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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Democracy – European Union countries »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Democracy – European Union countries"

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González Begega, Sergio, Holm-Detlev Köhler et Mona Aranea. « Contested industrial democracy discourses in transnational companies. The case of the ArcelorMittal European Social Dialogue Group ». Transfer : European Review of Labour and Research 24, no 4 (7 juin 2018) : 451–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258918775838.

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This article discusses the potential of European transnational company agreements for developing industrial democracy at European company level. It describes the experience of the ArcelorMittal European Social Dialogue Group, established in 2009 through a European transnational company agreement as an innovative channel for trade union involvement in corporate decision-making. The conceptual framework draws on a cross-national comparison of industrial democracy discourses in two European countries, Germany and Spain. A qualitative approach based on semi-structured interviews with trade union representatives and management is used to identify divergent national discourses of employee voice giving rise to common misunderstandings of industrial democracy at European level. The findings illustrate the persisting communication challenges faced by trade unions when engaging in employee representation structures at transnational company level. The article also shows that trade union representatives are able to adapt their national discourses on industrial democracy under the influence of European practice.
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Muskaj, Blerina. « Democracy in Central Eastern Europe and European Union ». European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 7, no 1 (26 mai 2022) : 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/202nch96.

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Some of the countries in the region have contributed through assistance programs to develop and align their democracies with what the EU itself lobbies. EU aid to CEE is seen as a phenomenon of EU-perceived responsibility in the interaction of new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe. This paper will create a genuine study of the perceived responsibility for the development of democracies in these countries. It paints a clear picture of the development of democracy and the need for CEE countries to be under EU assistance. The assistance coming from this institution has given and continues to contribute to developing a democracy with strong executive foundations for society and beneficial to the region. In this way, the EU manages to achieve its objectives of achieving a federal union. When we say federal union we mean a Europe with the same democratic values and executive standards.In this paper the EU's responsibility for the new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe is seen in activities with EU programs to enhance institutions above democratic values. Having access to the issues facing the democracies of Central and Eastern Europe, the Council Acquis provides an overview in the field of democracy. The paper gives us the opportunity to look more closely at democratic forces in countries where the latter is still developing, aiming not only at the analysis of democracy, but also at the analysis of the European common market. We will look at these two EU phenomena in the context of the EU's perceived responsibility for the interaction of new democracies in CEE. The EU has undertaken this responsibility in the context of strengthening, developing and maturing new democracies on the European Continent. Giving its contribution through various programs designed in the form of grants, which are given to countries that are in the process of maturation, in the form of programs that pave the way for development. The question that arises at this stage is: Does democracy help in a market economy?
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Buşcaneanu, Sergiu. « EU Democracy Promotion in Eastern ENP Countries ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 29, no 1 (18 juin 2014) : 248–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414535430.

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This study shows that the increased incentive structures from and the more intense socialization process with the European Union (EU) since the launch of European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) have not translated into a higher level of democratic development in Eastern ENP countries. However, on the long run (1991–2010), the EU democracy promotion in the region under consideration appears to be largely consistent. In addition, a content analysis of Progress Reports released by the European Commission on the implementation process of European Neighbourhood Policy Action Plans (ENPAPs) reveals that some Eastern neighbours of the EU have attempted to consider in their reform agendas the democracy-related objectives of these documents and that some have also sought to adopt international democratic instruments as required by the ENPAPs. Though the record is far from satisfactory on norm internalization, content analysis of Commission’s Reports suggests that one should acknowledge a modest democratization role for the EU.
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Major, Iván. « Will Central and Eastern European Countries Dismantle the European Union?—Contrasting European Developments to Current Trends in the US ». Journal of Economics and Public Finance 5, no 2 (30 mai 2019) : p234. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jepf.v5n2p234.

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This paper analyzes the historical background of the current developments in Central Eastern Europe, in other parts of Eastern Europe and in previously member countries of the former Soviet Union. The author concludes that the political and economic transformation of these countries to a solid democracy and well-functioning market economy have not been successful for most of them yet, and this may have serious consequences on the European Union, too.The paper contrasts these trends with what we can observe in the United States now. The author turns to the “hard facts” next, when he discusses the different factors of human and economic development and the issue of migration in the Central and East European post-socialist countries and in a selected group of advanced countries.
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Doležalová, Jitka. « The Political-Budget Cycle in Countries of the European Union ». Review of Economic Perspectives 11, no 1 (1 janvier 2011) : 12–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10135-011-0005-z.

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The Political-Budget Cycle in Countries of the European Union We empirically estimate the political-budget cycle in the member countries of the European Union in period of 1988-2008. We indirectly analyze the potential of these countries to deal with increasing public debts which were augmented by the global economic crisis. The selection of the EU countries depends on three characteristics of democracy - shared power, openness and adaptability. The openness of democracy is the most important characteristics in relation to effective behavior of governments. We suppose that governments are motivated to make electoral manipulation in countries which have lower level of openness. We choose Finland, the Netherlands, Austria, Estonia, Poland, the Czech Republic, Romania and Greece to include into our sample of countries. The research of political-budget cycle confirmed our assumption. We did not find the political-budget cycle in Finland, the Netherlands and Estonia. On the other hand, we identified that Austrian, Czech and Greece governments had a tendency to manipulate fiscal policy before elections. The regression coefficients of Poland electoral dummies were very statistically significant but they had a wrong sign. We could not estimate political-budget cycle in Romania due to the short time series.
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Hiswi, Putti Ananda. « Democracy In Slovenia : Slovenia’s Entry Into The European Union After The Disintegration Of Yugoslavia ». JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL 1, no 1 (15 juillet 2020) : 92–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jis.1.1.2020.92-116.

