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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Democracy – Europe, Western »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Democracy – Europe, Western"

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Strange, Susan. « Rethinking social democracy in western Europe ». International Affairs 70, n^o 3 (juillet 1994) : 570–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623773.

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Castles, Stephen. « Democracy and multiculturalism in Western Europe ». Journal of Area Studies 4, n^o 8 (mars 1996) : 51–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02613539608455771.

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Newell, James L. « Introduction : Corruption and Democracy in Western Europe ». Perspectives on European Politics and Society 9, n^o 1 (avril 2008) : 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15705850701825352.

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Innes, Abby. « Hungary's Illiberal Democracy ». Current History 114, n^o 770 (1 mars 2015) : 95–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2015.114.770.95.

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Ertman, Thomas. « Democracy and Dictatorship in Interwar Western Europe Revisited ». World Politics 50, n^o 3 (avril 1998) : 475–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100012880.

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Almost none of the conditions that, according to the latest research, favor democratic durability were present in Western Europe between the world wars. Yet only four Western European states became dictatorships during this period, whereas the others remained democratic despite economic crisis, an unhelpful international system, and the lure of nondemocratic alternatives. Several recent works offer new explanations for this pattern of interwar outcomes. Insofar as these works analyze the entire universe of Western European cases, they represent an important methodological advance. However, they remain too wedded to a class-coalitional framework to provide both a parsimonious and a historically accurate account of why democracy collapsed in some states but not in others. This article proposes an alternative explanatory framework that focuses on how political parties can shape association life in such a way as to support or undermine democracy.

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CORDUWENER, PEPIJN. « DEMOCRACY AS A CONTESTED CONCEPT IN POST-WAR WESTERN EUROPE : A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF POLITICAL DEBATES IN FRANCE, WEST GERMANY, AND ITALY ». Historical Journal 59, n^o 1 (27 octobre 2015) : 197–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000673.

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ABSTRACTThis article explores how political parties in France, West Germany, and Italy conceptualized democracy and challenged the conceptions of democracy of their political adversaries between the end of the 1940s and the early 1960s. It studies from a comparative perspective the different conceptions of democracy held by Christian democrat, Left-wing, and Gaullist political actors and shows how these diverged on key issues such as the economic system, foreign policy, the separation of powers, electoral systems, and the use of state institutions in the defence of democracy against anti-democratic forces. In this way, the article reveals how in the first fifteen years after the Second World War, government and opposition parties disputed each other's democratic credentials and political legitimacy, and it thereby reconsiders the claim that there existed a broad consensus on the meaning of democracy among political elites in post-war Western Europe. It is argued that these different conceptions of democracy only started to converge after they had clashed during political crises at the turn of the 1960s in all three states. This study thereby contributes to an enhanced understanding the formation of the post-war democratic order in Western Europe.

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Sindeev, A. « On the Way of Democracy’s Development : FRG and «Europe of Citizens» ». World Economy and International Relations, n^o 7 (2011) : 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-7-33-43.

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At a first glance, the article is treating a private issue, namely that of the feasibility of the concept of a “Europe of citizens” in the Federal Republic of Germany. However, while discussing it we have to analyze at least three fundamental issues. 1). What is the West German democracy? 2). How democracy and Western/European integration are interlinked? 3). To what extent the concept of a “Europe of citizens” is able to lead both integration and democracy from the currently difficult situation in which are these two main components of the contemporary Western civilization?

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Moffitt, Benjamin. « The Populism/Anti-Populism Divide in Western Europe ». Democratic Theory 5, n^o 2 (1 décembre 2018) : 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2018.050202.

