Articles de revues : « Democracy – Europe, Western »

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Strange, Susan. « Rethinking social democracy in western Europe ». International Affairs 70, n^o 3 (juillet 1994) : 570–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623773.

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Castles, Stephen. « Democracy and multiculturalism in Western Europe ». Journal of Area Studies 4, n^o 8 (mars 1996) : 51–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02613539608455771.

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Newell, James L. « Introduction : Corruption and Democracy in Western Europe ». Perspectives on European Politics and Society 9, n^o 1 (avril 2008) : 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15705850701825352.

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Innes, Abby. « Hungary's Illiberal Democracy ». Current History 114, n^o 770 (1 mars 2015) : 95–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2015.114.770.95.

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Ertman, Thomas. « Democracy and Dictatorship in Interwar Western Europe Revisited ». World Politics 50, n^o 3 (avril 1998) : 475–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100012880.

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Almost none of the conditions that, according to the latest research, favor democratic durability were present in Western Europe between the world wars. Yet only four Western European states became dictatorships during this period, whereas the others remained democratic despite economic crisis, an unhelpful international system, and the lure of nondemocratic alternatives. Several recent works offer new explanations for this pattern of interwar outcomes. Insofar as these works analyze the entire universe of Western European cases, they represent an important methodological advance. However, they remain too wedded to a class-coalitional framework to provide both a parsimonious and a historically accurate account of why democracy collapsed in some states but not in others. This article proposes an alternative explanatory framework that focuses on how political parties can shape association life in such a way as to support or undermine democracy.

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CORDUWENER, PEPIJN. « DEMOCRACY AS A CONTESTED CONCEPT IN POST-WAR WESTERN EUROPE : A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF POLITICAL DEBATES IN FRANCE, WEST GERMANY, AND ITALY ». Historical Journal 59, n^o 1 (27 octobre 2015) : 197–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000673.

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ABSTRACTThis article explores how political parties in France, West Germany, and Italy conceptualized democracy and challenged the conceptions of democracy of their political adversaries between the end of the 1940s and the early 1960s. It studies from a comparative perspective the different conceptions of democracy held by Christian democrat, Left-wing, and Gaullist political actors and shows how these diverged on key issues such as the economic system, foreign policy, the separation of powers, electoral systems, and the use of state institutions in the defence of democracy against anti-democratic forces. In this way, the article reveals how in the first fifteen years after the Second World War, government and opposition parties disputed each other's democratic credentials and political legitimacy, and it thereby reconsiders the claim that there existed a broad consensus on the meaning of democracy among political elites in post-war Western Europe. It is argued that these different conceptions of democracy only started to converge after they had clashed during political crises at the turn of the 1960s in all three states. This study thereby contributes to an enhanced understanding the formation of the post-war democratic order in Western Europe.

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Sindeev, A. « On the Way of Democracy’s Development : FRG and «Europe of Citizens» ». World Economy and International Relations, n^o 7 (2011) : 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-7-33-43.

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At a first glance, the article is treating a private issue, namely that of the feasibility of the concept of a “Europe of citizens” in the Federal Republic of Germany. However, while discussing it we have to analyze at least three fundamental issues. 1). What is the West German democracy? 2). How democracy and Western/European integration are interlinked? 3). To what extent the concept of a “Europe of citizens” is able to lead both integration and democracy from the currently difficult situation in which are these two main components of the contemporary Western civilization?

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Moffitt, Benjamin. « The Populism/Anti-Populism Divide in Western Europe ». Democratic Theory 5, n^o 2 (1 décembre 2018) : 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2018.050202.

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While the rise of populism in Western Europe over the past three decades has received a great deal of attention in the academic and popular literature, less attention has been paid to the rise of its opposite— anti-populism. This short article examines the discursive and stylistic dimensions of the construction and maintenance of the populism/anti-populism divide in Western Europe, paying particular attention to how anti-populists seek to discredit populist leaders, parties and followers. It argues that this divide is increasingly antagonistic, with both sides of the divide putting forward extremely different conceptions of how democracy should operate in the Western European political landscape: one radical and popular, the other liberal. It closes by suggesting that what is subsumed and feared under the label of the “populist threat” to democracy in Western Europe today is less about populism than nationalism and nativism.

