habits that influence the outcomes of policy. Policy is accomplished by staff in practice by categorising users into client types. This is significant because staff represent the state to the citizen in their interaction. Users are also active in accomplishing policy, whether they conform with, contest, negotiate or co-produce policy. Understanding what unemployment policy actually is, and what it means to people, depends on understanding these social processes by which policy emerges in practice.
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Kidd, Matthew. « Popular political continuity in urban England, 1867-1918 : the case studies of Bristol and Northampton ». Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2016. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/32132/.

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This thesis examines the transition between working-class radicalism and labour politics in two provincial English constituencies, Bristol and Northampton, between 1867 and 1918. By combining local case studies with a textual analysis of empirical material and a conceptual approach to ideology, it offers fresh insights into popular political change in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Britain. Its central argument is that, contrary to the prevailing historiography on labour politics and identity, a distinctive sense of class could shape working-class radical and labour strategies, languages, identities, and ideologies continuously between 1867 and 1918. In particular, it demonstrates that before the mid-1880s, working-class radical activists in Bristol and Northampton exhibited a non-adversarial sense of class that shaped their perceptions of the social order, their interpretations of radical ideology, and their relationships with both mainstream liberals and middle-class radicals. It also suggests that while working-class radicals came to use 'labour' to describe themselves and their organisations from the mid-1880s, this was primarily a rhetorical move rather than one reflecting a substantive change in their political identity. Over the next thirty years, labour activists in both Bristol and Northampton remained fiercely committed to the dominant strategy, the non-conflictual conception of class, and the political ideology that had long shaped local working-class radical traditions. In these constituencies, the Victorian tradition of working-class radicalism left an indelible mark on twentieth-century labour politics. This study has important implications for our understanding of political and ideological change in modern Britain. Firstly, confirming the existence of a decidedly working-class radical movement makes it easier to understand the rise of a class-based labour politics in late Victorian Britain without having to account for either discontinuities in popular politics or the re-emergence of a dormant class consciousness within the British working class. Secondly, establishing a line of continuity between working-class radicalism and later labour politics helps us to explain some of the tensions that characterised progressive politics in the Edwardian era. Finally, seeing working-class radicalism as a distinctive ideology with its own conceptual framework enriches our understanding of non-liberal progressive thought in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century.
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Portin, Bradley S. « Primary headship in a time of systemic change : conceptions of leadership : case studies of three Oxfordshire primary headteachers ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a7bc8ed0-ae19-41b9-be25-9d75025e1185.

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The primary headship in England and Wales is in a time of fundamental change and increasing expectations. The influences of recent education acts, and forces, such as choice, parent and governor participation, and increasing LMS responsibility have contributed to a changing headship context. The relative paucity of research which develops a qualitative understanding of primary headteacher perspectives lends an imperative to this qualitative study. A number of central research questions are posed to explore headteacher conceptions of leadership, the influential forces which shape those conceptions, and the context of primary school development. Particular attention is paid to the influence of reflective practice and critical theory as a contribution to professional development. The literature review examines the historic and thematic development of 20th century leadership and management theory. Particular emphasis is placed on what has been termed 'transformational leadership' and the influence of 'reflective practice' in professional development. A case is made for substantive differences between leadership and management, with leadership forming the central core of the study. The data sources were case studies of three perceived 'effective' Oxfordshire primary headteachers; the headteachers represented an opportunity sample of large, multiplestaff primary schools. Semi-structured interviews represented the primary data source, however a breadth of methods were used to form a 'thick' description of the headteacher and school ethos. The repertory grid technique was utilised to illuminate the central constructs which guided the headteachers' conceptions of leadership. Findings from the study are grouped in three areas. The findings suggest headteacher conceptions of leadership were largely idiosyncratic and person-oriented. In addition, a mixed nominal understanding of the terms 'leader' and 'manager' was expressed by the participants. It was found that the headteacher's conception of leadership were influenced by the transitional nature of the headship role. Greater responsibility for LMS, and other governmental forces were indicated as strongly shaping factors. Findings point to the espousal of a number of transformational views, and all headteachers used language of reflective practice to describe a number of the professional development goals of the school. A sense of 'critical' reflection was also present, especially as schools prepared for inspection. The study concludes by discussing the implications for leadership theory and the suggestions for further research in area of headteacher development and evolving conceptions of leadership.
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McEachern, Charmaine. « Down on the farm : soap opera, rural politics and Thatcherism ». Title page, table of contents and synopsis only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm141.pdf.