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After the disintegration of Yugoslavia, Slovenia made changes in its ideology and political system to become part of the European Union. However, as a newly independent country, Slovenia faces an unfinished successional political transition. Undertaking a democratic system shift will cause Slovenia to face several challenges: accepting and implementing new democratic laws, introducing a liberal economy with free initiative, and achieving national sovereignty as an independent country. Apart from being a newly independent country, Slovenia also has a history of war with Italy when it was under Yugoslavia during the Second World War. These conditions make Slovenia’s entry into the European Union problematic. This article aims to understand Slovenia’s policy transition process after the disintegration of Yugoslavia and its consideration to join the European Union. This article uses qualitative methods with data and literatures collection from various official documents, books, journals, and online news which discuss integration process and democracy implementation in Slovenia related to its integration to European Union. This article concludes that Slovenia’s decision to join the European Union - despite its position as a newly independent country and the history of war with Italy - was due to the belief that a common liberal democratic system could help open relations with fellow democracies. The similarity of this system can be seen from the application of the three pillars of liberal democracy in democratic peace theory. The theory postulates that when the three pillars are applied, liberal countries will not go to war with each other
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Casanova, José Luís. « Crisis and Cultural Change : The Countries with Adjustment Programmes in the European Union ». Comparative Sociology 17, no 2 (4 avril 2018) : 187–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341454.

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AbstractAfter the financial crisis in 2008 significant changes occurred in the European Union, particularly in the countries that had adjustment programmes. According to empirical work by Hofstede, Inglehart and Schwartz it’s predictable that societal changes have a cultural impact. Data from European Social Survey since 2002 show that changes in political orientations are bigger than in Human Values, and deepen after 2008. Changes on countries that had adjustment programmes diverge significantly from those in the rest of the Eurozone, mainly on political orientations. Bigger challenges to theeucome from the extensive fall on trust in politics, the European Parliament and satisfaction with democracy, the rise of the values of Tradition and Security, and the decrease of Self-direction. This evolving cultural conservatism associated with continued degradation of democracy is nurturing nationalism and authoritarianism.
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McMENAMIN, IAIN. « Varieties of Capitalist Democracy : What Difference Does East-Central Europe Make ? » Journal of Public Policy 24, no 3 (décembre 2004) : 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x04000170.

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The establishment of capitalist democracies in East-Central Europe raises the question of whether existing accounts of varieties of capitalist democracy need to be revised. This article provides a systematic quantitative comparison of varieties of capitalist democracy in the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland with 19 other OECD countries. It finds that the East-Central European cases constitute a distinctive cluster; that they have much in common with Greece, Iberia and Ireland and that they are closer to the continental European than the liberal variety of capitalist democracy. These results have important implications for the internal politics of the European Union, prospects of an East-Central European repeat of the relative success of Ireland and the Mediterranean in the European Union, and debates about the influence of neo-liberalism on public policy.
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Parszewski, Kazimierz. « CONTEMPORARY LOCAL GOVERNMENTS IN POLAND AND THE EUROPEAN UNION ». sj-economics scientific journal 8 (30 juin 2011) : 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.58246/sjeconomics.v8i.488.

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This work presents modern local governments in Poland and selected European countries. This paper shows the local power structure, organizations and their competences as well as tasks and Government control. There are also indicated values of local democracy of the European Charter of local self government and legal problems of territorial self – government in Italy, France, Germany, Spain, Austria and Belgium.
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Ayata, Ali. « Human rights aspects of european foreign policy ». New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no 2 (12 janvier 2016) : 01–07. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v2i2.406.

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The development policy of the European Union is a policy area that has developed rapidly, especially after the Cold War and the conflicts between Eastern countries. In the 1990s, the EU issued a development profile and started the human rights and democracy concepts into the Treaty of European Union officially as guiding principles in its foreign policy. Even before the importance of human rights and democracy in the founding treaties of the European Union was mentioned, strengthening the identity of the European Union could be brought at the international level from the start with respect for these criteria together, because these criteria were the grounds for the EU. The specific aim of this work is to consider the human rights dimension of EU development, cooperation and also some related policy issues and implementation problems in practice, which are considered in theoretical approaches in the study. It should be also noted that while the EU acts as an institution and also relief organization, it makes use of its own funds and budgets, not its Member States. Within this context, the activities of the Union to promote human rights could be interpreted as cultural imperialism.    Keywords: Human Rights, European Union, Foreign Policy, Cultural Imperialism.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Democracy – European Union countries"

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SCHOLTES, Julian. « The abuse of constitutional identity : Illiberal constitutional discourse and European constitutional pluralism ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/73873.

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Defence date: 21 January 2022
Examining Board: Professor Gábor Halmai, (EUI); Professor Martijn Hesselink, (EUI); Professor Alexander Somek, (University of Vienna); Professor Neil Walker, (University of Edinburgh)
‘Constitutional identity’ has become a key argument in the negotiation of authority between national legal orders and the legal order of the European Union. Many national constitutional courts have declared that the reach of EU law is limited by certain core elements of the national constitution, often labelled ‘constitutional identity’. However, the rise of ‘illiberal democracies’ within the European Union, especially exemplified by the democratic backsliding of Hungary and Poland, has put constitutional identity into a questionable spotlight. Both countries have been leaning on the constitutional identity to both erode European legality and defend their authoritarian constitutional projects againstEuropean criticism. This dissertation deals with the question of how to delimit legitimate invocations of constitutional identity from abuses of constitutional identity. It develops a typology of constitutional identity abuse in three dimensions: The generative, the substantive, and the relational. The generative dimension is concerned with how a constitutional identity claim has come about, its relation to constituent power, constitutional enactment and amendment, the independence of courts, and the regulation of historical memory. The substantive dimension deals with what a constitutional identity claim entails, digging into the normative expectations invoked by the concept and the ways in which it ought to be regarded as intertwined with and embedded in a normative conception of constitutionalism. Finally, the relational dimension is concerned with how a constitutional identity claim is advanced. Advancing a constitutional identity claim in the European legal space evokes notions of diversity, dialogue, recognition, and pluralism, which need to be reciprocated. In each of these dimensions, ways in which constitutional identity can be abused will be identified, using Europe’s ‘backsliding democracies’ Hungary and Poland as the primary case studies, while discussing other countries where appropriate.
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Lundgren, Åsa. « Europeisk identitetspolitik EU:s demokratibistånd till Polen och Turkiet / ». Uppsala : Statsvetenskapliga föreningen i Uppsala : Distributor, Universitetsbiblioteket, Uppsala, 1998. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/39356907.html.

