Thèses sur le sujet « Democracy and Truth »

The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether the adherence to absolute truth and moraluniversalism is compatible with democracy. The starting point is that there is absolute truthand absolute values.My thesis is that democracy in the form of universal suffrage is not necessarily in the wayof truth, but rather party politics and representative democracy. Abolishing the parties may besufficient to overcome both truth relativism and moral relativism, and thus provide analternative to abolishing universal suffrage. I suggest the problem lies in party politics, andthe way in which political talks are conducted, rather than in the right to vote.The investigation shows that democracy only have instrumental value. It shall be judgedbased on how well it promotes absolute truth and absolute values. Furthermore, representativedemocracy does not promote absolute truth and absolute values. One alternative isepistocracy. Another option is to abolish the parties, preserve universal suffrage, and createconditions for a new form of political dialogue. The conclusion is that the latter option is bestfor promoting the absolute truth.

Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais
Democracy is in crisis around the world. Boosted by global phenomena such as globalization and the development of internet, along with a series of crises, which widened the gap between the elite and citizens, this trend was characterized by the rise of populism in both mature democracies and post-communist countries. The former model democratizers in Central-Eastern Europe turned into model democratic backsliders. The illiberal tendencies in the region have been generally judged by the Hungarian and Polish playbook. Although not as dramatically, also in Czech Republic democracy has been declining, mostly since the government of Andrej Babiš in 2017 and the reelection of Miloš Zeman president in 2018. This work examines the changes in the official post-1989 discourse through a two-dimensional discourse analysis, and thus explains what are the origins and character of the current democracy crisis, which arenas of democracy have been affected the most thus far, and finally if the “truth will prevail” over the illiberal challenge. Based on the theoretical concepts of democracy, transitology, democratic backsliding, populism and postfunctionalism, and an overview of historical-cultural context, we analyze the rhetorical strategies, domestic policy, and foreign policy dominant in the corpus of selected speeches of the Prime Minister and President. Next, we assess the impact of their new discourse on the arenas of democracy contrasting EIU’s Democracy Index and Freedom House’s Nations in Transit rankings. Overall, we sustain that the rise of the Czech illiberal populists has been rather a consequence than the origin of the current crisis, that the character of their new discourse is particular despite similarities with the backsliding neighbors, and finally, that there is hope for truth to prevail, consisting in a reform of certain arenas of the Czech democracy.
Democracia está em crise em todo o mundo. Reforçado pelos fenómenos globais como a globalização e o desenvolvimento da Internet, junto com uma série de crises, que aumentaram o fosso entre a elite e os cidadãos, esta dinâmica foi caraterizada pela ascensão de populismo em ambas democracias maduras e países pós-comunistas. Os antigos exemplos da democratização na Europa Central e de Leste tornaram-se exemplos de democratic backsliding. As tendências iliberais na região têm sido geralmente julgadas com base na cartilha húngara e polaca. Embora não tão dramaticamente, também a democracia na República Checa tem estado em declínio, sobretudo desde o início do governo de Andrej Babiš em 2017 e a reeleição presidencial de Miloš Zeman em 2018. Este trabalho examina as mudanças no discurso oficial pós-1989 através de uma análise de discurso de duas dimensões, e assim explica quais são as origens e o caráter da crise de democracia atual, quais arenas de democracia têm sido afetadas mais até agora, e finalmente se “a verdade prevalece” contra o desafio iliberal. Com base nos conceitos teóricos de democracia, transitologia, democratic backsliding, populismo e pósfuncionalismo, e um resumo do contexto histórico-cultural, analisamos as estratégias retóricas e as políticas doméstica e estrangeira dominantes no corpus de discursos selecionados do Primeiro-Ministro e do Presidente. Logo, avaliamos o impacto do seu novo discurso sobre as arenas de democracia contrastando os rankings do Índice de Democracia de EIU e de Nations in Transit de Freedom House. Contudo, defendemos que a ascensão dos populistas na República Checa tem sido uma consequência mais do que a origem da crise atual, que o caráter do seu novo discurso é particular apesar de semelhanças com os seus vizinhos em retrocesso, e finalmente que há esperança para a verdade prevalecer, consistindo numa reforma de certas arenas da democracia checa.
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Democracy and the Rule of Knowledge The work starts from the analyses of epistocratic theorists, reconstructing their criticism to democracy in order to develop a broader reflection on the role of political knowledge (episteme) within democratic paradigm. The thesis aims to present knowledge as vital component of political agency that democracy assumes and institutionalizes. Nonetheless, epistocrats’ epistemic reductionism represents a misinterpretation of such an agency and, accordingly, the remedies they support are presented as a misunderstanding of episteme’s reach and function in political process. Chapter 1 focuses on epistocrats’ account of citizens’ epistemic littleness, emphasizing how ignorance and irrationality characterize their participation to political decision-making. Chapter 2 deals with the notion of political knowledge assumed by epistocracy: episteme is understood as a body of factual information, which constitutes the cognitive background of political decision-making. Chapter 3 argues that epistocratic interpretation of democracy recalls instrumentalism and, with it, the questionable assumption of politics as a mere epistemic practice. On the contrary, the thesis collocates the role of episteme in a procedural understanding of democracy, asserting that democracy embodies an “enlightened procedure”. In this view, democracy institutionalizes people’s capacity to formulate and consider factual truths (“serviceable truths”) concerning the context in which they operate as decision-makers. Chapter 4 challenges epistocracy by proposing an alternative institutional approach to deal with political ignorance. Democratic institutions have the duty to empower citizens’ epistemic agency, transforming the assumption of that agency into the commitment to spread political knowledge in society.

