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1
González Begega, Sergio, Holm-Detlev Köhler et Mona Aranea. « Contested industrial democracy discourses in transnational companies. The case of the ArcelorMittal European Social Dialogue Group ». Transfer : European Review of Labour and Research 24, no 4 (7 juin 2018) : 451–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258918775838.
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This article discusses the potential of European transnational company agreements for developing industrial democracy at European company level. It describes the experience of the ArcelorMittal European Social Dialogue Group, established in 2009 through a European transnational company agreement as an innovative channel for trade union involvement in corporate decision-making. The conceptual framework draws on a cross-national comparison of industrial democracy discourses in two European countries, Germany and Spain. A qualitative approach based on semi-structured interviews with trade union representatives and management is used to identify divergent national discourses of employee voice giving rise to common misunderstandings of industrial democracy at European level. The findings illustrate the persisting communication challenges faced by trade unions when engaging in employee representation structures at transnational company level. The article also shows that trade union representatives are able to adapt their national discourses on industrial democracy under the influence of European practice.
2
Muskaj, Blerina. « Democracy in Central Eastern Europe and European Union ». European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 7, no 1 (26 mai 2022) : 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/202nch96.
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Some of the countries in the region have contributed through assistance programs to develop and align their democracies with what the EU itself lobbies. EU aid to CEE is seen as a phenomenon of EU-perceived responsibility in the interaction of new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe. This paper will create a genuine study of the perceived responsibility for the development of democracies in these countries. It paints a clear picture of the development of democracy and the need for CEE countries to be under EU assistance. The assistance coming from this institution has given and continues to contribute to developing a democracy with strong executive foundations for society and beneficial to the region. In this way, the EU manages to achieve its objectives of achieving a federal union. When we say federal union we mean a Europe with the same democratic values and executive standards.In this paper the EU's responsibility for the new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe is seen in activities with EU programs to enhance institutions above democratic values. Having access to the issues facing the democracies of Central and Eastern Europe, the Council Acquis provides an overview in the field of democracy. The paper gives us the opportunity to look more closely at democratic forces in countries where the latter is still developing, aiming not only at the analysis of democracy, but also at the analysis of the European common market. We will look at these two EU phenomena in the context of the EU's perceived responsibility for the interaction of new democracies in CEE. The EU has undertaken this responsibility in the context of strengthening, developing and maturing new democracies on the European Continent. Giving its contribution through various programs designed in the form of grants, which are given to countries that are in the process of maturation, in the form of programs that pave the way for development. The question that arises at this stage is: Does democracy help in a market economy?
3
Buşcaneanu, Sergiu. « EU Democracy Promotion in Eastern ENP Countries ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 29, no 1 (18 juin 2014) : 248–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414535430.
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This study shows that the increased incentive structures from and the more intense socialization process with the European Union (EU) since the launch of European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) have not translated into a higher level of democratic development in Eastern ENP countries. However, on the long run (1991–2010), the EU democracy promotion in the region under consideration appears to be largely consistent. In addition, a content analysis of Progress Reports released by the European Commission on the implementation process of European Neighbourhood Policy Action Plans (ENPAPs) reveals that some Eastern neighbours of the EU have attempted to consider in their reform agendas the democracy-related objectives of these documents and that some have also sought to adopt international democratic instruments as required by the ENPAPs. Though the record is far from satisfactory on norm internalization, content analysis of Commission’s Reports suggests that one should acknowledge a modest democratization role for the EU.
4
Major, Iván. « Will Central and Eastern European Countries Dismantle the European Union?—Contrasting European Developments to Current Trends in the US ». Journal of Economics and Public Finance 5, no 2 (30 mai 2019) : p234. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jepf.v5n2p234.
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This paper analyzes the historical background of the current developments in Central Eastern Europe, in other parts of Eastern Europe and in previously member countries of the former Soviet Union. The author concludes that the political and economic transformation of these countries to a solid democracy and well-functioning market economy have not been successful for most of them yet, and this may have serious consequences on the European Union, too.The paper contrasts these trends with what we can observe in the United States now. The author turns to the “hard facts” next, when he discusses the different factors of human and economic development and the issue of migration in the Central and East European post-socialist countries and in a selected group of advanced countries.
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Doležalová, Jitka. « The Political-Budget Cycle in Countries of the European Union ». Review of Economic Perspectives 11, no 1 (1 janvier 2011) : 12–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10135-011-0005-z.
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The Political-Budget Cycle in Countries of the European Union We empirically estimate the political-budget cycle in the member countries of the European Union in period of 1988-2008. We indirectly analyze the potential of these countries to deal with increasing public debts which were augmented by the global economic crisis. The selection of the EU countries depends on three characteristics of democracy - shared power, openness and adaptability. The openness of democracy is the most important characteristics in relation to effective behavior of governments. We suppose that governments are motivated to make electoral manipulation in countries which have lower level of openness. We choose Finland, the Netherlands, Austria, Estonia, Poland, the Czech Republic, Romania and Greece to include into our sample of countries. The research of political-budget cycle confirmed our assumption. We did not find the political-budget cycle in Finland, the Netherlands and Estonia. On the other hand, we identified that Austrian, Czech and Greece governments had a tendency to manipulate fiscal policy before elections. The regression coefficients of Poland electoral dummies were very statistically significant but they had a wrong sign. We could not estimate political-budget cycle in Romania due to the short time series.
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Hiswi, Putti Ananda. « Democracy In Slovenia : Slovenia’s Entry Into The European Union After The Disintegration Of Yugoslavia ». JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL 1, no 1 (15 juillet 2020) : 92–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jis.1.1.2020.92-116.
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After the disintegration of Yugoslavia, Slovenia made changes in its ideology and political system to become part of the European Union. However, as a newly independent country, Slovenia faces an unfinished successional political transition. Undertaking a democratic system shift will cause Slovenia to face several challenges: accepting and implementing new democratic laws, introducing a liberal economy with free initiative, and achieving national sovereignty as an independent country. Apart from being a newly independent country, Slovenia also has a history of war with Italy when it was under Yugoslavia during the Second World War. These conditions make Slovenia’s entry into the European Union problematic. This article aims to understand Slovenia’s policy transition process after the disintegration of Yugoslavia and its consideration to join the European Union. This article uses qualitative methods with data and literatures collection from various official documents, books, journals, and online news which discuss integration process and democracy implementation in Slovenia related to its integration to European Union. This article concludes that Slovenia’s decision to join the European Union - despite its position as a newly independent country and the history of war with Italy - was due to the belief that a common liberal democratic system could help open relations with fellow democracies. The similarity of this system can be seen from the application of the three pillars of liberal democracy in democratic peace theory. The theory postulates that when the three pillars are applied, liberal countries will not go to war with each other
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Casanova, José Luís. « Crisis and Cultural Change : The Countries with Adjustment Programmes in the European Union ». Comparative Sociology 17, no 2 (4 avril 2018) : 187–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341454.