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Szewczyk, Bart Michael Julius. « European citizenship and national democracy : sources of EU legitimacy in the common interest and in service of human dignity ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610301.

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CORKIN, Joseph. « A manifesto for the European Court : democracy, decentred governance and the process-perfecting judicial shadow ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7030.

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Defence date: 29 January 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Christian Joerges, (EUI) ; Prof. Damian Chalmers, (London School of Economics) ; Prof. Alec Stone Sweet, (Yale University) ; Prof. Neil Walker, (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
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Michailidou, Asimina. « The European Union online the role of the internet in the European Union's public communication strategy and the emerging European public sphere ». Thesis, Loughborough University, 2007. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/3055.

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The focus of this thesis is on the vertical Europeanisation of the online public debate and more specifically on the EU's online public communication strategy, i.e. the top-down process of the unmediated, direct, online communication between the EU and the general public. The empirical data has been collected in four stages, namely public communication policy-making; public communication policy implementation online; online public communication policy impact on key Internet audiences; and interviews with key senior Commission officials. The review of the EU public communication documents has shown that the Commission has unambiguously committed to facilitate direct communication with the EU public as part of the process of building the EU citizens' trust towards its institutions and in addressing the issues of transparency and democratic legitimation of the EU's decision-making process, while the Internet is seen as a key tool in facilitating direct communication. However, after monitoring three of the EU's official websites for a year and analyzing the views of 221 Internet users on the EU's Information and Communication strategy online, it has become evident that the Commission has not yet fulfilled these commitments. The interviews with key Commission officials have revealed that behind this gap between policy and online implementation lie: a) an institutional culture which conflicts with the aims of the Commission's public communication strategy; and b) constant institutional restructuring in the last six years. Very recently the Commission has begun to address some of the shortfalls in the online implementation of its public communication strategy, yet there is no indication that the results of the online debate regarding the EU's future will be incorporated in the decision-making process, while further study is required in the future in order to assess any change in the institutional culture in relation to its public communication strategy.
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Győrffy, Dora. « Democracy and deficits : the new political economy of fiscal management reforms in the European Union / ». Budapest : Akademiai K, 2007. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/526360356.pdf.

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Paparouni, Evgenia. « La rhétorique des institutions européennes : le débat sur les perspectives financières 2007-2013 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209385.

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Abstract (version française suit)

Although the EU is a privileged point of focus for political science studies, its discursive activity has not received all the attention it deserves. This corpus analysis adopts a descriptive approach, based on the Neo-Aristotelian trend in argumentation theory, by using both analytical categories of classical rhetoric and (emic or etic) categories that belong to the conceptualization of the debate entertained by its own participants. The corpus consists of public interventions by representatives of the three main EU Institutions (Commission, European Council and Parliament). The speeches were pronounced between June and December 2005. Since it is discussed every seven years, the topic of the Financial Perspectives offers the possibility of making diachronic comparisons; it also allows identifying values, projects and means of the European construction at a rhetorical level. The last six months of 2005 followed two significant events: the conflicting attitudes of European Governments regarding the Iraq war and the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty by referendums.

In the absence of any other metaphysical or natural foundation, the technocratic enterprise provides the European project with a rational and secular justification that is not always assumed as such, though, by the presidents of the Commission. The conceptual metaphors stemming from the preambles to the treaties convey the idea that European integration will be achieved by triggering a gradual process that should lead to the realization of an ultimate aim.

From a rhetorical point of view, the Financial Perspectives are in need of legitimacy. In 2005, the rhetorical invocation of dates/milestones, abundantly used by former presidents of the Commission, does not seem to work anymore. Both the requirement of unanimity in the legislative procedure and the habitus of European deliberation make it necessary to find an agreement; this consequently promotes “consensus” as a meta-communicational argument. The notion of a “consensus” runs against such theoretical (epistemological) and pragmatic objections that it proves imperious to wonder about its origin and roots. One should take into account not only scholarly conceptions of “consensus” (Habermas, the Deliberative Democracy movement), but also naïve and popular visions of it.

The EU Institutions are aware of the difficulty they meet in awakening citizens’ interest, and they have developed their Communication Policy in order to give themselves the means to overcome this obstacle. A systematic reflection on their strategy should take into account the divergent opinions of Moravscik and Hix, as well as the possibility of grounding the EU project anew on a revival of ancient homonoïa.

DISCLAIMER. The content of this thesis represents solely the views of its author and cannot in any circumstances be regarded as the official position of the European Commission.

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Quoique l’Union Européenne (UE) soit un objet de prédilection pour les politologues, son activité discursive n’a pas reçu toute l’attention méritée.

La thèse offre une analyse de corpus effectuée sur base d’une grille de lecture incluant des catégories rhétoriques étiques et émiques. Elle adopte une approche descriptive puisée dans le versant néo-aristotélicien de l’étude de l’argumentation. Le corpus a été constitué d’interventions publiques tenues par les représentants des trois principales Institutions Européennes (Commission, Conseil Européen, Parlement Européen) entre juin et décembre 2005. Le sujet des Perspectives Financières, débattu à intervalles réguliers, permet des comparaisons diachroniques ;il permet aussi de contraster les valeurs, les projets et les moyens de la construction européenne. La conjoncture des six derniers mois de 2005 présente la particularité supplémentaire que le projet de Traité Constitutionnel venait d’être rejeté et que les gouvernements européens s’étaient auparavant divisés sur l’intervention en Irak.

En l’absence d’un fondement métaphysique ou naturel, l’entreprise technocratique fournit au projet politique européen une justification rationnelle et laïcisée, même si elle n’est pas assumée explicitement en tant que telle par tous les présidents de la Commission. Les métaphores conceptuelles mobilisées dans les préambules des traités traduisent le fait que l’unification européenne devrait s’accomplir à la fois par l’entremise de réalisations progressives et à travers la poursuite d’un objectif lointain.