This thesis explores the role of the "public" in Angolan politics. The first part of the thesis outlines how the notion of the "public" is perceived. This starts with a review of Jiirgen Habennas's seminal contribution - The Structural Transformation a/the Public Sphere and the debate it provoked. Subsequently, this thesis argues that for many reasons Habermas's framework is not suitable for studying the "public" in Angola, and as a result will proceed to outline an alternative approach in which the "public" is instantiated through acts and practices of truth-telling or parrhesia as understood by Michel Foucault. Having outlined the approach to this subject, the second part of this thesis moves on to reviewing the history of the "public" in Angola. Furthermore, the final part of the thesis looks at contemporary Angolan politics. Following a review of the constitutional, legal and socio-economic framework within which public life in Angola exists, the present study examines the workings of the "public" during _ ~d after Pope Benedict's visit to Angola in March 2009. Moreover, this thesis also looks at one of the few media outlets that managed to preserve its independence vis-a.-vis the political regimt} - the Catholic Radio Ecclesia. Thus, this thesis argues that the entrenched. political regime of the Movement for the Popular Liberation of Angola (MPLA) has succeeded in creating what is referred to in this thesis as a "pseudo-public sphere". In many ways this reality mimics the activities of a "genuine" public sphere as defined by Habermas. Nevertheless, this same reality is owned and controlled by the regime. Albeit this restricted atmosphere is a "counter-public sphere" emerging through acts of parrhesia, this thesis endeavours to analyse - -me complex interaction between the "pseudo-public" and the "counter-public".