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While the rise of populism in Western Europe over the past three decades has received a great deal of attention in the academic and popular literature, less attention has been paid to the rise of its opposite— anti-populism. This short article examines the discursive and stylistic dimensions of the construction and maintenance of the populism/anti-populism divide in Western Europe, paying particular attention to how anti-populists seek to discredit populist leaders, parties and followers. It argues that this divide is increasingly antagonistic, with both sides of the divide putting forward extremely different conceptions of how democracy should operate in the Western European political landscape: one radical and popular, the other liberal. It closes by suggesting that what is subsumed and feared under the label of the “populist threat” to democracy in Western Europe today is less about populism than nationalism and nativism.

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Häberlen, Joachim C. « Political violence and democracy in Western Europe, 1918–1940 ». Modern & ; Contemporary France 24, n^o 4 (12 juillet 2016) : 451–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2016.1188790.

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Luthardt, W. « Direct Democracy in Western Europe : The Case of Switzerland ». Telos 1991, n^o 90 (1 janvier 1991) : 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3817/1291090101.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Democracy – Europe, Western"

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Bedock, Camille. « Reforming Democracy : Institutional Engineering in Western Europe, 1990-2010 ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, Florence, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/264031.

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Nickens, Bradley Harrison. « Postmaterialism and Democracy : What Does the Postmaterialist Value Shift Mean for Democracy ? » Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/9913.

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This thesis explores the possible impact of a postmaterialist value shift on the future of democracy in advanced industrial democratic countries. Research over the past few decades has questioned the responsiveness of representative democratic institutions in advanced industrial democracies to individual and communal needs in society. Radical democratic theorists have called for direct action, structural reform, and other social and political changes to make democracy "stronger." Increased education levels brought on by continued economic and physical security in advanced industrial societies has led to a change in the ability of citizens to access the political process. How the relationship between the citizen and the state is altered as a result of continued prosperity is a primary motivation for this research. Working with World Values Survey data, I examine individual and societal level relationships between postmaterial values and direct political participation and acceptance of participatory values. Empirical evidence supports the hypotheses that postmaterial values are positively associated with direct political participation and as the level of Postmaterialists increases in a given society the level of participatory behavior and acceptance of participatory values will also increase. Substantive analysis suggests that increase in the level of postmaterialism in a country will lead to increases in alternative political activity and other forms of direct participation.
Master of Arts

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Dimitraki, Ourania. « The growth impact of political regimes and instability : empirical evidences from Western Europe ». Thesis, Brunel University, 2011. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/8764.

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The main objective of this thesis is to investigate the reciprocal direct relationship between political regimes, political instability and economic growth. However, there is a lack of fit between the political and economic science especially when it comes to political determinants of economic growth. Thus, this thesis sheds further light on the question: To what extent do political regimes and their stability affects economic performance with reference to 20 Western European countries. A panel regression analysis is employed, by adopting multiple measures of government performance. The findings suggest that political regimes have an effect on economic growth and this effect is not directly dependent upon the broader governmental structure and political environment. This thesis further examines the puzzle of the nature between political instability and economic growth in Western Europe, by using both a more comprehensive measure of political instability than has previously been developed, and Greek growth cycles form 1919 to 2008 as a case to explore the nature of the researched issue. The findings propose that the relationship between political instability (PI) and economic growth is parabolic and fragile. Furthermore, this thesis supports the intuition that political instability can slow economic growth through increasing uncertainty in economic policies. The results illustrate that economic growth and political instability are jointly determined and that governmental changes plays no significant role on economic growth (with exceptions in the case study), especially after extended spells of political stability. It appears that what matters is the longevity of the polity itself and the specific forms of political instability. Moreover, by using Greece as a case, this thesis shows that there is a strong negative link between political instability and the volatility of the economic outcomes.

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Sierens, Vivien Denis. « From Decline to Revival ? An Analysis of Party Membership Fluctuations in Western Europe (1990-2014) ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/288620.