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Fowler, Denise. « Social distinction and the written word : two provincial case studies, Warwick and Draguignan, 1780-1820 ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 1998. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/56232/.

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This is a comparative study of two countries, England and France, two county towns, Warwick and Draguignan, and two families of the trading-manufacturing sort. It argues that, during the period around 1780-1820, the acquisition of a certain form of education, which included an emphasis on fluent reading, writing, and grammar. preferably Latin grammar, became as important as the acquisition of capital. This cultural capital gave its new owners a self-perceived distinction which allowed them to consider themselves and to be considered by others as different. Even if local, regional, and national differences are taken into account, this comparative study shows that this new perception developed as a transnational phenomenon, a form of culture sallS jrolltieres, even during the times of enmity and almost uninterrupted wars between Britain and France which characterise this period. This process had begun earlier in the eighteenth century, when the idea of a public opinion and its premise of equal interaction amongst its proponents was 'invented'; but it was facilitated by the French Revolution with its legacy of the notion of equality, and therefore of the importance of communication in forging democracy. The written word was the chosen means to achieve this. It is argued that this distinctive culture, in the production and consumption of which women played a considerable part, gave voice and a social and political consciousness to those who began to see themselves as the 'middle class'.
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Agostini, Daniele. « Promoting Outdoor Cultural Heritage Education with Mobile Mixed-Reality Learning Tools : Two Case Studies in Italy and Great Britain ». Thesis, Lille 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019LIL3H054.

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Le doctorat étudie l'impact des nouvelles technologies sur la transmission et la promotion du patrimoine culturel sur les élèves des écoles primaires afin de démontrer l’importance d’une pensée éducative qui allie ‘histoire’, culture visuelle et 'technologie'. Deux études de cas à partir de deux « corpus » distincts ont permis de conduire deux expérimentations in situ : l’architecture antique en Italie à Vérone et le jardin paysager du XVIIIe siècle en Angleterre à Hestercombe. La cotutelleété encadrée par un spécialiste italien du story-telling éducatif en réalité augmentée (Prof. Corrado Petrucco, Padoue) et un spécialiste français des jardins et du paysage dans la culture britannique des Lumières (Prof.Laurent Châtel, Lille). Il ressort de l’étude que l’apprentissage par réalité mixte mobile (Augmented and mixed Reality Mobile Learning) est particulièrement pertinent.L'apprentissage mobile est né dans les années 80 lorsque l'ordinateur portable (sommet de la technologie de l'époque) a été introduit dans la classe sur une base expérimentale. Puis sa popularité est venue à la fin des années 90 grâce à des programmes éducatifs expérimentaux pour explorer le potentiel éducatif du PDA (Personal Digital Assistant). Depuis le milieu des années 90, on a pu identifier trois principales phases de l'apprentissage mobile, qui ont trois approches paradigmatiques différentes : les outils, l'apprentissage en dehors de la salle de classe, la mobilité des étudiants. Le rôle de l'enseignant devient plus fondamental encore : l’utilisation d’une application sur tablette ne vise pas à remplacer la guide ou l’éducateur culturel, mais à compléter et à enrichir la visite. Du point de vue pédagogique,l'accent sera mis sur une approche constructiviste de l'enseignement et l'apprentissage qui va stimuler les étudiants à devenir des citoyens actifs, bien conscients de leur identité historique : en tant que personnes informées et responsables, elles sont en meilleure mesure de préserver leur patrimoine. Danssa publication " Cultural Heritage Counts for Europe (CHCfE) Vers un indice européen pour le patrimoine culturel", le Conseil de l'UE des ministres européens considère le patrimoine comme une "ressource stratégique pour une Europe durable" et une source importante de créativité et d'innovation, qui génère de nouvelles solutions aux problèmes, tout en créant des services innovants - allant de la numérisation des biens culturels à l'utilisation de la technologie de la réalité virtuelle de pointe - dans le but d'interpréter les espaces et les bâtiments historiques et les rendre accessibles aux citoyens et aux visiteurs
The thesis studies the impact of new technology on the transmission and promotionof heritage on primary school pupils in order to demonstrate the importance of an alliance between history, visual culture and technology. Two case studies with two distinct types of corpus generated two experiments in situ: ancient architecture in Verona (Italy) and eighteenth-century landscape garden at Hestercombe (Britain). Verona and Hestercombe are two sides of the same patrimonial coin. The cosupervisionwas done under a specialist in digital storytelling of history, Corrado Petrucco (Un. of Padua) and one in eighteenth-century garden and landscape history, Laurent Châtel (Un. of Lille).Mobile Learning began in the 80’s when portable computers (the “in-thing” in those days) where first introduced into the classroom on an experimental basis being a genuine take-off in the late 1990’s thanks to experimental educational programs aimed to explore the didactic potential of PDAs (Personal Digital Assistant). From the mid-’90s to today, three different phases can be pinned down: a tool-focused phase, extra-mural learning, and an emphasis on student mobility. What this study shows is that the teacher’s role is of fundamental importance. The learning process is on-site, situated and enhanced by AR tools and devices (which are equipped with an ‘app’ developed specifically for this project): the ‘app’ is however not intended to replace the guide or the cultural educator, but to be complimentary and to enrich his/her route. In its documents such as “Cultural Heritage Counts for Europe (CHCfE). Towards a European Index for Cultural Heritage" the EU Council of European Ministers recognized heritage as a "strategic resource for a 'sustainable Europe" and a source of benefits – a source of creativity and innovation, generating new solutions to problems. This thesis shows why and how heritage education when augmented via technology improves the interpretation of historic environments and buildings and also makes them accessible to citizens and visitors
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Livres sur le sujet "Democracy – Great Britain – Case studies"