Bibliography: leaves 157-166.
This study investigates the relation between the narrow "peace process" that followed from South Africa's the National Peace Accord (NPA) and the "truth process" that followed from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) during the country's transition to democracy. The study narrows down these two highly complex processes so that they can be studied in relation to each other. The NPA was instituted during the crucial transition period between 1990 and 1994 in order to contain the political violence that threatened to derail the negotiation process then under way. In contrast, the TRC was established in 1995, the later phase of the transition, as a means to deal with South Africa's conflictual and violent past. It was mandated to uncover past human rights violations under the over-riding objective of promoting national unity and reconciliation. The contributions of both, the NPA structures and the TRC process, to building peace and democracy in South Africa are explored independent of each other before they are set in relation to each other. On the basis of guiding-question interviews conducted with individuals having been part of the NPA and the TRC respectively, preliminary conclusions regarding the historical question of whether a direct link between the NPA structures and the TRC process existed in South Africa are drawn. Departing from there, theoretical implications of the assessed relationship between the "peace process" and the "truth process" in South Africa are discussed. Based on the South African experience the study suggests that conceptually a link between "processes of peace and truth" is desirable as it can provide a more sustainable basis for the building of peace and democracy but it also notes the difficulties of establishing such a link in practice. The study points out that a direct linkage between "processes of peace and truth" could connect the ‘negative' task of peace-building - the reduction of direct violence - to the ‘positive' task of peace building -- the rebuilding of relationships. It is argued that such a linkage would further promote democratic consolidation. Departing from there the study concludes that a substantial or direct linkage between the "processes of peace and truth" is worth considering if other transitional societies opt for managing their transition by means of a "peace process" and a "truth process". peace process" that followed from South Africa's the National Peace Accord (NPA) and the "truth process" that followed from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) during the country's transition to democracy. The study narrows down these two highly complex processes so that they can be studied in relation to each other. The NPA was instituted during the crucial transition period between 1990 and 1994 in order to contain the political violence that threatened to derail the negotiation process then under way. In contrast, the TRC was established in 1995, the later phase of the transition, as a means to deal with South Africa's conflictual and violent past. It was mandated to uncover past human rights violations under the over-riding objective of promoting national unity and reconciliation. The contributions of both, the NPA structures and the TRC process, to building peace and democracy in South Africa are explored independent of each other before they are set in relation to each other. On the basis of guiding-question interviews conducted with individuals having been part of the NPA and the TRC respectively, preliminary conclusions regarding the historical question of whether a direct link between the NPA structures and the TRC process existed in South Africa are drawn. Departing from there, theoretical implications of the assessed relationship between the "peace process" and the "truth process" in South Africa are discussed. Based on the South African experience the study suggests that conceptually a link between "processes of peace and truth" is desirable as it can provide a more sustainable basis for the building of peace and democracy but it also notes the difficulties of establishing such a link in practice. The study points out that a direct linkage between "processes of peace and truth" could connect the ‘negative' task of peace-building - the reduction of direct violence - to the ‘positive' task of peace building -- the rebuilding of relationships. It is argued that such a linkage would further promote democratic consolidation. Departing from there the study concludes that a substantial or direct linkage between the "processes of peace and truth" is worth considering if other transitional societies opt for managing their transition by means of a "peace process" and a "truth process".

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Nesta tese o binômio Democracia – Jurisdição é questionado ao escopo de perquirir as possibilidades, limites e conformações do exercício da jurisdição com o princípio democrático. Com esse objetivo, a tese deságua na filosofia hermenêutica e aposta na experiência do direito como ciência cultural à guisa de ensejar respostas corretamente justificadas, porque considera que a vinculação do texto ao contexto socio-econômico-cultural expõe o repositório de “cristalizações culturais subjacentes” que vão vincular os conteúdos os mais variados (contexto cultural) aos elementos texto-estruturais. Aposta-se, assim, numa íntima imbricação do contexto cultural com as estruturas políticas, sociais e econômicas, com o objetivo de imprimir conformação à defesa da dignidade da pessoa humana como “premissa cultural antropológica”, vale dizer, interpretada como os valores fundamentais que constituem toda a principiologia da dignidade da pessoa, de tal sorte a constituir blindagens no processo jurídico decisório contra a velha
The thesis analyzes the relationship between democracy and jurisdiction in order to understand the legal decision-making process beyond the realm of legal positivism. To this end, this work intends to show that legal experience must take into consideration cultural aspects of rights with a decisive contribution from philosophical hermeneutics as well as the bond that should exist between legal texts and their cultural context. In order to bring about a different perspective on the principle of human dignity as a "cultural anthropological premise" the work will comment "the underlying cultural crystallizations" which binds legal texts and the cultural context. As such, contributions from philosophical hermeneutics are presented to show that every hermeneutical situation must be examined considering both intersubjectivity and man´s insertion in the world according to his understanding of truth, enabling correct answers on issues of law and democracy. Thus, the thesis puts legal experience into a new paradigm by

Many researchers and political experts have commented on the disenfranchisement of the citizenry caused by irresponsible use of power by the government that potentially violates the 4^th Amendment rights of millions of people through secret mass surveillance programs. Disclosures of this abuse of power are presumably protected by the 1^st Amendment, though when constitutional protections are not followed by the government, the result can be prosecution and imprisonment of whistleblowers. Using a critical autoethnographic approach, the purpose of this study was to examine the devolution of democratic governance and constitutional rights in the United States since 9/11. Using the phenomena of my signature indictment (the first whistleblower since Daniel Ellsberg was charged under the Espionage Act) and prosecution by the U.S. government, data were collected through interviews with experts associated with this unique circumstance. These data, including my own recollections of the event, were inductively coded and subjected to a thematic analysis procedure. The findings revealed that the use of national security as the primary grounds to suppress democracy and the voices of whistleblowers speaking truth to, and about, power increased authoritarian tendencies in government. These tendencies gave rise to extra-legal autocratic behavior and sovereign state control over the institutions of democratic governance. Positive social change can only take place in a society that has robust governance and social structures that strengthen democracy, human rights, and the rule of law, and do not inhibit or suppress them.