Sur le plan rhétorique, les Perspectives Financières sont en manque d’une légitimité emblématique. La clause des rendez-vous, des étapes cruciales, abondamment utilisée dans le passé par les présidents de la Commission, cesse de fonctionner en 2005. La nécessité d’un accord, issue tant de la lettre de la procédure législative par unanimité que de la coutume des délibérations, est devenue matière à un argument méta-communicationnel qui en est arrivé à englober toute circonstance susceptible de faciliter le « consensus ». Cette dernière notion soulève des réticences théoriques (épistémologiques) et pragmatiques qui imposent de s’interroger sur son origine. La problématisation que nous avons opérée tient compte non seulement des conceptions savantes du « consensus » (Habermas, courant de la Démocratie Délibérative), mais aussi de ses variantes populaires ou vulgarisées.

Les Institutions Européennes sont conscientes de la difficulté qu’il y a à motiver l’intérêt citoyen, et elles ont voulu, à travers leur Politique de Communication, se donner les moyens de dépasser cet obstacle. La thèse mène, à ce propos, une réflexion plus générale qui tient compte des avis opposés de Moravcsik et Hix, et d’une éventuelle refondation dans l’homonoïa de la rhétorique classique.

DISCLAIMER. Le contenu de cette thèse représente le point de vue de son seul auteur et ne peut en aucune circonstance être considéré comme la position officielle de la Commission Européenne.


Doctorat en Langues et lettres
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Salmerón, Ramírez Melissa. « Observación electoral internacional y promoción de la democracia : una aproximacion a las relaciones de la unión europea con los países del mediterráneo ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/405582.

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Los Acuerdos Euromediterraneos de Asociacion y los Planes de Acción que enmarcan las relaciones entre la Unión Europea y los Países del Sur y del Este del Mediterráneo tienen como elemento esencial y condicionante el respeto a los principios democráticos. Una de las fuentes con las que cuenta la UE para obtener información en este sentido son los hallazgos de sus misiones de observación electoral. El objetivo general de la tesis fue analizar la repercusión que estos hallazgos tuvieron en la política de la Unión Europea hacia los Países del Sur y del Este del Mediterráneo, en el periodo entre 2000 y 2014. Los principales hallazgos muestran que durante el primer lustro del siglo XXI la Unión Europea no envió misiones de observación electoral a ninguna de las elecciones celebradas en los países en cuestión, algunos de ellos gobernados por regímenes autoritarios. Ello no obstó para que la Unión Europa mantuviese relaciones con dichos gobiernos. En los casos en los que la Unión Europea envió misiones, la información recabada por éstas tuvo poca o ninguna incidencia en las relaciones con los gobiernos aludidos. La tesis concluye que ha habido una incoherencia entre la formulación de la promoción de la democracia en la política de la Unión Europea (el discurso o retórica en pro de la democratización y la condicionalidad vinculada a ésta) y su implementación. Esto sugiere que la Unión Europea actúa como un actor internacional normativo cuando busca extender sus normas democráticas a través de medios no coercitivos como la observación electoral, pero si este fin entra en conflicto con sus intereses de seguridad, éstos reciben prioridad.
The commitment to embrace and respect democratic principles is an essential element, and a condition, of the Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreements and Action Plans that frame the relations between the European Union and the southern and eastern Mediterranean countries. One of the European Union’s sources of information on this area are the findings of its election observation missions. The goal of this dissertation was to analyze the impact that these findings had on the EU’s policy towards the southern and eastern Mediterranean countries, in the period between 2000 and 2014. The main findings show that in the beginning of the 21st century the European Union did not send election observation missions to any of the elections in the southern and eastern Mediterranean countries, some of which were ruled by authoritarian regimes. This did not, however, preclude relations between the European Union and those governments. In cases where the European Union did sent missions, the information gathered had little or no impact on relations with the aforementioned governments. This thesis concludes that there is an inconsistency between the formulation of the promotion of democracy in European Union’s policy (pro-democratization rhetoric and the conditionality attached to it) and its implementation. This suggests that the European Union acts as a normative actor when seeking to extend its democratic standards through non-coercive means such as electoral observation, but if this approach conflicts with its security interests, security is given priority.
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Juma, Nyabinda Richard. « An Inquiry into the Compatibility of the Demo-Conditionality with State Sovereignty in International law : With Special Focus on The European Union and the African, the Caribbean and the Pacific Countries Relations ». Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-136109.

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This study examines the issue of compatibility of demo-conditionality with state sovereignty in international law.  From a practical perspective, it examines the state of the science with respect to the enforcement of demo-conditionality, in the context of the unique relationship between the European Union and the African,  Caribbean and Pacific countries. The practicality of any argument declaring certain norms to be compatible with state sovereignty rests on an assumption that it is possible to distinguish which norms are compatible from those which are not. The validity of such an assumption depends on whether a universal workable test with which to draw this distinction, and its accompanying requirements, has been or can be developed. Therefore, the starting point of this study is to investigate whether such a universal test exists, and if so, what its requirements are. The author reaches a legally appropriate conclusion as to which norms are compatible with the principle of state sovereignty and which not in the international legal system. Thereafter, an investigation is undertaken with regard to the legal premises invoked to justify the compatibility of the demo-conditionality with state sovereignty. To this end, two levels of analysis (also referred to here as two paths) are followed. The first level of investigation concerns the proposition for demo-conditionality’s being premised upon adherence to new treaty obligations governing the parties’ observance of democratic norms. In this context, the examination focuses on Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 as the relevant provision. Other single-issue human rights instruments are also examined to establish whether they compliment Article 25. The second level of investigation explores the possibility for demo-conditionality's compatibility being premised upon obligations of State parties, which arise from the various development co-operation instruments adopted over the years. Here, emphasis is placed upon the question of whether or not these instruments advocate the inclusion of demo-conditionality in development co-operation between donors and recipients of aid. This study ultimately reaches a legally appropriate conclusion, at both levels of analysis, concerning demo-conditionality's compatibility with the principle of state sovereignty. At this juncture, a recommendation is made as to which of the two paths is the legally safer one for the pursuit of the demo-conditionality in development co-operation. On the question of what constitutes a more successful international approach to the establishment of democratic governments in the South, this study has undertaken a comparative analysis, making suggestions with respect to two models: the "Enforcement Model", based upon coercive enforcement measures, and the "Managerial Model", based upon an approach of co-operative dialogue. Finally, the study examines the state of the science with respect to enforcement of demo-conditionality, with a focus on the special relationships between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. This is designed to provide a degree of insight into the practical aspects associated with the enforcement of demo-conditionality.
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Gajic, Sandra. « Le jeu des négociations entre l'Union européenne et la Serbie : les critères politiques (2000-2018) ». Thesis, Bordeaux, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018BORD0463.