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AbstractAfter the financial crisis in 2008 significant changes occurred in the European Union, particularly in the countries that had adjustment programmes. According to empirical work by Hofstede, Inglehart and Schwartz it’s predictable that societal changes have a cultural impact. Data from European Social Survey since 2002 show that changes in political orientations are bigger than in Human Values, and deepen after 2008. Changes on countries that had adjustment programmes diverge significantly from those in the rest of the Eurozone, mainly on political orientations. Bigger challenges to theeucome from the extensive fall on trust in politics, the European Parliament and satisfaction with democracy, the rise of the values of Tradition and Security, and the decrease of Self-direction. This evolving cultural conservatism associated with continued degradation of democracy is nurturing nationalism and authoritarianism.
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McMENAMIN, IAIN. « Varieties of Capitalist Democracy : What Difference Does East-Central Europe Make ? » Journal of Public Policy 24, no 3 (décembre 2004) : 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x04000170.
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The establishment of capitalist democracies in East-Central Europe raises the question of whether existing accounts of varieties of capitalist democracy need to be revised. This article provides a systematic quantitative comparison of varieties of capitalist democracy in the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland with 19 other OECD countries. It finds that the East-Central European cases constitute a distinctive cluster; that they have much in common with Greece, Iberia and Ireland and that they are closer to the continental European than the liberal variety of capitalist democracy. These results have important implications for the internal politics of the European Union, prospects of an East-Central European repeat of the relative success of Ireland and the Mediterranean in the European Union, and debates about the influence of neo-liberalism on public policy.
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Parszewski, Kazimierz. « CONTEMPORARY LOCAL GOVERNMENTS IN POLAND AND THE EUROPEAN UNION ». sj-economics scientific journal 8 (30 juin 2011) : 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.58246/sjeconomics.v8i.488.
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This work presents modern local governments in Poland and selected European countries. This paper shows the local power structure, organizations and their competences as well as tasks and Government control. There are also indicated values of local democracy of the European Charter of local self government and legal problems of territorial self – government in Italy, France, Germany, Spain, Austria and Belgium.
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Ayata, Ali. « Human rights aspects of european foreign policy ». New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no 2 (12 janvier 2016) : 01–07. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v2i2.406.
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The development policy of the European Union is a policy area that has developed rapidly, especially after the Cold War and the conflicts between Eastern countries. In the 1990s, the EU issued a development profile and started the human rights and democracy concepts into the Treaty of European Union officially as guiding principles in its foreign policy. Even before the importance of human rights and democracy in the founding treaties of the European Union was mentioned, strengthening the identity of the European Union could be brought at the international level from the start with respect for these criteria together, because these criteria were the grounds for the EU. The specific aim of this work is to consider the human rights dimension of EU development, cooperation and also some related policy issues and implementation problems in practice, which are considered in theoretical approaches in the study. It should be also noted that while the EU acts as an institution and also relief organization, it makes use of its own funds and budgets, not its Member States. Within this context, the activities of the Union to promote human rights could be interpreted as cultural imperialism.    Keywords: Human Rights, European Union, Foreign Policy, Cultural Imperialism.
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AKGÜL DURAKÇAY, Fulya, et Sedef EYLEMER. « The European Union’s Democracy Promotion : Main Strategies and Approaches ». Ankara Avrupa Calismalari Dergisi 21, no 1 (5 août 2022) : 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.32450/aacd.1148588.
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The European Union (EU) has evolved as an international actor with democracy promotion agenda since the 1990s. The EU approaches to democracy promotion by transferring its norms, values, rules and standards to third countries especially through its enlargement and neighbourhood policies. This study considers the lack of conceptual and theoretical studies on the subject in Turkish literature. It
discusses the content, instruments, methods and approaches of democracy promotion as a foreign policy phenomenon, and the reasons for external actors’ impact on other states’ democratisation processes. The models along with instruments and mechanisms used by the EU in democracy promotion are examined. Thus, it contributes to Turkish literature on the EU’s democracy promotion by drawing on the literature on democratisation and Europeanisation.
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Khakhalkina, E. V., K. P. Andreev et A. V. Munko. « New Face of European Union : Right-Wing Populism in the EU-Countries ». MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no 6 (31 décembre 2020) : 99–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-6-75-99-132.
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The European Union undergoes several qualitative transformations. Today it faces major demographic changes, the distance between the EU and national states is growing because of Brexit and high rates of immigration to Europe. The configuration of mainstream parties is also transforming in an unpredictable way. All these processes bring the phenomenon of right-wing populism to the forefront of political life of the European Union. This phenomenon was an answer both to internal andexternal challenges. The aim of the article is to identify the components of right-wing populism using the examples of some memberstates, to show its threats and risks, as well as ways to minimize the impact of this phenomenon on all aspects of the EU life. To achieve this goal, party programs (primarily right-wing populist ones), national and European elections data, materials from the Eurobarometer and other public opinion services, speeches and interviews of leading politicians, and other materials are used. The methodological approach is based on the principles of interdisciplinarity. The authors used comparative-typological, functional and structural methods. The problems of immigration and Islamophobia in the EU are explained with the help of the civilizational concept of A.J. Toynbee. The structure of the article provides the study of the phenomenon of right-wing populism through such indicators as separation of elites from the population (including European democracy and lack of democracy), immigration (and Islamophobia), as well as the EU identity. The article provides a detailed analysis of the member- state cases including the United Kingdom, Austria, Germany, Italy, France, Sweden, the countries of Eastern Europe and others. The authors conclude that right-wing populism has dual nature, its significance in individual countries of the European Union increases, and it is deeply integrated into the party and parliamentary mechanism of European democracies.
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Dabic, Dragana. « The crisis of democracy in Eastern Europe : (un)successful political integration of new members ? » Medjunarodni problemi 71, no 2 (2019) : 188–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1902188d.