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Since the early 1990s, increasing academic attention has been devoted to party membership. Numerous studies have evidenced a long-term declining trend affecting almost all traditional parties in Western Europe (Mair and Van Biezen, 2001; Van Biezen et al. 2012b). Yet, in recent years, there have been some signs of a revival of party membership (Whiteley et al. 2019). What are the main factors accounting for fluctuations in party membership levels across Western Europe from the 1990s until 2014? This is the main question this dissertation seeks to answer. The main objective of this dissertation is to identify the factors that significantly affect the ability of political parties to recruit members in Western Europe. So far, the academic literature has mainly focused on micro- and macro-level determinants of membership fluctuations and have involved long-term explanations of shifts in party membership. Their general focus has been to ask why citizens join political and not so much why and in which conditions political parties are able to recruit members. The impact of meso-level and short-term factors on party membership variations has been largely underexplored. To shed new light on these issues, this study proposes to apply theoretical perspectives and empirical tools developed by sociological and economical organization studies. Four main theoretical perspectives have been developed by organizational theories to explain variations in organizations’ size and structure: the evolutionary system perspective (ES), the sociological neo-institutionalism (SI), transaction cost theory (TCT) and the resource-based view (RBV). Explanatory insights from each of these perspectives were identified and explored in each of the four empirical chapters of this dissertation. Overall, this dissertation evidences several transformations in party membership. By diversifying temporal perspectives, units of analysis and levels of observation, it shows that the decline of party membership levels is not as universal and as linear as it is often assumed. Membership levels are affected by electoral and organizational lifecycles. Not all parties have been affected by the general decrease in membership levels and some new parties have managed to attract an increasing number of members. Besides, parties that have given their members a greater say in their internal decision making have generally managed to attract new members. By looking at infra-national dynamics of party membership, this dissertation also shows the importance of regional and local context and the heterogeneity of membership trajectories within the same party. It underlines the importance of electoral mobilization at the local level and the importance of individual recruiters for the composition of the membership. By reflecting on the causes of party membership fluctuations, this dissertation sheds light on some important challenges for the future of our representative democracies.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Siou, Aurelie-Laure. « Challenges of Western democracies in the post-Cold War era ». Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2005. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/806.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf
Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science

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Dilling, Matthias. « Organizational choices and organizational adaptability in political parties : the case of Western European Christian democracy ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8e6a932c-ca78-4520-8458-b67608c917f7.

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While political parties in Europe are incredibly adaptable organizations, they have varied in the extent to which they are able to adapt to social and political transformations. I explain parties' adaptability in two steps. 1) Adaptability depends on factionalism in a nonlinear way. Giving too much room and no room at all to factions undermines a party's ability to adapt. 2) Factionalism depends on early organizational characteristics. The more centralized the initially introduced leadership selection process is, the more party elites will be incentivized to form factions. This argument applies to political parties that allow for internal competition and elect their leaders according to formal rules. I use statistical tools, a medium- and small-N analysis and systematic process tracing to test my framework against competing explanations. I focus on Christian democracy to use a most-similar system design. The main empirical part of the thesis relies on a structured focused comparison of the Italian DC, Austrian ÃVP and German CDU. It is guided by a nested analysis and builds on a large amount of primary data which has not been analyzed before. I test my theory on the additional cases of the Portuguese, Dutch and Luxembourgian Christian Democrats and the French MRP. My main finding is that early organizational choices matter. The initial form the leadership selection process takes has a decisive impact on the incentives of intra-party actors to form factions. The initial level of factionalism becomes deeply entrenched in the party's organization and internal code of practice. This explains why party elites are unlikely to change it when they realize that their party's level of factionalism undermines its adaptability. Moving beyond the focus of path dependence on a single level has thus important implications for the literature on party politics, factionalism, party organizations and institutional development.

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Ahmed, Kanwal. « A Study of the Rise of Sweden Democrats (SD) ». Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22419.

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The rise of the populist parties in last decades throughout the Europe provide the ground for researches and studies. The recent success of Sweden Democrats (SD) in Swedish 2014 elections, and getting third major party position has been subjected to several studies. The present study for the dramatic rise of Sweden Democrats (SD), is based on the analysis of economical and cultural factors to find out this success, provides an analytical basis for understanding the reasons behind this phenomenon. This study tests two hypotheses by statistical data analysis, and analyses the economic and cultural perspectives by scholarly literature and provide new findings by testing these hypotheses. The study provides outcomes that reasons for the rise of Sweden Democrats (SD) in Swedish society lies somewhere in economic conditions and cultural diversity intolerance.