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La Serbie n’est certainement pas ce que l’on pourrait désigner comme étant un Etat typique de l’Europe centrale et du Sud-Est. Alliée fidèle de la Russie et de la Chine, elle a subi les plus longues sanctions internationales en Europe et des bombardements de l’OTAN en 1999. Depuis la chute du régime de Milošević en 2000, l’ « enfant terrible » du continent a vocation à adhérer à l’Union européenne, or la tendance n’est clairement pas à l’élargissement. Face aux nombreuses crises (économique, migratoire et démocratique), l’UE parait impuissante à plusieurs égards. Symbole pendant longtemps du développement, de la paix et de la démocratie, elle doit faire face à une perte d’attractivité ces dix dernières années. Toutefois, malgré les doutes de part et d’autre, Bruxelles ne peut pas se permettre de ne pas tendre la main à la Serbie qui a une place centrale dans les Balkans, de par son poids démographique et sa position géostratégique. Le 1er mars 2012, la Serbie a officiellement obtenu son statut de candidat à l’UE. En signant l’accord d’association et de stabilisation, Belgrade s’est engagé à aligner sa législation sur l’acquis communautaire et donc à effectuer de nombreuses réformes. Or, sur fond d’acculturation et de déculturation juridique, des voix s’élèvent contre les réformes en chaîne dans le seul but d’intégrer l’institution européenne. L’un des objectifs de cette thèse est d’éclairer la nature et l’avancée de ces réformes à travers les critères politiques, définis lors du Conseil européen de Copenhague en 1993. Elle étudie les difficultés que la Serbie partage avec tous les Etats du Sud-Est de l’Europe et les difficultés qui lui sont propres, tout en questionnant sur la nécessité et les conséquences de ces changements. L’étude des négociations entre Bruxelles et Belgrade est aussi l’occasion d’apporter un éclairage sur le fonctionnement de l’institution européenne et de constater les limites de l’ambigüité constructive chère à l’UE. Finalement, le comportement de l’Union européenne à l’extérieur de ses frontières est symptomatique de son comportement à l’intérieur
Serbia is certainly not a typical state of Central and Southeastern Europe. A loyal ally of Russia and China, it suffered the longest international sanctions in Europe and NATO bombings in 1999. Since the fall of the Milošević regime in 2000, the "enfant terrible" of the continent is destined to join the European Union. However, the trend is clearly not toward a enlargement. Facing multiple crises (economic, migratory and democratic), the EU seems powerless in many ways. Although the EU has been regarded as a symbol of development, peace and democracy, it has suffered a loss of attractiveness in the last ten years. However, despite doubts on both sides, Brussels cannot afford not to reach out to Serbia, which has a central position in the Balkans, because of its demographic weight and its geostrategic position. In March 2012 Serbia was granted EU candidate status. By signing the Stabilisation Agreement, Belgrade is committed to a gradual harmonization of legislation with the acquis of the European Communities and thus implement many reforms. However, in a context of legal acculturation and deculturation, some voices are rising to denounce a chain of reforms for the sole purpose of joining the European institution. One of our aims is to clarify the nature and progress of these reforms through the political criteria, defined at the Copenhagen European Council in 1993. We will hence study the difficulties that Serbia shares with all the states from Southeast Europe and its own problems, by questioning the necessity and consequences of these changes.The study of the negotiations between Brussels and Belgrade is also an opportunity to examine the functioning of the European institution and to note the limits of constructive ambiguity cherished by the EU. Finally, the behavior of the European Union outside its borders is symptomatic of its behavior inside
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Livres sur le sujet "Democracy – European Union countries"

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Michael, Newman. Democracy, sovereignty and the European Union. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1996.

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Democracy and constitutionalism in the European Union : Collected essays. Oxford : Hart Pub., 2000.

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Democracy and the European Union : Theory, practice, and reform. London : SAGE, 2003.

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The European Union and the promotion of democracy. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2001.

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1968-, Youngs Richard, dir. The European Union and democracy promotion : A critical global assessment. Baltimore : Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011.

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Linguistic diversity and European democracy. Farnham, Surrey, England : Ashgate Pub., 2010.

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Democratic deficit ? : Institutions and regulation in the European Union, Switzerland, and the United States in comparative perspective. Lanham, MD : Lexington Books, 2002.

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Andrew, Gamble, et Wright Anthony 1948-, dir. The new social democracy. Oxford, UK : Blackwell Publishers, 1999.

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1961-, Holzhacker Ronald, et Albæk Erik, dir. Democratic governance and European integration : Linking societal and state processes of democracy. Northampton, MA : Edward Elgar, 2007.

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Follesdal, Andreas, et Peter Koslowski. Democracy and the European Union. Springer London, Limited, 2013.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Democracy – European Union countries"

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Poli, Eleonora. « European Economic Governance and Rising Sovereignism ». Dans Financial Crisis Management and Democracy, 241–50. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54895-7_15.

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AbstractEuropeans have experienced a variety of challenges in recent years. The rise of sovereignism is one of them. Against this backdrop, this chapter analyses the link between the economic crises and the development of right-wing populist parties. It assesses that while the European economic governance, through a set of mechanisms and institutions, acquired a renovated economic and financial equilibrium, it failed to deal with other salient imbalances concerning wage and fiscal policies across European Union (EU) member countries allowing sovereign parties to gain more legitimacy.
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Matthes, Claudia-Y. « Safeguarding Democracy and the Rule of Law by Civil Society Actors ? The Case of Poland ». Dans Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 263–81. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_11.