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The main hypothesis of this paper is that when it comes to its member states, the European Union does not possess effective legal and political mechanisms to sanction and/or reverse their democratic backsliding. Emphasis is put on the examples of violations of liberal-democratic norms undertaken by governments in Hungary, Poland and Romania, in order to analyse political will, ability, and legitimacy of the European Union to defend basic values stated in the Founding Act. The aim of the author is to examine the impact of questionable political integration of Eastern European countries in regards to the continuation of the enlargement of the Union in the region of the Western Balkans. It is concluded that due to the pragmatic policy of support to the stabilitocracy regimes and, in general, due to the ambivalent attitude towards the future of enlargement, the European Union could face negative consequences in the coming years. Conceding to candidate countries in fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria in exchange for meeting the current geopolitical interests of the European elites (as was the case in some of the earlier EU enlargements) would have following implications for the Union itself: first, internally, casting further doubts on already shaken credibility of the project to build a European identity based on common values; and secondly, externally, the loss of reputation of a normative power that facilitates global relations by spreading its own principles and values.
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Orenstein, Mitchell A. « What Happened in East European (Political) Economies ? » East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 23, no 4 (16 septembre 2009) : 479–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409342109.
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Assessing the results of neoliberal reform remains controversial even twenty years after 1989. While neoliberal reform programs appeared to have finally produced rapid economic growth in the 2000s after a long transitional recession, the 2008 global economic meltdown plunged Central and East European countries back into crisis. This article offers a mixed assessment of the results of neoliberal economic reforms and questions the easy compatibility of democracy and radical reform observed during the 1990s. Since the 2000s, both democratic and authoritarian countries in Eastern Europe have experienced rapid growth. Geopolitics, more than reform or democracy, seems to separate the winners from the losers. Successful countries are those that either joined the European Union or developed close political and economic relations with Russia. Those betwixt and between and those suffering internal strife (or both) still have not reached 1989 levels of economic production.
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Żuk, Piotr, et Paweł Żuk. « “Democracy Is Not for Everyone” ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no 3 (1 septembre 2020) : 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.3.1.
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The authors of the article show manifestations of homophobia in a range of Eastern European countries. They use the example of Poland to compare the current situation of LGBT people with that in the communist period. The article defends the thesis that homophobia, which goes hand in hand with Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, and widespread dislike for any cultural minority, is a cultural compensation for economic disappointment and an expression of the Eastern European opposition to the economic and political expansion of the West. From this perspective, the dominant nationalist orientation requires treating not only LGBT communities, but also their defenders, supporters of a more liberal culture and civic organizations, as representatives of “foreign centers” who intend to meet “the interests of the core European Union (EU) countries.” Thus, messianic nationalism and homophobia are a compensation for economic marginalization and a form of defense moved from the sphere of economic problems to the sphere of identity.
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Łukaszewski, Marcin. « Parliament–government–citizens. The place of the institution of direct democracy in the discussion on the shape of San Marino-European Union relations in the context of the referendum of 2013 ». Przegląd Politologiczny, no 4 (15 décembre 2021) : 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2021.26.4.6.
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The subject of the article is the issue of using the institutions of direct democracy in the process of shaping the directions of a very specific element of foreign policy – relations with the European Union, of which San Marino is not a member. While most of the referenda related to the European Union concern the accession of countries to this organization, the vote in 2013 was of a slightly different nature. Therefore, the author attempts to indicate how the use of the instruments of direct democracy by citizens, in a way in opposition to the institution of indirect democracy (parliament and its dependent government), can contribute to the decision-makers making political decisions desired by citizens, even in seemingly rather unusual (apart from the aforementioned accession referenda) for direct democracy, spheres as the directions of foreign policy.
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Ryabchikov, Anton A. « REGIONAL TRADE AGREEMENTS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION : NEGOTIATION MECHANISM, CLASSIFICATION, GOALS ». SCIENTIFIC REVIEW. SERIES 1. ECONOMICS AND LAW, no 2-3 (2022) : 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.26653/2076-4650-2022-2-3-06.
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This article discusses the system of regional trade agreements (RTA) of the European Union (EU) as an instrument of trade policy and economic diplomacy of the Union. It analyzes the existing EU mechanism for negotiating RTAs with third countries as well as the main types of these agreements according to the classification of the European Commission. It outlines the main goals pursued by the Union when concluding the RTAs and gives an overview of the available information on the effectiveness of the EU’s network of bilateral trade agreements. It is concluded that the main objectives of the EU when using this instrument of trade policy are to promote the interests of European business, create leverage for exerting political influence on third countries and advance European ideals of democracy and a market economy around the world.
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Raik, Kristi. « EU Accession of Central and Eastern European Countries : Democracy and Integration as Conflicting Logics ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 18, no 4 (novembre 2004) : 567–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404269719.
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Although the European Union (EU) has in many ways supported democratization in Central and Eastern Europe, it has also imposed new constraints on the functioning of democracy. The article explores the indirect impact of EU integration on the Eastern applicant countries by exposing the underlying logic of enlargement and analyzing the implications of that logic for democratic politics. The empirical analysis focuses on the preaccession process of one of the new member states, Estonia, but it also examines the overall EU policy toward Eastern candidates, pointing to the limits of enlargement as a form of democracy promotion. It highlights that the principles and norms that dominated enlargement—most notably inevitability, speed, efficiency, and expertise—constrained democratic politics in the applicant countries and limited their EU accession to a narrow sphere of elites and experts. The author links the findings with the democratic deficit in the EU and draws some conclusions concerning future prospects of democracy in and democracy promotion by the enlarged EU.
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Ardielli, Eva. « Use of TOPSIS Method for Assessing of Good Governance in European Union Countries ». Review of Economic Perspectives 19, no 3 (1 septembre 2019) : 211–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/revecp-2019-0012.
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Abstract Good Governance presents the contemporary trend of managing public affairs worldwide. This concept is promoting the basic elements of subsidiarity, participation, and democracy in modern public administration. Presented article is focused on the evaluation of Good Governance development in the European Union countries in the long-term, in the period 2007–2017. The evaluation is based on the application of multiple criteria decision-making methods, concrete The Technique for Order Preference by Similarity to Ideal Solution. The original data used in the research were the values of Worldwide Governance Indicators monitored and processed by the World Bank. The article presents a complete assessment of European Union countries according to the level of Good Governance. There are identified countries that have been successful in this area in the long-term, in particular the Nordic countries - Finland, Sweden and Denmark. On the contrary, there are countries that show greater shortcomings in terms of Good Governance as Romania, Bulgaria or Greece. The European Union countries were also grouped into clusters and the overview of rankings of individual countries for the period 2007–2017 was completed.