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Häberlen, Joachim C. « Political violence and democracy in Western Europe, 1918–1940 ». Modern & ; Contemporary France 24, n^o 4 (12 juillet 2016) : 451–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2016.1188790.

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Luthardt, W. « Direct Democracy in Western Europe : The Case of Switzerland ». Telos 1991, n^o 90 (1 janvier 1991) : 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3817/1291090101.

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Setälä, Maija. « Referendums in Western Europe – A Wave of Direct Democracy ? » Scandinavian Political Studies 22, n^o 4 (décembre 1999) : 327–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.00022.

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Schäfer, Armin. « Consequences of social inequality for democracy in Western Europe ». Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft 6, S2 (19 octobre 2010) : 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12286-010-0086-6.

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Vlachová, Kláara. « Lost in transition, found in recession ? Satisfaction with democracy in Central Europe before and after economic crises ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 52, n^o 3 (1 septembre 2018) : 227–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2019.07.007.

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For decades, research on democracy has produced evidence that the peoples of countries in Central Europe are less satisfied with the way democracy works in their countries than people in Western Europe. Using the data from the European Social Survey (ESS) I explore, how satisfaction with the way democracy works (SWD) changed in these countries between 2004 and 2014 and test the impact of satisfaction with the present state of the economy and trust in parliament on SWD. Results of the analysis reveal that people in Central Europe are still less satisfied with the democratic performance on average than people in Western Europe, but their satisfaction is on the rise especially in countries where the economy performs well, economic performance brings better standard of living, and people share a sense of economic optimism. Results also suggest that in countries where economic optimism is low, political evaluations of “crises in democracy” may play a larger role in explaining satisfaction with democratic performance.

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SARDARYAN, G. Т. « REASONS FOR THE CRISIS OF CHRISTIAN DEMOCRACYIN WESTERN EUROPE ». Political Science Issues, n^o 3(33) part : 9 (18 décembre 2019) : 285–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35775/psi.2019.33.3.007.

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The article discusses the causes and characteristics of the crisis of Christian democracy in West European countries in the second half of the XX century and at the present stage. The author notes that the crisis manifests itself in several directions: on the one hand, it is expressed in a significant decrease of the electoral support of the Christian Democratic parties in most West European countries and, on the other, in the crisis of the European Union as an integration project of a united Europe, the founders of which were the authors of the concept of the pan-European Christian republic. The article analyzes both external and internal reasons of the loss by the Christian Democrats of their ruling status in Europe. The key factor contributing to the development of the crisis is the desire of the demochristians to expand their electoral base bysecularizing their ideology and moving away from the fundamental Christian Democratic principles.

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Keller, Edmond J. « Political Change and Political Research in Africa ; Agenda for the 1990s ». Issue : A Journal of Opinion 20, n^o 1 (1991) : 50–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501425.

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The decade between 1963 and 1973 was heralded by some observers as liberal democracy’s darkest hour in many parts of the non-Western world. During this period seven Latin American democracies collapsed; one African country after the other rejected multi-party liberal democracy in favor of either single-party or military regimes; Soviet hegemony prevailed and seemed to be growing stronger in communist Eastern Europe and parts of the Third World; and pockets of authoritarianism could even be found in Southern Europe (e. g., Spain, Portugal, Greece). Such developments led scholars to concentrate their research efforts on trying to understand why democracy had failed to either take hold or to survive in those places where it had been successfully introduced.

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Hakhverdian, Armèn, et Christel Koop. « Consensus Democracy and Support for Populist Parties in Western Europe ». Acta Politica 42, n^o 4 (21 novembre 2007) : 401–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500202.