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M, Owen John. Liberalism and war decisions : Great Britain and the U.S. Civil War. Stanford, Calif. (320 Galvez St., Stanford 94305-6165) : Center for International Security and Arms Control, 1996.

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Democracy in one school ? : Progressive education and restructuring. London : Falmer Press, 1986.

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1953-, Miller Raymond, dir. Democratic decline and democratic renewal : Political change in Britain, Australia and New Zealand. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2012.

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Cliffe, Lionel. The politics of lying : Implications for democracy. New York : St. Martin's Press, 2000.

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Shipman, Alan. Data protection : Risk assessment case studies. London : BSI Business Information, 2004.

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T, Otley David, Brown David 1935- et Wilkinson Charles 1952-, dir. Case studies in management accounting. Oxford : P. Allan, 1988.

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Painter, Desmond. Company law : Case studies in a business context. Basingstoke : Macmillan Education, 1988.

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Derrick, Johnstone, et Great Britain. Inner Cities Directorate., dir. Developing business : Case studies of good practice in urban regeneration. London : H.M.S.O., 1988.

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States, citizens and the privatization of security. Cambridge, UK : Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Krahmann, Elke. States, citizens, and the privatisation of security. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Democracy – Great Britain – Case studies"

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Vampa, Davide. « Adding a Territorial Perspective to the Study of Welfare Politics : Theories, Hypotheses and Case Studies ». Dans The Regional Politics of Welfare in Italy, Spain and Great Britain, 5–35. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39007-9_2.

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Pischedda, Costantino. « The Appeasement Puzzle and Competition Neglect ». Dans Studi e saggi, 123–40. Florence : Firenze University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-595-0.11.

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Recent studies indicate that British appeasement towards Hitler followed a buying-time logic, i.e., it tried to postpone confrontation until Great Britain improved its military position through rearmament. However, this chapter shows that Germany actually extended its military edge over the appeasement years. Drawing on the literature on judgment and decision-making, the chapter theorizes that competition neglect – the tendency to focus myopically on one’s own capabilities and pay insufficient attention to those of the competition – may explain the puzzling gap between British policymakers’ plans and actual trends in the balance of power. The competition neglect thesis and an alternative explanation, positing the occurrence of miscalculation, are tested with a case study of British foreign policy towards Germany in 1937-38.
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« Anheuser-Busch (B) : Developing a Global Brand in Great Britain ». Dans International Business Case Studies For the Multicultural Marketplace, 272–82. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780080511306-29.

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« Chapter 3. Great-Power Case Studies : Interwar France and Britain, and France, 1877–1913 ». Dans Unanswered Threats, 69–84. Princeton : Princeton University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400837854.69.

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Pugh, Martin. « Islam, Democracy and Nationalism after the Second World War ». Dans Britain and Islam, 198–220. Yale University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300234947.003.0009.