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Gattermann, Katjana, et Claes H. de Vreese. « Understanding leader evaluations in European Parliament elections ». European Union Politics 23, no 1 (16 octobre 2021) : 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14651165211046108.
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Leader evaluations are a crucial aspect in representative democracy. We analyse the patterns, antecedents and consequences of European Union leader evaluations against the backdrop of the 2019 European Parliament elections in ten countries. The article shows, firstly, that leader evaluations are unidimensional, both among voters with low and high knowledge as well as partisans and non-partisans. Secondly, among the antecedents of leader evaluations, European Union trust and performance evaluations are positively associated with leader evaluations, while European identity hardly plays a role compared to other factors. Lastly, the positive effect of leader evaluations on vote choice is conditional upon the individual leader and their party affiliation. Our results have important implications for expectations towards and evaluations of European Union leadership in the long term.
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Wiatr, Jerzy J. « The Crisis of Democracy : An East-Central European Perspective ». Politics in Central Europe 16, no 2 (1 septembre 2020) : 353–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0016.
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AbstractPost-communist states of East Central Europe face the authoritarian challenge to their young democracies, the sources of which are both historical and contemporary. Economic underdevelopment, the retarded process of nation-building and several decades of communist rul made countries of the region less well prepared for democratic transformation than their Western neighbors, but better than former Soviet Union. Combination of economic and social tensions, nationalism and religious fundamentalism creates conditions conducive tom the crises of democracy, but such crises can be overcome if liberal and socialist forces join hands.
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O. М., Stoyko. « Institualization of referendum in EU countries ». Yearly journal of scientific articles “Pravova derzhava”, no 31 (2020) : 445–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/0869-2491-2020-31-445-452.
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The evolution of the referendum institutionalization in the constitutions of the EU states is considered. The peculiarities of its initiation, realization and implementation of results in the "old" and "new" members of the Union are highlighted and analyzed. It is concluded that young democracies are pioneering in using this tool of direct democracy both to legitimize government decisions and to involve citizens in the decision-making process. The history of the introduction of plebiscites into the practice of political processes in European countries shows, that they are closely linked to democratic transit: the later the constitution is adopted, the more opportunities for citizens to use referendums not only to control the legislative process in parliament (support or veto certain decisions, draft laws), but also to formulate an agenda - to propose their own initiatives for consideration by public authorities. Accordingly, there are obvious differences between the referendum practices of the "old" and "new" members of the European Union, since the latter are much more active in using them and give citizens real leverage on public policy by holding plebiscites on popular initiatives.
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Babarykina, Nadiia, Oleksandra Demianenko et Yevhen Mahda. « Decentralization as a global trend of democracy development ». Cuestiones Políticas 40, no 73 (29 juillet 2022) : 454–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4073.24.
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This research examines the process of decentralization of power as a global trend of democratization. The concept of decentralization of power is revealed and the process of implementation of the reform of decentralization of power in some European countries is highlighted. The relationship between the course of decentralization reform and the index of democracy in countries has been studied. The aim of the research is to identify and analyze the essence, features and experience of decentralization as a global trend of democratization. The realization of the goal requires the solution of the next task - to analyze the experience of decentralization in the context of the development of democracy in the European Union. The solution of research problems became possible due to the use of a complex of general scientific and special research methods. This analytical essay is based on documentary sources. Аnalyzing the principles and results of decentralization of power in European countries in the study we see the growth of democracy. Decentralization causes a global shift in power, as the distance between citizens and government institutions is reduced.
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Haček, Miro. « The Difficult Look Back : Slovenian Democratic Path after European Union Accession ». Politics in Central Europe 15, no 3 (1 décembre 2019) : 419–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2019-0023.
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AbstractIn the third wave of democratic changes in the early 1990s when the Central and Eastern European (CEE) political landscape changed radically and the democratisation processes started in the eastern part of the continent, Slovenia was one of the most prominent countries with the best prospects for rapid democratic growth. Slovenia somewhat luckily escaped the Yugoslav civil wars and towards the end of the 20th century was already on the path towards a stable and consolidated democracy with the most successful economy in the entire CEE area. After the dissolution of Yugoslavia, Slovenia had a simple and straight-forward political goals, i.e. to join the European union as soon as possible, thus consolidating its place among the most developed countries within the region. After some setbacks, this goal was accomplished in (so far) the biggest enlargement to the Union in May 2004. But what happened after Slovenia managed to successfully achieve its pair of major political goals? In this chapter, we search for an answer to this question and find out why Slovenian voters are increasingly distrustful not only of political institutions, but why so-called new political faces and instant political parties are so successful and why Slovenian democracy has lost a leading place among consolidated democracies in CEE.
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Hamzaoui, Djaouida. « European Neighborhood Policy ». Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, no 1 (1 mars 2020) : 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.1.105.
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In 2004, the European Union proposed a project entitled the European Neighborhood Policy as a new strategic option. The project had been adopted by the European Council one year earlier in a proposal to the concerned states. The European Neighborhood Policy proposes the development of the scope of cooperation between the European Union and the southwestern Mediterranean countries through several political, economic, social, and cultural fields. Yet, the sphere of security is set at the top of its priorities. It is based on the principles of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law, as well as on establishing security and stability between the countries on the two shores of the Mediterranean neighboring Europe. This would be based on a common framework and a larger volume of mutual cooperation that is embodied in a genuine partnership that would confront common challenges. The study explores and provides an answer to the following question: To what extent can the European Neighborhood Policy be considered a representation of regionalism and the embodiment of a genuine European desire through which it would be able to build a “security group” in the Mediterranean basin?
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Afinotan, L. Andy. « Brexit and the Poverty of Popular Democracy in Great Britain : An Analytical Perspective ». Asian Journal of Social Science Studies 2, no 1 (15 novembre 2016) : 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/ajsss.v2i1.134.