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Tripathi, Siddharth. « Reforming democracy : institutional engineering in Western Europe, by Camille Bedock ». Democratization 26, n^o 2 (30 août 2018) : 350–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2018.1515920.

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Wydra, Harald. « Democracy in Eastern Europe as a Civilising Process ». Sociological Review 48, n^o 1_suppl (mai 2000) : 288–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2000.tb03515.x.

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In this chapter, Harald Wydra argues that the rise of democracy in Eastern Europe has been a long-term social process interwoven with the collapse of communism whose origins are long before 1989. He challenges the vision of East and West as two isolated blocs that prevailed in the 1950s and the assumption of gradual convergence that became widespread in the 1970s and 1980s. His main focus is upon the East where, he believes, dissident movements created a ‘second reality’, undermining the myths propounded by the official communist establishment. He argues that there was an increase in self-restraint on the part of the communist state accompanied by the growth of civil society and non-violent political opposition. The East experienced a feeling of ‘unrequited love’ in its relationship to the West. Dissidents took their standards and aspirations from Western experience but found themselves largely ignored by the West. Since 1989, democratisation has increased the influence of western models and standards but it has also led to a breakdown of self-restraint and an upsurge of violence.

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Niedźwiecki, Artur. « Decay of Liberal Democracy in Europe ». Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, n^o 2 (15 juin 2022) : 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ssp.2022.2.1.

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This article aims to present an evolution of the liberal model of world politics along with the potential consequences of this change at the level of the European integration project, taking into account the tools of the school of law and economics. The work elucidates basic elements of the idea of liberal democracy, both in internal (legal and economic system) and external dimensions (attitude to supranational organisations). The liberal order described in the text is confronted with critical statements delivered by creators of the concept of illiberal democracy, according to whom crisis of the paradigm of law and international economy can be currently observed. The recession of the liberal model of global politics is manifested in the tendency to modify the constitutional framework of particular countries and the decomposition of integration processes that have been anchoring liberal order in a united Europe so far. According to the author, the above phenomenon may initiate a split in the Western world, leading to the breakdown of its political unity and the beginning of the era of uncertainty, as a prelude to the emergence of a new order on the Old Continent, the framework of which is not yet known.

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Szelenyi, Ivan, et Péter Mihályi. « China, Eastern Europe and Russia compared ». Acta Oeconomica 70, S (16 octobre 2020) : 85–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2020.00027.

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AbstractAfter the collapse of the Berlin Wall it was conceivable that China would follow the path towards the cessation of communism, as it happened in the successor states of the USSR, Yugoslavia and the East European satellite states of the Soviet Union. But the Communist Party of China (CPC) managed to retain control and avoided the Russian and East European collapse, a full-fledged transition to capitalism and liberal democracy. For a while, China was on its way to market capitalism with the possible outcome to turn eventually into a liberal democracy. This was a rocky road, with backs-and-forth. But the shift to liberal democracy did not happen. The massacre at Tiananmen Square in 1989, approved by Deng Xiaoping, was a more alarming setback than the contemporary Western observers were willing to realize. This paper presents an interpretation of the changes under present Chinese leader, Xi Jinping in a post-communist comparative perspective.

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Winter, Jay M. « Socialism, Social Democracy, and Population Questions in Western Europe : 1870-1950 ». Population and Development Review 14 (1988) : 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2808093.

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Conway, Martin. « Democracy in Postwar Western Europe : The Triumph of a Political Model ». European History Quarterly 32, n^o 1 (janvier 2002) : 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269142002032001562.

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Hewison, Robert. « People's palaces : architecture, culture and democracy in post-war Western Europe ». Cultural Trends 25, n^o 1 (2 janvier 2016) : 50–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09548963.2015.1134102.

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Rutan, Gerard F. « Christian Democracy in Western Europe : an idea whose time has passed ? » International Journal of Social Economics 24, n^o 10 (octobre 1997) : 1103–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03068299710184921.