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Abstract A growing body of literature examines the EU’s reactions to illiberal trends in ECE countries. These studies predominantly focus on political instruments such as Article 7 and the Commission’s new rule of law mechanism, and there is a broad consensus on the view that these tools are too weak to combat breaches of liberal principles. This chapter therefore explores the potential of alternative strategies, namely the involvement of civil society actors in backsliding countries. By looking at the Polish case, it explores how much Polish civil society interacts with the European institutions in order to address violations of the rule of law and which strategies these actors unfold. It examines whether this cooperation may help to safeguard democracy in a bottom-up manner. The overall goal of the chapter is to investigate how much the EU’s instruments against democratic backsliding could and should be accompanied effectively by strategies aiming at collaboration with liberal forces within the backsliding member states.
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Mihr, Anja. « European democracy’s Response to the BRI ». Dans Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 375–92. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_26.

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AbstractIn this chapter, I will argue that the 2013 Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been neither a curse nor a blessing for democracy. Instead, China’s BRI activities in over 140 countries worldwide have triggered many global and local movements and initiatives that have led alternatively to stronger autocratisation and democratisation in some regions, such as across Eurasia. The quantity of investments under the BRI is not a determinant of whether a country democratises or autocratises.Instead, the BRI and the autocratic leadership of the Chinese government in implementing investments across Eurasia has triggered several countermeasures by the European Union (EU) and the G7. One of these is the Global Gateway Initiative (GGI) which aims to invest in infrastructure and development projects worldwide, but with the key difference that its aim is to promote democratic norms and principles of human rights at the same time. Some of the consequences of the New Cold War between democratic and autocratic political systems including the rising unrest of civil society in the face of autocratic forms of governance and anti-Chinese sentiments, these lead to civil unrest and even wars that destabilise entire regions and countries.
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Tomini, Luca, et Seda Gürkan. « Contesting the EU, Contesting Democracy and Rule of Law in Europe. Conceptual Suggestions for Future Research ». Dans Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 285–300. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_12.

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Abstract In ECE countries, democratisation and Europeanisation seemed to exist in a mutually reinforcing relationship and both concepts provided the main analytical lenses for studying these states. In the light of recent illiberal and anti-EU politics, two different concepts have started to receive increasing scholarly attention, namely the concepts of de-Europeanisation and autocratisation. Their exact meaning, however, remains unclear and the causal link between these specific processes and the rule of law has largely remained understudied. Against this backdrop, this chapter first summarises the state-of-the-art research on autocratisation and de-Europeanisation, and then examines the interaction and causal link between these two phenomena in times of declining democracies in Europe and rule of law problems.
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Vogel, Lars. « Illiberal and Anti-EU Politics in the Name of the People ? Euroscepticism in East Central Europe 2004–2019 in Comparative Perspective ». Dans Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 29–55. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_2.

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Abstract This chapter describes patterns, trends and determinants of public Euroscepticism in East Central Europe (ECE). It investigates whether public opinion on European integration in this region is connected to the contestation of both the immigration policies and the constitutional principles of the EU by the respective national governments. By applying longitudinal and comparative analyses based on European Election Studies from 2004 to 2019, it shows public support for European integration in ECE as more closely linked to instrumental performance assessments than in the EU average and as structured by country-specific rather than region-specific patterns. Cultural issues, like immigration and conceptions of democracy, which dominate ECE governmental politics, are only related to public Euroscepticism in some of those countries. Based on these results, the chapter suggests that the connection between the illiberal and anti-EU politics of ECE national governments and public Euroscepticism is loose and conditional upon the national context.
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Verney, Susannah, et Dimitris Katsikas. « Eurozone Crisis Management and the Growth of Opposition to European Integration ». Dans Financial Crisis Management and Democracy, 251–64. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54895-7_16.

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AbstractThe crisis that started in Greece in 2010 gradually spread to other Eurozone member states. Things were worse for the crisis-hit countries of the Eurozone periphery, some of which implemented harsh adjustment programmes in the context of financial assistance agreements, while others adopted similar policies even though they had not officially entered a bailout agreement (e.g. Spain and to a lesser degree Italy). In this environment of deteriorating material conditions, Euroscepticism reached new heights. This chapter examines the impact of the crisis, and the way it was handled, on regionalism in Europe, through its effects on Euroscepticism. The authors compare Eurobarometer data from European Union (EU) member states, in order to develop a comparative outlook on attitudes towards European integration during the crisis. The analysis employs data at discreet time intervals, in order to capture the evolution of attitudes from the pre-crisis environment in 2008, to the peak of the crisis in 2012, its gradual resolution in 2016 and its official ending (with the exit of Greece from its third bailout programme) in 2018. This analysis is complemented by an overview of the political developments in crisis-hit countries with the objective of documenting and analysing the emergence and, in some cases, dominance of Eurosceptic parties. The objective is to present a comprehensive overview of political developments and the public attitudes that shaped them, vis a vis the EU, during the crisis and offer a tentative conclusion on their impact on the European integration process.
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Ghymers, Christian. « Proposal for a Pact for National Responsibility Through EU Solidarity Within the Present EU Architecture ». Dans Financial Crisis Management and Democracy, 337–44. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54895-7_22.

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AbstractThis Chapter shows that there still exist urgent actions possible with existing tools and procedures for breaking the prisoner dilemma through modalities of solidarity leading to more responsibility. These feasible solutions are simple recipes based upon past experiences for opening again the European Union (EU) win–win game by activating conditional incentives able to enhance channelled financial market reactions favourable to adjusting countries, preventing self-fulfilling speculation and benefiting the whole EU.
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Griffith-Jones, Stephany, et Bettina De Souza Guilherme. « Introduction ». Dans Financial Crisis Management and Democracy, 1–7. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54895-7_1.