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In the contemporary international system, the trend towards collective security through regional integration for economic and political stability is unmistakable. The European Union, often touted as the quintessential example of a stable and secure regional economic alliance was developed by the contiguous countries of Western Europe for fundamentally strategic reasons. It was basically informed inter alia, by the need to prevent a re-occurrence of war between Germany and France, the two belligerents that dragged the entire world into war twice in one century. Bringing the two countries together in a cooperative prosperity circle, in concert with other European countries, is considered to be a useful means to economic and political stability in the region. The decision of Britain to exit the Union via a domestic referendum therefore, promises to have severe repercussions, not only for the Union, but more fundamentally for Britain itself. Making use of Library Research and content analysis methodologies in an explanatory, historical, and qualitative analytical perspective, the paper examined the roots of the Brexit narrative, and within that context, analysed the plausible consequences of Britain’s exit from the Union. The paper concluded that not only will Europe and indeed Africa be hurt by it through the consequences of a possible domino effect on regional organisations and separatist groups worldwide, but also in its reactionary implications, is bound to take Europe back a couple of steps.
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KACARSKA, SIMONIDA. « "LEADERS" AND "LAGGARDS" OR THE POST-COMMUNIST ROADS TO DEMOCRACY ». Southeastern Europe 32, no 1 (2007) : 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633307x00057.
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Abstract Summary: The purpose of this article is to examine the different progress of the post-communist world in consolidating democracy, in order to determine the suitability of a collective or group-based examination. The article argues that the post-communist countries should not be analyzed as a single unit, but separately into groups according to the progress in consolidating democracy. Conceptually, the article utilizes Linz and Stepan's five arenas of consolidated democracy. The article employs comparative methodology using empirical data from the Freedom House Nations in Transit reports and specific country reports comparing the particular problems each of the separate groups face. The article highlights the differences in the progress in consolidating democracy between three groups of post-communist countries: the current member of the European Union (EU), the countries of Southeastern Europe, and the non-Baltic former Soviet countries.
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Ponomarenko, Liudmyla Viktorivna. « MODERN TRENDS AND CONTRADICTIONS IN THE PROCESSES OF NATION-BUILDING IN UKRAINE AND THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE MIRROR OF ARCHETYPES ». UKRAINIAN ASSEMBLY OF DOCTORS OF SCIENCES IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 1, no 14 (16 juin 2018) : 244–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/vadnd.v1i14.116.
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The article is an attempt to study the nation-building processes in Ukraine and in the countries of the European Union. The similarities and differences are accentuated for Ukraine, which was able to restore its independence after a long national liberation struggle, and the countries of the European Union, most of which can be called the states with sustainable democracy. In order to study the peculiarities of the nation-building processes, universal features common for any nation are investigated: history, territory, language, culture and national self-consciousness. The peculiarities of the nation-building in the newly and post-imperialist states are determined, as well as the influence of history on the formation of the archetypes of the nations. The reasons for the activation of the nation-building processes and their interrelation with the strengthening of separatist sentiments are investigated. The urgency of the separatism issue on the agenda of not only Ukraine but also of the countries of Europe is mentioned. The influence of nation-building processes on the interpretation of historical facts and events, attempts to “rewrite” historical facts or to silence them is considered. The role of the language issue in the nation-building and the duality of its interpretation are studied. Particular attention is drawn to the disagreements that have emerged in the nation-building process in Ukraine and the Member States of the European Union. The contradictions in the interpretation of various social, political and cultural phenomena in Ukraine and the countries of the European Union are considered. The historical lessons of the European Union, which are worth learning in Ukraine for the further painless nation-building, and valuable European experience, which should be studied or taken into account in practice, are analysed. The main challenges facing Ukraine and the European Union countries regarding the future of the nation-building, peaceful coexistence and productive cooperation are highlighted.
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Vadhanavisala, Onvara. « Democracy Towards Authoritarianism Under Illiberal Populist Leaders in Hungary and Poland ». Central and Eastern European Review 13, no 1 (1 décembre 2019) : 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/caeer-2020-0002.
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Abstract A quarter of a century ago, the Soviet Union dissolved and the Cold War ended. Now the current political era involves a broad challenge to liberal democracy in the European Union. Central European countries such as the Czech Republic, Hungary, the Republic of Poland, and the Slovak Republic (‘the Visegrád Group’) joined the EU in 2004 with the hope that the post-Cold War era would be one of peace and stability in Europe, including (most importantly) the expansion of Europe’s democracy. A turning point came in 2014, however, when the Syrian refugee crisis hit the EU and caused a political ‘about face’. The European refugee and migrant crisis have strengthened right-wing populism among the European countries, including the Visegrád group. Obviously there are certainly similarities between the populist rhetoric of Hungary’s ruling party, Fidesz, and the Law and Justice party (known as PiS) which is governing the Republic of Poland. The two countries appear to be following the same path of becoming ‘illiberal democratic’ states. The templates of authoritarianism which both countries have adopted involve the following: the restriction of civil society and the independence of the media, control of the judiciary and the court system, together with the transformation of the constitutional framework and electoral law in order to consolidate power. This paper analyses two examples of authoritarian populist leaders: first, Viktor Orbán, the Prime Minister of Hungary of the Fidesz Party and, second, Jarosław Kaczyński, a leader of the Law and Justice Party (PiS) in Poland. A brief description of each is provided as a background for the discussion which follows.
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Kunert-Milcarz, Renata. « EU Initiatives for Democratisation in Eastern Europe ». Polish Political Science Review 1, no 1 (1 décembre 2013) : 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ppsr-2015-0004.
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Abstract Support for democratisation and democracy has become one of the leading topics in a wide-ranging debate over the state of democracy in the contemporary world. The European Union became an important player in global politics, one with an ambitious programme for the spreading and supporting of democracy and the process of democratisation in Eastern Europe. Hence the author’s attempt at addressing the following question: what actions and strategies have and are being undertaken by the EU to facilitate the above-mentioned processes? The aim of the paper is to describe and assess the strategies and actions of the European Union in the field of supporting democratisation and democracy in selected countries of the former USSR (e.g. Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine), additionally well-fitting to the concept of Eastern Partnership, in the last decade of XX and the first decade of XXI Century. The paper also aims to present which procedures and standards (that are supposed to guarantee their usefulness and effectiveness) are being used by the EU. The emphasis has been placed primarily on the processes of democratisation, their mileage, specificity and possible strategies for supporting democratic development, as well as its potential for consolidation, in the countries of the former Soviet Union. In order to conduct the research it is necessary to assess the political, social and economic conditions in the researched countries. It is to be stressed that one should be aware of the complexity and dynamics of the described processes whilst evaluating the EU’s initiatives. The papers topic was chosen due to the importance and currentness of the researched EU actions and their results.