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Allen, Trevor J. « All in the party family ? Comparing far right voters in Western and Post-Communist Europe ». Party Politics 23, n^o 3 (8 juillet 2015) : 274–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815593457.

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Scholarship on far right parties in Post-Communist Europe has borrowed findings and analytical frameworks from studies on the Western European far right. Similarly, studies on Western European far right parties have increasingly referenced instances of far right success in post-communist states. These parties are similar in their Euroskepticism and exclusionary populism. However, little work has compared voters for the far right between regions. Different political opportunity structures have consequences for far right voter profiles in four important respects. First, the linkage between anti-immigrant attitudes and far right support is stronger in Western Europe. Second, far right voters in Western Europe are less religious than their post-communist counter-parts. Third, post-communist far right voters are economic leftists, whereas rightist attitudes toward income redistribution slightly predict a far right vote in Western Europe. Finally, far right voters in Western Europe are more satisfied with democracy as a regime type.

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Scammell, Margaret. « Democracy and the Media : A Comparative Perspective Edited by Richard Gunther and Anthony Mughan. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2000. 496p. $85.00 cloth, $29.95 paper. Media and the Presidentialization of Parliamentary Elections By Anthony Mughan. New York : Palgrave, 2000. 179p. $65.00. » American Political Science Review 96, n^o 1 (mars 2002) : 239–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402354339.

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The themes of crisis and transformation have fueled a miniexplosion of research on media and democracy in the last decade. Researchers within or close to the “media studies'' school have developed a burgeoning literature on questions of citizenship and the public sphere, in the context of deregulation, expanding media markets, and rising interest in the arguments of the deliberative democrats. Scholars more closely connected to political science have pursued an overlapping but different agenda. From the United States and western Europe, amid concern at signs of a crisis of citizen engagement, the focus increasingly is on media power to mobilize or demobilize voters. From Eastern and central Europe and Latin America there is an emerging corpus on the role of media in the transition and consolidation of democracy. Cross-cutting these various strands are the Internet revolution and the question of globalization and, more specifically, U.S. potency to lead or at least predict trends in political communication for the democratic world.

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Hilal-Harvald, Malthe. « Islam as a Civilizational Threat : Constitutional Identity, Militant Democracy, and Judicial Review in Western Europe ». German Law Journal 21, n^o 6 (septembre 2020) : 1228–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2020.70.

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AbstractMultiple laws and regulations in Western Europe have been enacted on the premise that headscarves and face veils constitute an existential threat to the constitutional identity of the respective legal systems. Thus, the logic of militant democracy as a justification for restricting fundamental rights have been applied in order to restrict the freedom to manifest one’s religion. Yet, the politicymakers claiming to defend the constitutional identity through militant democracy have not been able to prove the existence of a concrete, imminent threat against the state from the women who wear headscarves or face veils. Nonetheless, the European judiciaries have taken the political claim at face value and allowed the restrictions without compelling the political decision-makers to provide substantive justifications. Thus, the cases of headscarves and face veils offer a prism, through which we can study fundamental paradoxes of liberal democracy and constitutionalism.

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Alm, Martin. « American-European Relations in U. S. World History Textbooks, 1921-2001 ». American Studies in Scandinavia 44, n^o 2 (1 septembre 2012) : 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v44i2.4918.

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This article studies U.S. views of the historical relationship between the U.S. and Europe as conceived during the 20th century. This is examined through U.S. World history text books dating from 1921 to 2001. The textbooks view relations within a general teleological narrative of progress through democracy and technology. Generally, the textbooks stress the significan ce of the English heritage to American society. From the American Revolution onwards, however, the U.S. stands as an example to Europe. Beginning with the two world wars, it also intervenes directly in Europe in order to save democracy. In the Cold War, the U.S. finally acknowledges the lea ding role it has been assigned in the world. Through its democratic ideals, the U.S. historically has a spe cial relationship with Great Britain and, by the 20th century, Western Europe in general. An American identity is established both in conjunction with Western Europe, by emphasizing their common democratic tradition, and in opposition to it, by stressing how the Americans have developed this tradition better than the Europeans, creating a more egalitarian and libertarian society. There is a need for Europe to become more like the U.S., and a Europe that does not follow the American lead is viewed with suspicion.