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This dissertation presents an interpretation concerning the critical considerations of the German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche on Modernity, especially Nietzsche s criticism of Modernity, of Christian mores and democracy produced by him in Beyond Good and Evil. Nietzsche attentively analyses details of Modernity, produces a diagnosis of modern man and discovers the sign of decay. We consider that Nietzsche s criticism of modernity is directly linked to the criticism of classic metaphysics. We emphasize questions like: what in us aspires to truth? Christian mores: why and what for? What characterizes modernity? Could it be the appeal to the democratic taste? Is it possible to reinvent Modernity? We stress the relation between the notion of truth, democracy and Christian mores, showing that these mores were also inherited from the Socratic culture. We also intend to clarify Nietzsche s proposal of a new way of doing philosophy, that would be able to surpass the decay which rules in European modern culture. The end of this research points out to the ―philosophers of the future‖ who are able, according to Nietzsche, to claim life beyond the metaphysics opposition, beyond the good and the evil
Esta disserta??o apresenta uma interpreta??o a respeito das considera??es cr?ticas do fil?sofo alem?o Friedrich Nietzsche sobre a modernidade, mais precisamente a cr?tica de Nietzsche ? verdade, ? moral-crist? e ? democracia por ele desenvolvidas em Al?m do bem e do Mal. Nietzsche analisa atentamente os pormenores da modernidade, faz um diagn?stico do homem moderno e encontra o sinal da decad?ncia. Consideramos que a cr?tica de Nietzsche ? modernidade passa necessariamente pela cr?tica ? metaf?sica cl?ssica. Destacamos algumas quest?es como: o que em n?s aspira ? verdade? Por que e para que a moral-crist?? O que caracteriza a modernidade? Seria o apelo ao gosto democr?tico? ? poss?vel reinventar a modernidade? Salientamos o v?nculo que existe entre a no??o de verdade, a democracia e os valores morais crist?os, mostrando que esses valores morais foram herdados da cultura socr?tica. Tamb?m esclarecemos a proposta nietzschiana de um novo modo de fazer filosofia, que seria capaz de ultrapassar a decad?ncia que impera na moderna cultura europeia. Ou seja, o t?rmino desta pesquisa aponta para os ―fil?sofos do futuro‖, fil?sofos capazes, segundo Nietzsche, de afirmar a vida al?m das oposi??es metaf?sicas, al?m do bem e do mal

No marco do direito internacional dos direitos humanos, a presente dissertação de mestrado analisa o desaparecimento forçado de pessoas, que, em razão de constituir grave violação de direitos humanos, foi tipificado crime contra a humanidade. Desse modo, tem por fim verificar o surgimento desse fenômeno nos regimes ditatoriais da América Latina, e o tratamento dispensado a ele pela comunidade internacional, observando-se a interdependência de ramos do direito internacional face ao desaparecimento. Ademais, visa a fazer uma aproximação entre memória e direitos humanos, temática intrinsecamente relacionada com o desaparecimento forçado de pessoas. Nessa perspectiva, apresenta uma análise dos casos de desaparecimento julgados pela Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos com vistas à sua compreensão acerca do direito à verdade, extraindo-se a afinidade desse direito com a construção de memórias. Dessa maneira, este estudo considera a relação direta entre a manipulação de memórias do passado, pelo ocultamento dos fatos relativos a crimes da natureza do desaparecimento forçado, e as violações de direitos humanos que ocorrem no presente.
Within the framework of international human rights, this thesis analyzes the enforced disappearance of persons, which was typified as a crime against humanity due the fact of being a serious violation of human rights. Thus, it aims to determine the emergence of this phenomenon during dictatorial regimes in Latin America, and its treatment by the international community, emphasizing the interdependence between different international law branches to the disappearance. Moreover, it aims to make a connection between memory and human rights, a theme closely linked to enforced disappearance of persons. Through this perspective, it presents an analysis of disappearance cases judged by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in order to depict its understanding about the right to the truth, extracting the affinity of this right with the construction of memory. Accordingly, this study considers the relationship between the manipulation of memories about the past through the concealment of facts related to enforced disappearance crimes, and ongoing human rights violations.