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SARDARYAN, G. Т. « REASONS FOR THE CRISIS OF CHRISTIAN DEMOCRACYIN WESTERN EUROPE ». Political Science Issues, no 3(33) part : 9 (18 décembre 2019) : 285–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35775/psi.2019.33.3.007.
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The article discusses the causes and characteristics of the crisis of Christian democracy in West European countries in the second half of the XX century and at the present stage. The author notes that the crisis manifests itself in several directions: on the one hand, it is expressed in a significant decrease of the electoral support of the Christian Democratic parties in most West European countries and, on the other, in the crisis of the European Union as an integration project of a united Europe, the founders of which were the authors of the concept of the pan-European Christian republic. The article analyzes both external and internal reasons of the loss by the Christian Democrats of their ruling status in Europe. The key factor contributing to the development of the crisis is the desire of the demochristians to expand their electoral base bysecularizing their ideology and moving away from the fundamental Christian Democratic principles.
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Veebel, Viljar, et Raul Markus. « European Normative Power During Ukrainian-Russian Conflict ». Baltic Journal of Law & ; Politics 11, no 1 (1 juin 2018) : 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjlp-2018-0001.
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Abstract During last two decades the European Union as “normative power Europe” has been associated with the export of certain universal norms, rules and practices to the other countries. Rule of law, democracy, strong commitment to human rights and fundamental freedoms, and social justice — these principles form the core of the identity of the European Union. Relying on shared political, economic and cultural ties among member states, the EU has sought to promote these norms also in the neighbouring countries, including Russia. However, the outbreak of the violent conflict between Russia and Ukraine at the end of 2013 clearly demonstrates that the EU has failed in its efforts in Russia despite extensive mutual relations and comprehensive financial support provided by the EU. The aim of the current article is to analyse how consistent the EU has been in defending and promoting European values and norms in the international arena and with Russia during the Ukrainian-Russian conflict.
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Machado, Ricardo B. « The Determinants of Employee Ownership Plan Implementation in EU Countries – the Quest for Economic Democracy : a First Look at the Evidence ». Organizacija 49, no 2 (1 mai 2016) : 94–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/orga-2016-0007.
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Abstract Background and purpose: Kelso’s quest to identify the economic counterpart of political democracy and, as a corollary, his concern about the nature of the economic system’s organisation needed to support the institutions of a politically free society, contributed two important terms: economic power and democracy. Following Kelso’s reasoning, my research study aims to understand the determinants of the implementation of economic democracy, measured by the incidence of employee share ownership plans, within European Union countries. Methodology: Setting out with the theory of one of the founding fathers of employee stock ownership plans, I perform a cross-country analysis spanning five years (2008-2012) to explain the incidence level of employee ownership by independent variables operationalizing the political, legal, socio-educational and economic structures of twenty European Union countries. Using secondary data from the European Federation of Employee Share Ownership, I explain the determinants’ pertinence, while accounting for severe data limitations. Results: I report a strong correlation between employee ownership incidence and the index of economic freedom. However, the labour market’s freedom, the trustworthiness of and confidence in financial markets and the quality of secondary and tertiary education do not deliver clear-cut results. Conclusion: Further research should comprehensively scrutinise country-specific factors regarding corporate governance issues and cross-cultural controls. Employee ownership researchers should consider this field of research to understand why countries that are so-called employee ownership champions are experiencing widening income inequality.
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Zreik, Mohamad. « China and Europe in Africa : Competition or Cooperation ? » Malaysian Journal of International Relations 9, no 1 (30 décembre 2021) : 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.3.
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This paper presents the development strategies of the European Union and China towards Africa. European development aid has always been accompanied by political and economic conditions such as adopting neoliberalist policies, democracy and regime modification. As for China, its development policies have not been conditional because it adopts the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries and a win-win strategy. The paper points to a great disparity between the Chinese and European development strategies. China represents the South-South development model, and the European Union provides the North-South development model. The development experience in Africa indicates the progress of the Chinese model and its attraction to the African governments and peoples.
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Firmansyah, Firmansyah, et Ali Muhammad. « The Obstacles of Serbia in Obtaining the European Union Membership Status ». POLITEA 3, no 2 (16 novembre 2020) : 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/politea.v3i2.8875.
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<p>The European Union (EU) is an intergovernmental and supranational organization enlarging its membership since its formation. Due to the benefits, neighboring European countries are volunteering to join the EU. One of the EU candidate member countries is Serbia. In the process of gaining the status of EU candidate country, Serbia has faced many challenges and yet to fulfill the Copenhagen criteria as the conditions of membership by transforming and strengthening democracy. In the economic field, it is struggling to develop free markets and the rule of law. Serbia has collaborated with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to process the war criminals in the past. Serbia succeeded in obtaining the status of candidate membership of the EU on March 1, 2012, which then became its new chapter. </p>
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Mathenjwa, Mbuzeni. « THE ROLE OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT IN STRENGTHENING DEMOCRACY ». Journal of Law, Society and Development 3, no 1 (12 septembre 2016) : 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2520-9515/1091.
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The place and role of local government within the structure of government in Africa has attracted much public interest. Prior to and after independence, African countries used local government as the administrative units of central governments without their having any legal status, to the extent that local authorities were under the strict control of central governments. The autonomy of local government is pivotal in the democratisation of a country. The United Nations, European Union and African Union have adopted treaties to promote the recognition and protection of local government in the state parties’ constitutions. Accordingly, this article explains the status of local government in Africa and its impact on strengthening democracy in African states.
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BOCANCEA, Cristian. « Brexit - Between the Ideology of Euroscepticism and the 'Innocence' of the Treaty on European Union ». Anuarul Universitatii "Petre Andrei" din Iasi - Fascicula : Drept, Stiinte Economice, Stiinte Politice 28 (10 décembre 2021) : 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/upalaw/65.
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Built on the values of freedom and prosperity, democracy and peace, the European Union has created over time a huge constitutional framework, culminating in the Lisbon Treaty, adopted in 2007 and known as the Treaty on European Union. It reflected the will of the then 27 Member States to live together in a cohesive society, guided by the principle of subsidiarity, and to offer neighboring countries the opportunity to join the Union. As regards EU enlargement, the procedure was laid down in principle in Article 49 TEU; for reasons of symmetry, the Treaty introduced Article 50 to cover the possible scenario of a Member State leaving the Union. Although no one expected it, Article 50 TEU was activated by the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland following a referendum on the so-called Brexit in the summer of 2016. At the beginning of 2020, after lengthy negotiations, the British - Eurosceptics who had made a discordant note for 43 years in the implementation of common policies - effectively left the EU, hoping for a better life and leaving us to reflect on the "innocence" of a treaty article drafted from too much democracy.