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Krebs, Sabrina. « Whom do we trust ? : People’s Voting Behaviour and Trust in Western European Countries under the light of the Crisis of Democracy Discourse ». Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Engineering, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-14904.

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The debate about a possible crisis of democracy has been present over 30 years. Questionable is what researchers mean when talking about a potential crisis. What are the factors that are causing it? Are we in a crisis of democracy in Western European countries?The goal of this thesis is to evaluate how different authors characterize what some call a crisis of democracy, to define core topics and to test one of these on empirical data. This will be achieved by firstly, analyzing pieces of literature related to the scientific crisis of democracy debate. Secondly, using Hirschmann’s theory of exit and voice, mass data from will be categorized and analyzed under the light of participation and trust in political institutions.Issues that return are overload on government, individualism, participation and a new culture versus old structure. Analyzing people’s trust in political institutions depending on their intention to go to national elections shows trends: people lose trust in the institutions government, parliament and political parties. Separating the data into groups of potential voters, non-voters and blank voters shows that the latter two show a greater mistrust in political institutions and less interest in politics.Overall, the debate on a potential crisis of democracy is multifaceted and varies between different authors. People are less active in traditional ways of participating, but that does not mean that Western European democracies stand before collapse. It could however mean that new forms of participation are needed to engage people in politics again.

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Karlsson, Mikaela. « EU, Serbien och det första Köpenhamnskriteriet : En kvalitativ fallstudie om implementerandet av det första Köpenhamnskriteriet i Serbien ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-80184.

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Serbia is said to enter the European Union (EU) in 2025 and a criteria for inclusion in the EU are the Copenhagen criteria’s. The purpose of this thesis is to examine how the EU as an external and international actor acts to further the implementation of the first Copenhagen criteria concerning democratic institutions, the rule of law, human rights and protection of minorities. Through a qualitative theory consuming study this thesis investigates the EUs aims and actions in Serbia, a country outside the boards of the EU by applying a theoretical framework based on Lawrence Whiteheads theory on international dimensions of democratization. As a result the thesis finds that the European Union has an interest in democracy promotion in Serbia as defined in the Copenhagen criteria. The EU uses several different methods such as economic aid, learning resources, diplomacy and normative contagion to attain its purpose. But the true reason behind the EUs interest is Serbia is discussed among scholars as well as the effective ways of implementing EUs strategies and the development of sanctions against states that do not comply with the democratic values of the Copenhagen criteria.

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Gajic, Sandra. « Le jeu des négociations entre l'Union européenne et la Serbie : les critères politiques (2000-2018) ». Thesis, Bordeaux, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018BORD0463.