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Koshel, Alexey S. « MINI-PARLIAMENTS IN THE POST-DICTATORSHIP DEMOCRACIES OF WESTERN EUROPE AND LATIN AMERICA ». RUDN Journal of Law 24, n^o 4 (15 décembre 2020) : 942–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2020-24-4-942-964.

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The article investigtes the powers and parliamentary procedures in the standing committees and commissions of several countries of Western Europe and Latin America. The author believes that one of the modern paradigms for the development of parliamentary democracy is to strengthen the role of standing committees in the work of parliament by transferring to the committee level a number of constitutional powers of parliaments. In this regard, the author clarifies approaches to the classification of the committee structure of parliaments and looks at committee parliamentary procedures in Italy, Germany, Greece, Portugal, Spain, Brazil and Argentina at the present stage. The author comes to certain conclusions regarding the paradigm of the committee parliamentary procedure, including further improvement of domestic constitutional-legal matter in the context of the ongoing development of parliamentary democracy in the Russian Federation.

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Urban, Klaus K. « Research Work in Europe and Polit-Educational Foundations ». Gifted Education International 5, n^o 2 (janvier 1988) : 104–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026142948800500209.

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Research in gifted education and basics does not give a homogeneous picture. The amount and topics of research vary considerably. After differentiating between eastern and western European countries examples of research studies and fields are described very shortly. From the western countries, divided into north, middle, and south, research in West Germany is presented a little more extensively. Since there the topic of provisions for the gifted/talented, its relationship with “elite”, equality of chances, and democracy is discussed in a far more hostile and intolerant way, if ever. Some considerations about these politic-educational, ideological foundations are made in the last section.

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Castellino, Joshua. « Paradoxes of liberal democracy : Islam, Western Europe, and the Danish cartoon crisis ». Ethnic and Racial Studies 38, n^o 13 (7 avril 2015) : 2414–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2015.1015937.

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Eskelinen, Viivi, et Maykel Verkuyten. « Support for democracy and liberal sexual mores among Muslims in Western Europe ». Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 46, n^o 11 (14 septembre 2018) : 2346–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.2018.1521715.

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Cesari, Jocelyne. « Paradoxes of Liberal Democracy : Islam, Western Europe, and the Danish Cartoon Crisis ». Journal of Church and State 57, n^o 4 (21 octobre 2015) : 754–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csv071.

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Pelton, Julie A. « Paradoxes of Liberal Democracy : Islam, Western Europe, and the Danish Cartoon Crisis ». Contemporary Sociology : A Journal of Reviews 45, n^o 2 (24 février 2016) : 247–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306116629410jjj.

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Snacken, Sonja. « Resisting punitiveness in Europe ? » Theoretical Criminology 14, n^o 3 (août 2010) : 273–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480610370165.

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Criminological literature of the last decade is rife with tales and analyses of ‘increased’ or ‘new’ punitiveness in western countries over the last 20 or 30 years. This article starts from the finding that levels of punitiveness vary greatly between countries and are correlated with welfare investments and political economy, different democratic political structures leading to more or less populist punitiveness and a different emphasis on human rights and human dignity. It builds on a former argument that penal policies are the result of political choices and transforms the empirical findings concerning welfare, democracy and human rights into normative arguments for a reduced punitiveness.

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Bailey, David, Dan Coffey, Maria Gavris et Carole Thornley. « Industrial policy, place and democracy ». Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society 12, n^o 3 (19 septembre 2019) : 327–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjres/rsz010.