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This chapter studies the common assumption that in Muslim societies, religion plays a negative part in the development of democracy. Indeed, some observers uphold the idea of ‘Islamic exceptionalism’ — in effect the view that Muslims are uniquely resistant to liberal democracy and secularism. Democratic institutions left by departing Western regimes, so the argument runs, have failed to survive everywhere except in Turkey; they have been superseded by autocracy and one-party states. Islamists in particular are thought to endorse democracy, before subsequently suppressing democratic opposition as subversive and irreligious. Another obvious limitation of the negative view is that it focuses on a few Muslim countries around the Mediterranean, and ignores those in the Far East, such as Indonesia, not to mention those that do not have a Muslim majority, such as India. Neither of those countries is consistent with the conventional assumptions. Moreover, the negative view tends to overlook the fact that Oriental societies have good grounds for regarding the Western model of parliamentary democracy as suspect — not least because the United States and Britain have a record of collaborating with Muslim autocracies and undermining and overthrowing democracies when they choose left-wing or anti-Western governments. This is notoriously the case in countries such as Iran after 1945.
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MacDonald, Paul K., et Joseph M. Parent. « Studies in Revival ». Dans Twilight of the Titans. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501717093.003.0005.

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This chapter surveys how the case comparisons were selected and how they throw new light on well known histories of declining states. We compare pairs of states falling at similar rates but responding slightly differently. The small decliners are 1872 and 1908 Great Britain; the medium decliners are 1888 Russia and 1893 France; the large decliners are 1908 Russia and 1925 France.
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McKibbin, Ross. « Introduction and Acknowledgements ». Dans Democracy and Political Culture, 1–5. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198834205.003.0009.

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It is difficult for any historian to capture the whole historical experience of a country—in this case Britain—in a narrative history: either too much has to be left out or too much has to be put in. On the other hand, it is hard not to do it that way. It is made more difficult for a historian like myself, who has a comparatively wide range of interests and who believes that these interests have a common core, nevertheless to convince the reader that they do. The aim of this book is to present a number of detailed studies of particular problems from which wider generalizations about modern British history can be made. This collection of essays, ...
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Kauffmann, C. M. « The Study of Medieval Art I : 1900–50 ». Dans A Century of British Medieval Studies. British Academy, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263952.003.0028.

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This chapter examines the history of the study of medieval art in Great Britain during the first half of the twentieth century. Before 1932, no British university offered an honours degree course in the history of art. In the case of the British Academy, art did not figure in any of its sections until 1923 when the title of Section Two was changed to Medieval and Modern History and Archaeology and Art. Three fellows of this section include M.R. James, G.F. Warner and O.M. Dalton. This chapter also highlights the contributions of continental art historians to the development of British medieval studies. They include Hugo Buchtal, Otto Demus and Ernst Kitzinger.
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Treuherz, Nick. « The diffusion and impact of Baron d’Holbach’s texts in Great Britain, 1765–1800 ». Dans Radical Voices, Radical Ways. Manchester University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526106193.003.0006.

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Nicholas Treuherz first looks at the bibliographical data in terms of translations, sales and circulation of d’Holbach’s works as well as press reactions to them. After a thorough description of his methodological approach, he analyses the results of his data processing. He argues that multiple intellectual networks and friendships could have potentially allowed d’Holbach’s texts to penetrate British markets. Then, Treuherz examines how d’Holbach’s texts were read by describing four case studies of British radicals whose reading of the French philosopher’s works was instrumental in circulating his ideas in Britain: William Godwin, Dr John Jebbs, Joseph Priestley and William Hodgson. This review allows Treuherz to shed light on the adjustment of French notions of radicalism to a British context.
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Grile, Courtney Helen. « Drama/Theatre and Democratisation : What Two Revolutions Reveal ». Dans Theatre and Democracy : Building Democracy in Post-war and Post-democratic Contexts, 43–63. Cappelen Damm Akademisk/NOASP, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/noasp.135.ch02.

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This paper will assert that drama/theatre has a role to play in the democratisation process by presenting research that reveals how various forms of drama/theatre practice coincide with democratisation or its opposite, de-democratisation. Correlation between the use of monologic and dialogic discourses within drama/theatre practice and the process of democratisation will be evidenced in two case studies: the early years of the French Revolution and the 1989 Velvet Revolution in (the former) Czechoslovakia. By analysing the conditions and patterns of theatre practice that coincided with the democratisation of these two countries (and in one case, away from it soon after), parallels emerge between monologic discourses within drama/theatre and de-democratisation, and dialogic discourses within drama/theatre and democratisation. The great experiment of liberal democracy is an ongoing process that can be buttressed by process-based theatre practices that exemplify theatre’s ability to foster dialogue and create community amongst participants.
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