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La Serbie n’est certainement pas ce que l’on pourrait désigner comme étant un Etat typique de l’Europe centrale et du Sud-Est. Alliée fidèle de la Russie et de la Chine, elle a subi les plus longues sanctions internationales en Europe et des bombardements de l’OTAN en 1999. Depuis la chute du régime de Milošević en 2000, l’ « enfant terrible » du continent a vocation à adhérer à l’Union européenne, or la tendance n’est clairement pas à l’élargissement. Face aux nombreuses crises (économique, migratoire et démocratique), l’UE parait impuissante à plusieurs égards. Symbole pendant longtemps du développement, de la paix et de la démocratie, elle doit faire face à une perte d’attractivité ces dix dernières années. Toutefois, malgré les doutes de part et d’autre, Bruxelles ne peut pas se permettre de ne pas tendre la main à la Serbie qui a une place centrale dans les Balkans, de par son poids démographique et sa position géostratégique. Le 1er mars 2012, la Serbie a officiellement obtenu son statut de candidat à l’UE. En signant l’accord d’association et de stabilisation, Belgrade s’est engagé à aligner sa législation sur l’acquis communautaire et donc à effectuer de nombreuses réformes. Or, sur fond d’acculturation et de déculturation juridique, des voix s’élèvent contre les réformes en chaîne dans le seul but d’intégrer l’institution européenne. L’un des objectifs de cette thèse est d’éclairer la nature et l’avancée de ces réformes à travers les critères politiques, définis lors du Conseil européen de Copenhague en 1993. Elle étudie les difficultés que la Serbie partage avec tous les Etats du Sud-Est de l’Europe et les difficultés qui lui sont propres, tout en questionnant sur la nécessité et les conséquences de ces changements. L’étude des négociations entre Bruxelles et Belgrade est aussi l’occasion d’apporter un éclairage sur le fonctionnement de l’institution européenne et de constater les limites de l’ambigüité constructive chère à l’UE. Finalement, le comportement de l’Union européenne à l’extérieur de ses frontières est symptomatique de son comportement à l’intérieur
Serbia is certainly not a typical state of Central and Southeastern Europe. A loyal ally of Russia and China, it suffered the longest international sanctions in Europe and NATO bombings in 1999. Since the fall of the Milošević regime in 2000, the "enfant terrible" of the continent is destined to join the European Union. However, the trend is clearly not toward a enlargement. Facing multiple crises (economic, migratory and democratic), the EU seems powerless in many ways. Although the EU has been regarded as a symbol of development, peace and democracy, it has suffered a loss of attractiveness in the last ten years. However, despite doubts on both sides, Brussels cannot afford not to reach out to Serbia, which has a central position in the Balkans, because of its demographic weight and its geostrategic position. In March 2012 Serbia was granted EU candidate status. By signing the Stabilisation Agreement, Belgrade is committed to a gradual harmonization of legislation with the acquis of the European Communities and thus implement many reforms. However, in a context of legal acculturation and deculturation, some voices are rising to denounce a chain of reforms for the sole purpose of joining the European institution. One of our aims is to clarify the nature and progress of these reforms through the political criteria, defined at the Copenhagen European Council in 1993. We will hence study the difficulties that Serbia shares with all the states from Southeast Europe and its own problems, by questioning the necessity and consequences of these changes.The study of the negotiations between Brussels and Belgrade is also an opportunity to examine the functioning of the European institution and to note the limits of constructive ambiguity cherished by the EU. Finally, the behavior of the European Union outside its borders is symptomatic of its behavior inside

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Livres sur le sujet "Democracy – Europe, Western"

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W, Cortada James, dir. Can democracy survive in Western Europe ? Westport, Conn : Praeger, 1996.

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D, Weil Frederick, Huffman Jeffrey et Gautier Mary 1952-, dir. Democratization in Eastern and Western Europe. Greenwich, Conn : JAI Press, Inc., 1993.

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Millington, Chris, et Kevin Passmore, dir. Political Violence and Democracy in Western Europe, 1918–1940. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137515957.

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Podolak, Dahlia Gancz. Liberal democracy and religion in Western Europe : 1909-2000. Israel : s.n., 2003.

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Greenwood, J. Building local democracy in Poland : Training perspectives from Western Europe. Leicester : De Montfort University, Leicester Business School, 1994.

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Eva, Kolinsky, dir. Opposition in Western Europe. London : Croom Helm, 1987.

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People's palaces : Architecture, culture and democracy in post-war Western Europe. Amsterdam : Architectura & Natura, 2014.

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Wagner, Alexander F. Satisfaction with democracy and the environment in Western Europe : A panel analysis. Bonn, Germany : IZA, 2006.

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Vaubel, Roland. The centralisation of Western Europe : The Common Market, political integration, and democracy. London : Institute of Economic Affairs, 1995.