Nous avons constaté une absence de dialogue entre trois philosophies politiques états-uniennes duXXe siècle, celles de John Rawls, de Richard Rorty et de Leo Strauss. Nous avons donc voulu pallierce manque en les faisant dialoguer sur les grands thèmes de la vérité, de l’histoire, des dimensions del’homme et des principes démocratiques, et les avons rapprochés davantage en montrant le rapportde chacun à onze dualismes classiques liés à ces quatre thèmes. Ces dualismes sont des oppositionsbinaires habituellement vénérables qui classent et divisent deux ordres de réalité. Ce langagecommun des dualismes classiques a permis des rapprochements étroits. Si aucun vainqueur clair neressort de notre confrontation, il y a néanmoins moyen de porter un jugement sur les trois auteurs enfonction de critères non controversés (cohérence, complexité ou nuances, capacité à réfuter les deuxautres). Ensuite, une confrontation et un dialogue directs des trois positions permettent de dégagerdes conclusions d’intérêt général. Celles-ci montrent quel genre de compromis peut être trouvé entreles principes de vérité et d’histoire, approuvent le projet de résoudre les tensions dans la vision del’homme, surtout entre privé et public, tout en rappelant l’importance du point de vue ancien sur lesprincipes repris par la démocratie (liberté, égalité, justice). En dernier lieu, nous montrons comment leprogramme d’une philosophie politique qui vit d’une tension féconde entre critique (prémoderne) etconfiance (moderne) peut se dégager de cette confrontation, ainsi que la nécessité de poursuivre lesefforts de dialogue pour rendre notre pensée digne de l’idée de la démocratie libérale
Having noticed a lack of dialogue between three American political philosophies, those of John Rawls,Richard Rorty, and Leo Strauss, we attempt to remedy the situation by confronting their ideas onmatters concerning truth, history, the dimensions of man, and democratic principles. We examine themfurther by highlighting the opinion of each on eleven classical dualisms related to these four matters.These dualisms are binary oppositions, generally venerable, which classify and divide two orders ofreality. This common language of classical dualisms enables us to compare our thinkers more closely.If no real victor emerges from our confrontation, it is possible to judge each of the thinkers according tonon contentious criteria (consistency, complexity or subtlety, capacity to refute the other positions). Wethen illustrate that the direct confrontation through dialogue leads one to conclusions regarding mattersbeyond simple exegetic analysis. These conclusions show what kind of compromise is possiblebetween the principles of truth and history, they support the project of resolving the tensions in ourunderstanding of man, in particular, between the public and private spheres, all the while reminding usof the importance of the ancient view of democratic principles (freedom, equality, justice). Ultimately,we explain how this confrontation can lead to a program for a political philosophy which balances theclaims of (premodern) criticism and (modern) confidence, as well as restates the importance ofcontinuing the dialogue in order that our thought be worthy of the idea of liberal democracy

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The present work has the principal objective highlighted in the differences and similarities between the philosophers Richard Rorty and Jürgen Habermas about the concept of truth established for both. First, we present the Rorty s thought about truth, passing by the idea of etnocentrism and about the contingency that the language has beyond the idea of a democracy, fundamental subject for we understand his idea of truth. Second, we approach the habermasian idea of truth pointing his concept like something universal and transcendental to cultural contexts and temporal. His idea of life world intersubjectively shared. The appearance of one pos-metaphysic linguistic turns capable of changes in the main point of philosophy and his idea of democracy. Finally, a little sketch of one ethic of the discourse capable of join all necessary characteristics for the formation of one concept of truth universal and transcendental.
O presente trabalho tem como objetivo principal destacar as divergências e semelhanças entre os filósofos Richard Rorty e Jürgen Habermas acerca do conceito de verdade. Primeiramente, apresentamos o pensamento rortyano sobre a verdade, passando pela idéia de etnocentrismo e pela idéia de contingência que a linguagem possui, além de seu pensamento sobre a democracia, para entendermos sua idéia de verdade. Em seguida abordar-se-á a idéia habermasiana de verdade apontando seu conceito como algo universal e transcendente a contextos culturais e temporais. Sua idéia de mundo da vida intersubjetivamente partilhado. O surgimento de uma virada lingüística pós-metafísica capaz de mudar os eixos da filosofia e sua idéia de democracia. E por fim, um pequeno esboço de uma ética do discurso capaz de unir todas as características necessárias para a formação de um conceito de verdade universalizável e transcendental. Por fim, confrontar-se-á os dois filósofos com o intuito de mostrar o debate sobre o conceito de verdade e as posições de cada um.