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Abstract Industrial policy is a potential vehicle for more participative and democratic forms of policy formation. But in Britain an ademocratic policy culture is transforming into an undemocratic one. This article explores the roots of this in major sea changes in the industrial policy climate of Western Europe, where non-discriminatory and aspatial policy stances are now giving way under pressure to openly discriminatory policies aimed at favoured industries or locations. The British case is contrasted with France, Germany and Italy, and their variety of responses. It is proposed that an extended notion of ‘place’ offers a basis for social dialogue.

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Lisowski, Piotr, Ivan Kopaygora, Volodymyr Morozov et Liliya Mykhailenko. « MARTIN LUTHER AS A DEFENDER OF DEMOCRACY ! » Scientific Journal of Polonia University 30, n^o 5 (29 octobre 2018) : 136–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/3015.

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The theoretical analysis of the philosophical - legal views of the theologian Martin Luther, the German religious and social figure, is presented. His main democratic ideas during the Reformation period in Germany and the countries of Western Europe are demonstrated. The stages of the struggle for the reform of the Catholic Church and for the return of its bases to their correspondence to the Bible from the Reformation times till the present time, are revealed.

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Kumar, Sumit. « Alternate Democratic Institutions Panchayats of India : Away from the Western Ideas of Democracy ». European Journal of Law and Political Science 1, n^o 1 (28 avril 2022) : 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejpolitics.2022.1.1.11.

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It is a fallacy to believe that democracy originated in Ancient Greece, it wasn’t truly democratic by todays’ standards, however it was something that philosophers and thinkers of the enlightenment could hark back upon to deliver us the modern concept of western democracy. Indeed, it is a western democracy only and not a true world democracy that it should be, it failed to consider the democratic traditions that have existed all across human civilizations past and present, Institutions that have existed through millennia and continue to do so. The thinkers of western Europe used the romantic ideas of Greek democracy and tried to create an alternative to the despotic monarchies that existed at that time in Europe, but all they managed to do was substitute heredity with elections, the power institutions of the government as they were during the reign of monarchs continue to remain bureaucratic and powerful. This paper tries to examine the alternative institutional structure of Panchayats by looking at the cases of two Pani Panchayats, one Van Panchayat, one Kashtkari Panchayat and the Khap Panchayats of North West India; how they have evolved historically, and how and why are they socially embedded creating a natural basis for establishing direct democracy at the grassroots level. Upon the investigation of the above cases, it is found that not only do Panchayats divide and decentralise the exercise of power, but it also provides indigenous institutional legitimacy to such exercise. It enhances the participation of not just all, but more specifically the participation of the marginalised sections of the society (women and untouchables) in their local decision-making processes. The examination of the Khap Panchayats and their historical evolution also points to the fact that social institution of Panchayats is not perfect, and they require rationalised restructuring in order to achieve its goal of establishing truly democratic institution at the grassroots level. Finally concluding that a socially embedded democratic institution like the Panchayat in India that has evolved with the society itself is a more suitable democratic institution, which can form the basis of a truly responsible democratic government.

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CONWAY, MARTIN. « The Rise and Fall of Western Europe's Democratic Age, 1945–1973 ». Contemporary European History 13, n^o 1 (février 2004) : 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777303001474.

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Why did western Europe become so suddenly democratic after 1945? After the upheavals of the previous decade the rather placid politics that follows the war is at first sight difficult to explain. This article seeks to go beyond the tendency of much historical writing to see the hegemonic parliamentary democracy of the roughly twenty-five years after 1945 as the product of exhaustion, economic prosperity or the constraints imposed by the Cold War. Instead, it argues that a path towards democracy can be detected within the events of the war years which then came to fruition in the rather conservative and limited democratic structures of the postwar decades. This Democratic Age then came to a conclusion in the renewed contestation of the late 1960s and early 1970s.

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Khalkhal, Ruqaya Saeed. « The critical theory of democracy in Western political thought ». Tikrit Journal For Political Science, n^o 18 (26 mars 2020) : 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i18.207.