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Gumbrell-McCormick, Rebecca, et Richard Hyman. « Democracy in trade unions, democracy through trade unions ? » Economic and Industrial Democracy 40, no 1 (24 août 2018) : 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x18780327.
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Since the Webbs published Industrial Democracy at the end of the nineteenth century, the principle that workers have a legitimate voice in decision-making in the world of work – in some versions through trade unions, in others at least formally through separate representative structures – has become widely accepted in most West European countries. There is now a vast literature on the strengths and weaknesses of such mechanisms, and we review briefly some of the key interpretations of the rise (and fall) of policies and structures for workplace and board-level representation. We also discuss the mainly failed attempts to establish broader processes of economic democracy, which the eclipse of nationally specific mechanisms of class compromise makes again a salient demand. Economic globalization also highlights the need for transnational mechanisms to achieve worker voice (or more radically, control) in the dynamics of capital–labour relations. We therefore examine the role of trade unions in coordinating pressure for a countervailing force at European and global levels, and in the construction of (emergent?) supranational industrial relations. However, many would argue that unions cannot win legitimacy as a democratizing force unless manifestly democratic internally. Therefore we revisit debates on and dilemmas of democracy within trade unions, and examine recent initiatives to enhance democratization.
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TYRPENOU (Α.Ε.ΤΥΡΠΕΝΟΥ), A. E. « Enlargement of the European Union ... an historic opportunity ». Journal of the Hellenic Veterinary Medical Society 57, no 3 (29 novembre 2017) : 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/jhvms.15045.
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Enlargement is one of the most powerful political tools of the European Union and the driving force which has helped in the transformation of the Central and East Europe. From the moment it was created in 1950 is continuously enlarging and has recendy inspired ambitious reformations for Turkey, Croatia and West Balkans. Its founder members call the people of Europe which put their ideas and unified their efforts. Since that time and according to the article 49 of the European Union, it has been grown up from the 6 initial states to 9, 10, 12, 15 and recently to 25. The process still goes on today with new candidate countries, such as Bulgaria and Romania and with accession negotiations with Turkey just as this country could meet the political criteria for accession and the respect of human rights. On completion of this phase the European citizens could live and work in an extended area beyond the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea and from Nicosia to Kiruna and could work under standard procedures in the biggest and without borders market of the world. Also, they will benefit from their neighbours, who have stable democracies and good market economies. It is a careful procedure for the transition of the countries involved, dispersing peace, stability, well being, democracy, human rights and a state of justice in the whole Europe. Further, when our children will become grownup, they will live in a European Union consisted of thirty or more states and with more than twenty languages, a unique polymorphic culture embracing more than 500.000.000 people.
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Saltnes, Johanne Døhlie. « Norm collision in the European Union’s external policies : The case of European Union sanctions towards Rwanda ». Cooperation and Conflict 52, no 4 (6 juin 2017) : 553–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836717710528.
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The European Union (EU) is the world’s biggest donor of aid to developing countries. The provision of EU aid is conditional on respect for human rights and democratic principles in the recipient countries. This article questions to what extent norms always yield to interests in decisions over whether to sanction breaches of human rights and democracy. Building on a theory that allows the simultaneous consideration of different norms, the article suggests that rather than interests being the determining factor when the EU takes decisions on implementing sanctions, the weighing of various norms and the choice to follow one of them can explain why sanctions have been avoided in certain cases in Rwanda. The article shows that this weighing of different norms plays an important role in foreign policy decisions and can have concrete consequences with regard to sanctions. In so doing, it advances the literature on the EU’s global role by developing a theoretical account of the evaluation process and the ultimate decision to act in accordance with one norm in particular.
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De Ridder, Eline. « EU Aid for Fighting Corruption in the Czech Republic and Slovakia : Where Did It Go Wrong ? » Journal of Contemporary European Research 5, no 1 (24 avril 2009) : 61–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v5i1.81.
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During the Eastern enlargement process of the European Union (EU), the Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs) were supported by the Union in terms of combating corruption issues. This was seen as a key step in their transformation towards liberal democracy and eventual accession to the EU. This article questions the extent of influence which the EU has had in terms of dealing with problems of corruption in the Czech Republic and Slovakia, both during and after their accession to the Union. It is noted that during the accession process the EU utilised a number of instruments to support accession states, such as the Czech Republic and Slovakia, fight corruption. Regardless of these incentives, the corruption records of both countries improved little by the time they acceded to the EU in 2004 and continues to be problematic in the post-accession era. It is suggested in this article that several dynamics, such as the absence of a clear and consistent policy from the EU and the importance of domestic politics in the acceding countries, help to explain why the fight against corruption in these two central European states has been and continues to be so weak.
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Kovács, Kriszta, et Kim Lane Scheppele. « The fragility of an independent judiciary : Lessons from Hungary and Poland—and the European Union ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 51, no 3 (2 août 2018) : 189–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.07.005.
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When the European Union was founded, it was assumed that all Member States admitted as consolidated democracies would maintain their constitutional commitments. In recent years, Hungary and Poland have challenged this premise as elected autocratic governments in those countries have captured independent institutions and threatened long-term democracy. The judiciaries of these countries have been hard hit. In this paper, we trace what has happened to the judiciaries in Hungary and Poland, showing how first the constitutional courts and then the ordinary judiciary have been brought under the control of political forces so that there is no longer a separation of law and politics.We also explore why the European Union has so far not been able to stop this process. In the end, the European judiciary, particularly the Court of Justice, is attempting a rescue of national judiciaries, but the results are so far unclear.
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Staszczyk, Artur. « Position of European Parliament in Relation to the Association Process of the South Caucasus Countries with the EU ». Reality of Politics 4, no 1 (31 janvier 2013) : 208–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201313.