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The present paper examines the restructuring of the legal system in Brazil from the politics reopening, how the transition to democracy developed and the scope of the Amnesty Law to address the issue of political repression memory in Brazil dictatorship (1964-1985). The transition to democracy imposes the affirmation of a Transitional Justice which demands the understanding of legal and social phenomena that involves the local and international justice, in defense of human rights. Brazilian Amnesty Law would be making difficult the criminal responsibility of aggressors. Recently, the Supreme Court affirmed the constitutionality of the Amnesty Law, contrary to the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights of the American States Organization (ASO). The year of 1964 was marked in the Brazilian history because of the military coup that overthrew the president elected by popular vote, Joao Goulart, putting in his place a military system. This political system lasted from 1964 to 1985 and it was characterized by suppression of individual and political rights, censorship and repression and persecution to those who were opposed to the system. At the end of the system, the country already presented wear of all kinds; especially inflation and economic recession, providing opportunities to the opposite voices to grow with the emergence of new and strengthening partisans and unions. In 1984, several public personalities, associated to millions of Brazilians, organized a movement called "Direct Elections Now (Diretas Já), in support to the constitutional amendment proposed by Mr. Dante de Oliveira, who proposed free and direct elections to the presidency that year. In contrast to the popular will, the House of Representatives rejected the constitutional amendment proposed. Nevertheless, the popular movement led to the election, and a civilian president was elected, Tancredo Neves, ending the military dictatorship period in the country. It was enacted in 1988 the Federal Constitution, which erased the traces of the military dictatorship and restored democracy in the country
O presente trabalho examina a reestruturação da ordem jurídica no Brasil a partir da reabertura política, a forma como se deu transição para a democracia e o alcance da Lei da Anistia ao tratar a questão da memória da repressão política do Brasil ditatorial (1964-1985). A transição para a democracia impõe a afirmação de uma Justiça de Transição que demanda a compreensão dos fenômenos jurídicos e sociais que envolvem a Justiça local e a Justiça internacional, na defesa dos Direitos Humanos. A lei brasileira da Anistia Política estaria dificultando a responsabilização criminal dos agressores. Recentemente o Supremo Tribunal Federal afirmou a constitucionalidade da Lei da Anistia, contrariando a jurisprudência da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos da Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA). O ano de 1964 ficou marcado na história do Brasil pelo golpe militar que derrubou o presidente eleito pelo voto popular, João Goulart, colocando em seu lugar à frente do Governo brasileiro uma junta militar. Esse regime perdura de 1964 a 1985 e caracterizou-se pela supressão dos direitos individuais e políticos, pela censura e pela perseguição e repressão aos que eram contrários ao regime militar. No final deste regime de exceção, o país já apresentava desgastes de toda a ordem, notadamente a inflação e a recessão econômica, oportunizando que as vozes da oposição ganhassem terreno com o surgimento de novas agremiações partidárias e o fortalecimento dos sindicatos. Em 1984, várias personalidades públicas associadas a milhões de brasileiros, organizaram o movimento Diretas Já , em apoio à Emenda Constitucional proposta pelo Deputado Dante de Oliveira que propunha eleições livres e diretas para a presidência da República naquele ano. Em contraposição à vontade popular, a Câmara de Deputados rejeitou a proposta de Emenda Constitucional. Não obstante, o movimento popular permitiu a eleição, pelo Colégio Eleitoral, de um presidente civil, Tancredo Neves, cessando o período ditatorial militar no país. Em 1988 foi promulgada a atual Constituição Federal, que apagou os rastros da ditadura militar e restabeleceu a democracia no país