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The darkness that Europe lived in the shadow of the Church obscured the light that was radiating in other parts, and even put forward the idea of democracy by birth, especially that it emerged from the tent of Greek civilization did not mature in later centuries, especially after the clergy and ideological orientation for Protestants and Catholics at the crossroads Political life, but when the Renaissance emerged and the intellectual movement began to interact both at the level of science and politics, the Europeans in democracy found refuge to get rid of the tyranny of the church, and the fruits of the application of democracy began to appear on the surface of most Western societies, which were at the forefront to be doubtful forms of governece. Democracy, both in theory and in practice, did not always reflect Western political realities, and even since the Greek proposition, it has not lived up to the idealism that was expected to ensure continuity. Even if there is a perception of the success of the democratic process in Western societies, but it was repulsed unable to apply in Islamic societies, because of the social contradiction added to the nature of the ruling regimes, and it is neither scientific nor realistic to convey perceptions or applications that do not conflict only with our civilized reality The political realization created by certain historical circumstances, and then disguises the different reality that produced them for the purpose of resonance in the ideal application.

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Ben-Rafael Galanti, Sigal, Paz Carmel et Alon Levkowitz. « Innovations in Israel’s Civics Textbooks ». Israel Studies Review 35, n^o 3 (1 décembre 2020) : 52–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350304.

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Classic Western democracies (those of Western Europe and the Anglophone world) view the teaching of civics as a policy instrument through which liberal values, democracy, and even globalization are introduced to future citizens, thus expecting to assure the persistence of democracy. In present-day democracies in general, and mainly in non-Western democracies, however, civics assumes other forms, including the study of nationalism. This article analyzes innovations in the teaching of civics in Israel by examining the changes in school textbooks that accompany changing national leaderships. We highlight the current Israeli high school civics textbook, written under a significantly rightist-religious government. Assuming that civics textbooks express the political credo of ruling elites, our findings suggest similarities between trends in Israel and non-Western democracies, hinting at the fragility of democratization in general and chiefly outside the West.

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Ben-Rafael Galanti, Sigal, Paz Carmel et Alon Levkowitz. « Innovations in Israel’s Civics Textbooks ». Israel Studies Review 35, n^o 3 (1 décembre 2020) : 52–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350304.

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Classic Western democracies (those of Western Europe and the Anglophone world) view the teaching of civics as a policy instrument through which liberal values, democracy, and even globalization are introduced to future citizens, thus expecting to assure the persistence of democracy. In present-day democracies in general, and mainly in non-Western democracies, however, civics assumes other forms, including the study of nationalism. This article analyzes innovations in the teaching of civics in Israel by examining the changes in school textbooks that accompany changing national leaderships. We highlight the current Israeli high school civics textbook, written under a significantly rightist-religious government. Assuming that civics textbooks express the political credo of ruling elites, our findings suggest similarities between trends in Israel and non-Western democracies, hinting at the fragility of democratization in general and chiefly outside the West.

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Holzer, Jerzy. « Triumf i kryzys komunizmu – 1968 ». Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, n^o 18 (30 mars 2010) : 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2010.18.03.

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The events of 1968 were, in Europe, the last act of fascination with Communism while, simultaneously, its Soviet model was rejected and other varieties were popular. With the exception of Czechoslovakia, these events were also a generational movement, most of all a student one. The Communist social stipulations were combined with political demands aimed at implementing direct democracy. What was missing in the West, however, was the comprehension of the problems occurring in the Soviet block and a knowledge of the situation in the non-European Communist countries. In the East, on the other hand, what was lacking was a more active interest in Western frustrations. The movements of 1968 suffered a defeat everywhere, though the reasons for this were different.In Western Europe, they were wholly unsupported by organisational structures, while the awareness of the realities of all Communist regimes, which did gradually sink in, evoked disappointment. In the Eastern part of Europe, the crushing of revisionism, which attempted to combine Communism with democracy, pointed the way towards perspectives other than reformed Communism. Despite the defeat, the events of 1968 became an important watershed in the life of Europe, to a large degree transforming society’s awareness and customs in the West, and the political awareness of the generation entering adulthood in the East.