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E, Paterson William, et Thomas Alastair H, dir. The Future of social democracy : Problems and prospects of social democratic parties in Western Europe. Oxford [Oxfordshire] : Clarendon Press, 1986.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Democracy – Europe, Western"

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Elgie, Robert. « Semi-Presidentialism in Western Europe ». Dans Semi-Presidentialism and Democracy, 81–97. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230306424_5.

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Fuchs, Dieter, et Edeltraud Roller. « Globalization and Political Legitimacy in Western Europe ». Dans Democracy under Threat, 221–51. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89453-9_9.

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Vittori, Davide, et Leonardo Morlino. « Populism and democracy in Europe ». Dans Populism and New Patterns of Political Competition in Western Europe, 19–49. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series : Extremism and democracy : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429429798-3.

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Coffé, Hilde. « Gender and Political Participation in Western and Eastern Europe ». Dans Democracy in Transition, 95–107. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-30068-4_6.

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Engeli, Isabelle, et Frédéric Varone. « Morality Politics in Switzerland : Politicization through Direct Democracy ». Dans Morality Politics in Western Europe, 88–113. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137016690_6.

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Detterbeck, Klaus. « Federalism, Democracy and Political Parties ». Dans Multi-Level Party Politics in Western Europe, 14–29. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137017857_2.

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Kirbiš, Andrej. « Political Participation and Non-democratic Political Culture in Western Europe, East-Central Europe and Post-Yugoslav Countries ». Dans Democracy in Transition, 225–51. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-30068-4_12.

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Sjursen, Helene. « Balancing Democracy and Security ». Dans The United States, Western Europe and the Polish Crisis, 41–62. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403990297_3.

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Grönlund, Kimmo. « Cyber Citizens : Mapping Internet Access and Digital Divides in Western Europe ». Dans Electronic Voting and Democracy, 20–38. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523531_2.

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Meléndez, Carlos, et Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser. « Negative partisanship towards the populist radical right and democratic resilience in Western Europe ». Dans Resilience of Democracy, 81–101. London : Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003363507-5.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Democracy – Europe, Western"

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Demir, Emre. « THE EMERGENCE OF A NEO-COMMUNITARIAN MOVEMENT IN THE TURKISH DIASPORA IN EUROPE : THE STRATEGIES OF SETTLEMENT AND COMPETITION OF GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN FRANCE AND GERMANY ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bkir8810.

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This paper examines the organisational and discursive strategies of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and its differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe, with the primary focus on the movement’s educational activities. The paper describes the characteristics of organisational activity among Turkish Muslims in Europe. Then it analyses two mainstream religious-communitarian movements and the contrasting settlement strategies of the “neo- communitarian” Gülen movement. Despite the large Turkish population in western Europe, the movement has been active there for only about ten years – relatively late compared to other Islamic organisations. Mainly, the associational organisation of Turkish Islam in Europe is based on two axes: the construction/ sponsoring of mosques and Qur’anic schools. By contrast, the Gülen movement’s members in Europe, insisting on ‘the great importance of secular education’, do not found or sponsor mosques and Qur’anic schools. Their principal focus is to address the problems of the immi- grant youth population in Europe, with reintegration of Turkish students into the educational system of the host societies as a first goal. On the one hand, as a neo-communitarian religious grouping, they strive for a larger share of the ‘market’ (i.e. more members from among the Turkish diaspora) by offering a fresh religious discourse and new organisational strategies, much as they have done in Turkey. On the other hand, they seek to gain legitimacy in the public sphere in Germany and France by building an educational network in these countries, just as they have done in Central Asia and the Balkans region. Accordingly, a reinvigorated and reorganised community is taking shape in western Europe. This paper examines the organizational and discursive strategies1 of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and it is differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe. We seek to analyse particularly the educational activities of this movement which appeared in the Islamic scene in Diaspora of Europe for the last 10 years. We focus on the case of Gülen movement because it represents a prime example amongst Islamic movements which seek to reconcile-or ac- commodate- with the secular system in Turkey. In spite of the exclusionary policy of Turkish secular state towards the religious movements, this faith-based social movement achieved to accommodate to the new socio-political conditions of Turkey. Today, for many searchers, Gülen movement brings Islam back to the public sphere by cross-fertilizing Islamic idioms with global discourses on human rights, democracy, and the market economy.2 Indeed, the activities of Gülen movement in the secular context of France and Germany represent an interesting sociological object. Firstly, we will describe the characteristics of organizational ability of Anatolian Islam in Europe. Then we will analyse the mainstream religious-com- munitarian movements (The National Perspective movement and Suleymanci community) and the settlement strategies of the “neo-communitarian”3 Gülen movement in the Turkish Muslim Diaspora. Based on semi-directive interviews with the directors of the learning centres in Germany and France and a 6 month participative observation of Gülen-inspired- activities in Strasbourg; we will try to answer the following questions: How the movement appropriates the “religious” manner and defines it in a secular context regarding to the host/ global society? How the message of Gülen is perceived among his followers and how does it have effect on acts of the Turkish Muslim community? How the movement realises the transmission of communitarian and `religious’ values and-especially-how they compete with other Islamic associations? In order to answer these questions, we will make an analysis which is based on two axes: Firstly, how the movement position within the Turkish-Islamic associational organisation? Secondly, we will try to describe the contact zones between the followers of Gülen and the global society.