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AbstractThis book is the result of the first 3 years of the comparative and multidisciplinary Jean Monnet Network, “Crisis-Equity-Democracy for Europe and Latin America”, of senior academics and policy advisors from four European and three Latin American countries, including experts on the European Union and Latin American regionalism. The rationale of the project and the common link is that both Europe and Latin America can learn from their respective experiences on “crisis”, its management and the distributive and democratic implications at national and regional level. The main purposes of the joint research can be summarised as to (1) locate in the current global financial system as one of the very major causes of the financial and debt crises in the EU and Latin America; (2) demonstrate the impact of the paradigm change on global and EU economic governance; (3) analyse key systemic aspects of the global crisis, i.e. climate change, macro-financial instability and the weakening of democracy and their inter-connections; (4) map and evaluate how both regions and individual countries within both regions have tried to manage these crises; (5) discuss the economic, political and social effects of these crises on both regions and individual countries; (6) finally, to make policy suggestions on how to transition from finance capitalism to a more sustainable real capitalism, on how both regions can better manage/govern/respond to such systemic pressures and on how they can increase their cooperation.
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Szulecki, Kacper, Marta Bivand Erdal et Ben Stanley. « Emigration and Transnational Political Practices in Central and Eastern Europe After EU Enlargement 2004–2007 ». Dans External Voting, 21–36. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19246-3_2.

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AbstractAs the European Union expanded eastward in 2004 and 2007 to cover the formerly communist states of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), this triggered a wave of migration which saw millions of people moving to Western and Northern European countries. What impact did that migration have on the politics of CEE countries, and what might be the relationship between outward migration and the apparent democracy backsliding occurring in some parts of the region? This is the main puzzle of this book, which looks at the way external voting results can be used to assess migrant political preferences and their change over time, as well as their potential influence on domestic politics in sending countries. This chapter sketches the political context of CEE and introduces the data gathering procedure and methodology of the project on which the book draws.
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Szeląg, Paulina. « Social Security of States with Limited Recognition : A Case Study of the Republic of Kosovo ». Dans Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 137–51. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_9.

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AbstractThe Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) comprises 57 participating states, including almost all the countries of the Western Balkans. The only country which is not a participating state of the OSCE in this region is the Republic of Kosovo. Kosovo announced its independence from Serbia on 17 February 2008, and a number of OSCE participating states soon after recognized its statehood. However, some participating states, including Serbia, Russia, Spain, Slovakia, Romania, Cyprus, and Greece, did not. International organizations, such as the United Nations (UN), the European Union (EU), and the OSCE, have been engaged in post-conflict reconstruction of Kosovo since 1999. The aim of this article is to show the role of international community engagement in rebuilding the social security system in Kosovo since the end of the war of 1999. This analysis will enable the reader to understand not only the evolution of the social security system in Kosovo, but also the direct and indirect impact of international community on the social security of the states with limited recognition.
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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Democracy – European Union countries"

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Ballı, Esra, et Gülçin Güreşçi Pehlivan. « Economic Effects of European Neighborhood Policy on Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00777.

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After the fifth enlargement of European Union in 2004 and with the expansion of European Unions borders and new neighbors, it became one of the important policies to provide security, stability and prosperity, and develop relationship between neighborhood countries. Although, enlargement process provide some opportunities to the member states of European Union, it brings about some difficulties. The differences at the life standards, environment, public health, prevention and combating organized crime between European Union and neighbor countries caused to create new policies. European Neighborhood Policy was launched in 2004, and consists of 16 countries, namely: Israel, Jordan, Moldova, Morocco, The Palestinian Authority, Tunisia, Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Egypt, Georgia, Lebanon, Algeria, Syria, Libya and Belarus. European Union and the partner country sign the Partnership and Cooperation Agreements or Association Agreements, and then the Agreement Action Plans are mutually adapted. Action Plans include privileged relationship, mutual commitment to common values, democracy and human rights, legal and market economy principles, good governance, sustainable development, energy and transportation policies. Within the framework of European Neighborhood Policy, the main aim is to arrange the relationship between the neighbors of European Union. In this study, economic effects of the European Neighborhood Policy will be examined for the relevant countries.
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Halabaku, Agon. « European Union as a factor for the democratization of Western Balkan Countries and the EU's impact on promoting democracy and normalizing relations between Serbia and Kosovo ». Dans University for Business and Technology International Conference. Pristina, Kosovo : University for Business and Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.33107/ubt-ic.2018.290.

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Balcılar, Mehmet. « Hope versus Reality : 20 Years of Economic Transition at the Turkish States of the Central Asia ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00567.

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Twenty years passed now since the countries of the Central and East Europe (СEE) and the former Soviet Union (FSU) have begun the process of transformation from command to market economy and from one-party to a democratic rule. The transition process, at the beginning at least, started with very optimistic expectations in all countries. Transition is expected, as stated in the so-called ‘Washington Consensus’, create unprecedented growth and development. No one could envision failure and traps stuck the development and democracy. After 20 years, the transition economies clustered into different clusters and several development patterns have arisen along with countries that are trapped into almost no development. Among the clusters Turkic states of the Central Asia forms a unique cluster. This study makes a comprehensive attempt to analyze the development patters that have arisen along the way 20-year long. Experiences of 20 years are placed under the microscope to identify successes and failures with regards to both, theory and policy. We set a benchmark for success and successful transition and determine the key factors that have led to success or failure. In the light of the global crises, it easier to identify shortcomings of transition. Major conclusion arising from the study is that the original concept of the ‘Washington Consensus’ has failed to fulfill expectations of growth and development, the state of the art seems to be confusion.
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Macerinskiene, Irena. « INTANGIBLES ASSESSMENT IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Dans SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b24/s7.050.

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Ozluk, Duygu. « DEMOCRACY PROMOTION : THE ROLE AND STRATEGY OF EUROPEAN UNION ». Dans 21st International Academic Conference, Miami. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/iac.2016.021.029.

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Dudaitė, Jolita, Rūta Dačiulytė et Jolanta Navickaitė. « LIFELONG LEARNING SITUATION IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Dans 14th annual International Conference of Education, Research and Innovation. IATED, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/iceri.2021.1679.

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Cikes, N., J. Dudler, F. Lioté, DE Bax et NDS Bax. « THU0596 Rheumatology specialty training in european union countries ». Dans Annual European Congress of Rheumatology, 14–17 June, 2017. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd and European League Against Rheumatism, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2017-eular.3314.

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Bir iakova, Na a., Jana Stavkova et Veronika Anto ova. « Income Poverty in Selected Countries of the European Union ». Dans 2013 International Conference on the Modern Development of Humanities and Social Science. Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/mdhss-13.2013.124.