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This article analyses the position of European Parliament (EP) in the question of the lasting from 2010 association process of the South Caucasus countries with the EU. The process is aimed at the establishment of close, extensive political and economic cooperation of the countries with the EU. The author stresses the importance attached by EP to the association negotiations, which according to the Parliament should have a crucial impact on the democratization process in Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia. It should be underlined that the development of democracy in those EU’s partner countries is of special interest to EP, which in recognition of their geopolitical importance with its numerous resolutions requires making closer relations with them and even providing the countries with a potential European perspective (Georgia). However the more extensive cooperation of the EU with the countries is made dependent by EP on the incorporation by Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia of the values defined as European (democracy, rule of law, protection of human rights etc.). That is why so important for EP are the questions of human rights observance, observance of the rules of democracy and law, including transparency and fairness of the processes in the countries. In case of violating rules constituting foundations for democratic and lawful country’s functioning, EP responds in a determined way and usually takes un unambiguous stand quite often contrasting with more “weighted” opinions of other Union institutions.
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Aintila, Heikki. « European trade union research network in central and eastern European countries : first results of the ETUI PHARE Democracy Programme ». Transfer : European Review of Labour and Research 1, no 1 (janvier 1995) : 135–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425899500100114.
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Dickerson, Hollin K. « Judging the Judges : The State of Judicial Reform in Eastern Europe on the Eve of Accession ». International Journal of Legal Information 32, no 3 (2004) : 539–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073112650000442x.
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On May 1, 2004, ten new countries joined the European Union (EU), bringing the number of members from fifteen to a total of twenty-five. This expansion was the largest expansion ever undertaken by the EU, raising serious questions regarding the integration of different cultures, economies, political systems, and legal regimes into a very Westernized EU. These issues are further complicated by the fact that eight of the ten accession countries, namely Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, are all Eastern European nations that have only been independent states since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the subsequent disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991. Still coping with the transition from socialism to capitalism and from oppression to democracy, each of these nations encountered unique challenges as they approached the date of formal EU accession.
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Plenta, Peter. « The European Two-Level Game in Central Asia : Visegrad Countries and Kazakhstan ». International Studies Review 17, no 2 (19 octobre 2016) : 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01702004.
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Since 2007, the European Union has developed a strategy towards Central Asia. Relations with the region have created an opportunity to focus on a wider spectrum of interests across different levels of EU foreign policy. This article examines the “two-level game” between EU member states (from Central Europe) and EU institutions in Brussels regarding economic interests versus values agenda with the focus on Kazakhstan. In this game, the EU’s member states focus on developing trade and economic relations while they let space for the EU’s institutions to discuss sensitive issues, such as democracy promotion and human rights dialogue. This is the case for the Visegrad countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) that prefer a pragmatic approach towards Kazakhstan as the most important country in the Central Asian region.
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Giménez-Gómez, José-Manuel, Yabibal M. Walle et Yitagesu Zewdu Zergawu. « Trends in African Migration to Europe : Drivers Beyond Economic Motivations ». Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no 8 (15 janvier 2019) : 1797–831. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002718823907.
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The current migration and refugee crisis in Europe requires an understanding of the different migration drivers beyond the well-known economic determinants. In this article, we view migration from a broader human security perspective and analyze the determinants of regular and asylum seeker migration flows from Africa to Europe for the period 1990 to 2014. Our results show that, in addition to economic determinants, a combination of push and pull factors influences migration decisions of individuals. In particular, rising political persecution, human rights violations, ethnic tensions, political instability, and civil conflicts in African source countries are all significantly associated with increased migration flows into European destination countries. Therefore, our results underscore the need for the European Union and European countries to collaborate with the source countries, not only in terms of supporting economic development in the source countries but also in promoting human security: human rights, democracy, peace, and social stability.
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Musiał-Karg, Magdalena. « Brytyjskie i węgierskie referenda z 2016 r. Uwagi o roli instytucji demokracji bezpośredniej w procesie integracji europejskiej ». Przegląd Europejski, no 3-2016 (11 décembre 2016) : 78–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.3.16.4.
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The practice of using direct democracy in the European Union’s countries shows that the so called “European” issues have become increasingly popular subject of public debate and then of referendum voting. The motivation to analyse the British and Hungarian referendums of 2016 was the popularity and importance of the issues both for the UK and for Hungary, as well as for the whole European Union. The main thesis posed in the article is that in recent years referendums have become very popular as instruments of making decisions on the European crises (Grexit, Brexit, migration crisis). The main objective of this paper is to answer the question about the use of a referendum on issues of European integration and on the course and consequences of the British and Hungarian referendum in 2016.
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Vampa, Magdalini. « Remarks on Immanuel Kant`s Theory on European Project ». European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no 2 (30 avril 2016) : 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i2.p21-30.
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Nowadays dynamic and dramatic development of the European Union Countries (refugee’s crises), is bringing into focus the role of the Union as a peace project. Hence, this project is not only subject of history books, but it is important as an active neighborhood policy, and an effort for stability beyond its borders. The aim of this paper is to estimate the projection of Immanuel Kant "perpetual peace theory" in the functioning of the European Union, in the context of ongoing development and its expansion. Kant's peace treaty is not “entering” to the condition of perpetual peace, but it takes in consideration the necessary steps to reach this goal. This paper analyses this treaty as a political peace guide, oriented by the theory of liberal democracy, elaborated on the works of Michael Doyle: “Liberalism and world Politics” (1986), etc. The analyses focuses on three final articles of Kant, which are presented in his philosophical treaty and are projected to the philosophy of the creation and development of the European Union, as a union of peace. This projection is not only part of institutions and international constitution, but also of the will of citizens of these liberal democratic states which are vital conditions for a Europe of Peace.
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Vampa, Magdalini. « Remarks on Immanuel Kant`s Theory on European Project ». European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no 2 (30 avril 2016) : 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v4i2.p21-30.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Nowadays dynamic and dramatic development of the European Union Countries (refugee’s crises), is bringing into focus the role of the Union as a peace project. Hence, this project is not only subject of history books, but it is important as an active neighborhood policy, and an effort for stability beyond its borders. The aim of this paper is to estimate the projection of Immanuel Kant "perpetual peace theory" in the functioning of the European Union, in the context of ongoing development and its expansion. Kant's peace treaty is not “entering” to the condition of perpetual peace, but it takes in consideration the necessary steps to reach this goal. This paper analyses this treaty as a political peace guide, oriented by the theory of liberal democracy, elaborated on the works of Michael Doyle: “Liberalism and world Politics” (1986), etc. The analyses focuses on three final articles of Kant, which are presented in his philosophical treaty and are projected to the philosophy of the creation and development of the European Union, as a union of peace. This projection is not only part of institutions and international constitution, but also of the will of citizens of these liberal democratic states which are vital conditions for a Europe of Peace.