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Halabaku, Agon. « European Union as a factor for the democratization of Western Balkan Countries and the EU's impact on promoting democracy and normalizing relations between Serbia and Kosovo ». Dans University for Business and Technology International Conference. Pristina, Kosovo : University for Business and Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.33107/ubt-ic.2018.290.

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Dagen, Tomislav, et Marijana Majnarić. « PARLIAMENTARY ELECTORAL LEGISLATION – LAW vis á vis JUSTNESS OF ELECTORAL LEGISLATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA IN THE PAST 20 YEARS ». Dans EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18302.

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In the last twenty years, through the democratic development of the Republic of Croatia, the problem of modernizing parliamentary electoral legislation and the need and desire to create a better and fairer electoral system as a whole, which will bring the Republic of Croatia into European integration and the map of Western democracies comes “to the surface”. In order for the implementation of the political desire to join Western democracies and bring the Republic of Croatia closer to the European Union realize its full potential, the electoral system was changed in 1999, and since then seven elections have been held for the Croatian Parliament, and the Republic of Croatia has in the meantime become a full member of the European Union. On this democratic path and democratic-parliamentary progress of the Republic of Croatia, a constant and unchanged circumstance (parliamentary anomaly) was noticed, which the Constitutional Court warned about back in 2010, and that is the need to create a fairer electoral system, since these existing ones call into question legality and constitutionality of the election results (the warning which the Croatian Parliament still ignores). Therefore, in this paper, the authors, by analyzing the existing electoral system and comparing the 2000 and 2020 elections, identify its shortcomings, inconsistencies between the Act on Election of Representatives to the Croatian Parliament and the Act on Constituencies. Further analysis in this paper refers to the fact of imbalance in the number of voters in different constituencies in which an identical number of representatives is elected (malapportionment), and the lack of “justness” that allows issues of political engineering and forming post-election coalitions, as well as the possibility of representatives “entering” the Croatian Parliament with a minimum number of votes obtained. Also, the authors try to confirm the thesis that the existing electoral system of electing representatives to the Croatian Parliament as a legislative body of the Republic of Croatia needs to be made more just in order to completely fulfill its purpose of creating parliamentary democracy in accordance with the rule of law and the will of the people. In light of the above, the paper will compare and analyze the results of the aforementioned parliamentary elections and their shortcomings, and will provide an overview of the necessary changes and the creation of a future more just electoral system, which the Republic of Croatia certainly needs and which will reduce to a minimum the difference between law and justice in the procedures for the election of representatives to the Croatian Parliament.

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