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Albu, Angela. « CORRELATION BETWEEN INNOVATION AND COMPETITIVENESS IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Dans 5th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018/1.3/s04.066.

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Kocisova, Kristina, et Martina Pastyriková. « DETERMINANTS OF NON-PERFORMING LOANS IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Dans 13th Economics & Finance Virtual Conference, Prague. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/efc.2020.013.005.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Democracy – European Union countries"

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Tomás, Inês, et Ricardo Barradas. Household indebtedness in the European Union countries : Going beyond the mainstream interpretation. DINÂMIA'CET-Iscte, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2021.03.

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Carbo-Valverde, Santiago, Edward Kane et Francisco Rodriguez-Fernandez. Evidence of Differences in the Effectiveness of Safety-Net Management in European Union Countries. Cambridge, MA : National Bureau of Economic Research, février 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13782.

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Lodge, Junior, et Jan Yves. The Promise of a Recalibrated Caribbean-European Union Partnership. Fundación Carolina, mars 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff03en.

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The Caribbean and the European Union (EU) have been enjoined in a formal bi-regional relationship since the signing of the Lomé Convention in 1975, and are firm proponents of multilateralism, strong advocates of regional integration, democracy and rule of law, and reflect vibrant multi-ethnic and multilingual polities. The bi-regional relationship has evolved considerably over the intervening 45 years, and is reflected in formal agreements between the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) States and the EU, and in the sphere of economic cooperation, has been strengthened with the signing of the Cariforum-EU Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) in 2008. The EU also remains a significant source of development cooperation for the Caribbean, complemented by a sui generis project management regime that includes multi-annual programming. Beyond this, the bi-regional ties have expanded into new areas of joint multilateral endeavour such as the WTO Trade Facilitation Agreement (TFA) and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. Despite the long and formal engagement, the Cariforum-EU partnership has not engendered either deep understanding of, or universal support in, each other’s conduct of multilateral negotiations. To the contrary, the partnership displays regular flashes of unease and arguably low-level tension. This paper seeks to assess the Caribbean-EU partnership in terms of its contribution of bi-regional trade and economic cooperation to Caribbean development, and possibilities for a renewed partnership considering new impulses shaping the Cariforum-EU relationship, including the post-Cotonou Agreement, Brexit, EU-LAC Political Dialogue and COVID-19 responses. A Cariforum-EU development agenda to fuel post-pandemic Caribbean recovery is mooted with the additional value of harnessing the promise of the revised partnership.
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Domínguez, Roberto. Perceptions of the European Union in Latin America. Fundación Carolina, janvier 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dt76en.

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This working paper examines the puzzle of the gaps between the images that the EU projects, voluntarily and involuntarily, and the perceptions of the EU in Latin America. After reviewing some of the debates related to the role of perceptions in public policy and EU Public Diplomacy (EUPD), the paper analyzes some critical developments in global perceptions of the EU based on the study Update of the 2015 Analysis of the Perception of the EU and EU Policies Abroad (2021 Update Study), which assessed the attitudes of the EU in 13 countries. The third section examines some studies on the attitudes of the EU in Latin America, including some contributions from Latinobarometer. The fourth section offers comparative cases of EU perception in Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia based on the findings of the 2021 Update Study. The analysis of each country relies on the interpretation of surveys with some references to the press analysis and interview methods provided in the 2021 Update Study. Each case discusses specific trends in the following areas: visibility, primary descriptors, global economics, and international leadership. Also, it identifies some patterns in perceptions of the EU in social development, climate change, research/technology, development assistance, culture, the case of the critical juncture in the survey (pandemic), and the EU as a normative setter. The final section offers some general trends in the perceptions of the EU in Latin America.
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Barradas, Ricardo. Drivers of private consumption in the era of financialisation : new evidence for the European Union countries. DINAMIA'CET-IUL, Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2017.04.

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Barradas, Ricardo. Finance-growth nexus in the age of financialisation : An empirical reassessment for the European Union countries. DINAMIA-CET IUL, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2018.07.

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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer et Dominik Rehbaum. Advancing European Union Action to Address Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/rzme5933.

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The Ukraine war has added to the pressure to address the links between the environment, natural resource management and conflict. This SIPRI Research Policy Paper assesses the priorities of selected European Union (EU) member states regarding climate-related security risks, explores their strategies for pursuing these at EU level and identifies steps for further action. It finds that the appetite to tackle climate-related security risks at EU level is mixed. While maintaining the operational efficiency of the military is a red line, concentrating efforts on research, development and peacekeeping is acceptable even to countries that do not prioritize climate insecurity in their policies. Country strategies for pursuing such efforts involve spotlighting climate security during their respective rotating Council presidencies, working closely with the European External Action Service and the European Commission, and collaborating with like-minded member states. The paper recommends additional steps for action but in order to make effective adjustments to EU processes, climate security will need greater prominence on the EU agenda.
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Sheridan, Anne, et Sarah Groarke. Trends in migration to Ireland of nationals of countries with visa liberalisation agreements with the European Union. ESRI, août 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.26504/sustat75.

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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer et Dominik Rehbaum. Mapping European Union Member States’ Responses to Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/htdn6668.

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This SIPRI Research Policy Paper identifies European Union (EU) member states’ efforts to address climate-related security risks in the short to medium term and suggests entry points for further action. Even countries making visible attempts to mainstream the linkages between climate and security are falling short of pursuing a comprehensive approach. Among the ongoing initiatives that might bear fruit in one to three years are: appointing climate security advisers; climate proofing peacebuilding and conflict proofing climate action; investing in early warning and risk mapping; reassessing climate financing and development aid; and building up the operational resilience of the military. Strengthening such efforts would involve: incorporating climate insecurity into foreign and security policy dialogues; increasing conflict-sensitive climate adaptation finance; sensitization to climate change and conflict; and improving the operationalization of early warning. To remain credible, EU member states must advance their climate security initiatives and close the gap between rhetoric and practice.
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Barradas, Ricardo. Financialisation and the fall in the labour share : a panel data econometric analysis for the european union countries. DINAMIA'CET-IUL, Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2017.02.

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