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De Beus, Jos, et Tom Koelble. « The Third Way diffusion of social democracy : Western Europe and South Africa compared ». Politikon 28, n^o 2 (novembre 2001) : 181–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589340120091646.

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Corduwener, Pepijn. « research note : integrating contemporary populism with the history of democracy in Western Europe ». European Political Science 16, n^o 2 (23 juin 2016) : 206–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41304-016-0004-8.

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Lee, Colin. « Parliaments in time : the evolution of legislative democracy in Western Europe, 1866–2015 ». Parliaments, Estates and Representation 40, n^o 3 (12 novembre 2019) : 360–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2019.1692434.

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Tismaneanu, Vladimir. « What Went Wrong and Why ? Nationalism versus Democracy in Eastern and Western Europe ». Contemporary European History 28, n^o 1 (février 2019) : 69–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731800084x.

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Kumlin, Staffan, et Peter Esaiasson. « Scandal Fatigue ? Scandal Elections and Satisfaction with Democracy in Western Europe, 1977–2007 ». British Journal of Political Science 42, n^o 2 (19 septembre 2011) : 263–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712341100024x.

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Elections involving a major scandal were unusual in the late 1970s, but today nearly half are so affected. Multilevel analyses of Eurobarometer data reveal that scandal elections once had negative net effects on satisfaction with democracy. However, as scandals have become more common, the negative effect has withered away. This ‘scandal fatigue’ process appears driven by changes in scandal material, rather than by changes in citizens’ reactions to a given type of material. Scandals involving several politicians and parties still really matter, but these have not become markedly more common. The possibility that the increasing incidence of scandals has created a more critical approach to scandal material is discussed. As scandals accumulate, citizens may become more prone to ponder the relevance of a story and the motives of the messenger.

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Goldman, Merle. « China's Sprouts of Democracy ». Ethics & ; International Affairs 4 (mars 1990) : 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1990.tb00246.x.

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A basic premise of Confucianism rests in the intellectuals' responsibility to speak out against an oppressive government. This tradition continued well into the Maoist era, along with “the mandate from heaven,” which provided an additional fundamental right of the people to dispose of an unfair leadership. Why was it not until the mid-1980s that the intellectuals, the “democratic elite” of China, initiated a public dialogue on the necessity of “inalienable” rights in the Western sense? The reason may lie in the impact the events in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe had in inducing political reform in post-Mao China. The traditional Confucianist beliefs remained at the core of the emerging ideology. Despite Deng's crackdown in Tiananmen Square, the “sprouts” continue to reappear from time to time, and the author predicts that they will be stronger with each comeback.

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Karina, Eva Novi. « Kontradiksi Demokrasi Liberal dan “Akhir Sejarah” Yang Tertunda ». Nation State Journal of International Studies 2, n^o 1 (30 juin 2019) : 88–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.2019v2i1.148.

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Due to historical developments and the works of theorists such as Francis Fukuyama, predominant political-economic literature has claimed that the combination of a “free market economy” and “liberal democracy built on equal rights” results in the most developed form of human society. With economic and political liberalism, societies of Western Europe and North America “at the vanguard of civilization” considered have reached the endpoint of humankind’s ideological evolution hence Western liberal democracy has been perceived as the final form of human government. However, the current rising wave of right-wing populism along with the exercise of protectionist economic measures in the most developed democratic countries has shown that democracy has begun to malfunction. Depart from this point, this article aims to re-examine the relationship between free market and democracy, and analyses the real inequalities manifested in income and the ownership of the means of production, and the inequalities within capitals, and between capital and wage labor. It concludes that the logic of market mechanisms poses a threat to democracy, while the extension of democracy would inevitably limit the freedom of the market and curb capital accumulation.

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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Democracy – Europe, Western »

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