L'intérêt de l'humanité pour la connaissance se joue sur deux fronts : celui de la réduction de l'ignorance, et celui de l'action tant individuelle que collective. Aussi la manière dont nous acquérons le savoir est-elle essentielle, parce qu'elle préjuge aussi bien de notre perception du monde que de notre conscience de nous-mêmes et de la société. Car si, avec la raison comme alliée, l'homme se découvre des potentialités illimitées, nous aurions pourtant tort de passe outre une stricte réalité, celle de notre ignorance infinie, celle, au fond, de notre incapacité à cerner, de façon sûre et certaine, quoi que ce soit de ce monde complexe et en évolution constante qui nous accueille. C'est pourquoi, pour Karl Popper, toute rationalité véritable doit être critique, c'est-à-dire pluraliste et débattante, seule façon de considérer objectivement l'écart qui nous sépare de la vérité et, par suite, d'agir avec prudence et discernement, dans l'intérêt de la science comme dans celui de la collectivité.

En réponse au traumatisme de la division nationale suscitée par la guerre civile et cristallisée pendant le franquisme, la figure d’Antigone resurgit avec force dans la dramaturgie espagnole. Le parcours de résistance de cette héroïne grecque devient, sous la plume des auteurs espagnols du XXème siècle, l’emblème de la « juste mémoire » (Ricœur, 2000). Partant de l’hypothèse que le corpus des Antigones espagnoles constitue un ensemble relevant d’une dynamique commune de relecture de l’histoire, cette thèse recherche, à travers un travail comparatif des structures et des symboliques, la cohérence des versions catalanes, galiciennes et castillanes, de l’exil comme de l’intérieur, pour la période comprise entre 1936 et 1989. Dix-huit pièces sont ainsi mises en perspective pour démontrer la conquête de discours mémoriels et compensatoires à partir des sources hypotextuelles que constituent la tragédie de Sophocle, mais aussi les autres versions théâtrales du mythe. La première partie examine les procédés de réécriture du mythe, de l’histoire et de la tragédie, pour qualifier les pièces et déterminer un éventuel noyau mythique ou un schéma référentiel récurrent. La notion de « (re)configurations contemporaines » au prisme du contexte politique émerge alors pour désigner les objets de ce travail. La deuxième partie analyse les convergences esthétiques et les motifs récurrents dans les textes, car les Antigones espagnoles contemporaines placent au centre de la scène la métaphore de la marge pour figurer l’exclusion politique, ou encore celle du chemin pour représenter les destins brisés et l’exil. Fondamentalement, ces œuvres forgent un tombeau littéraire pour les défunts oubliés, mais aussi un monument en l’honneur des invisibles. La dimension esthétique de cette place théâtrale compensatrice ouvre une réflexion sur son sens cathartique dans une société en recomposition pendant la Transition. En effet, le troisième volet de cette thèse est centré sur la théâtralisation de l’histoire : il s’agit d’étudier les dispositifs de déconstruction des récits nationaux à travers les différents réagencements du mythe des Labdacides. Cette clé de lecture révèle les stratégies de démythification-remythification qui président aux nouvelles charges sémantiques des épisodes mythiques, dépeignant un autoportrait déformant de la communauté espagnole en crise. À l’horizon de ces pratiques de réécriture, se lit la conception d’une époque historique comme une épopée, que la parole cérémonielle et le dispositif scénique peuvent contribuer à purger, par une distance qui englobe un large prisme, de la sacralité au grotesque
Echoing the traumatic conflict within the nation caused by the Civil War and crystallized during Franco’s era, Antigone’s reappearance was extremely intense in Spanish dramatic creation. In contemporary rewritings, the resistance of this tragic character from Greek mythology turned out to be the emblem of a “fairer memory” (Ricoeur, 2000). This work asserts that the Spanish Antigones converge and share a common signification when it comes to rewriting History; and resorts to a comparative study of structures and symbols to shed light on the continuity between the Castilian, Catalan and Galician versions, between those written in exile or not, from 1936 to 1989. In order to establish the common dynamic, eighteen plays are compared, whose key idea is to create a memorial and a redeeming discourse based on the Greek sources but also inspired by other versions of the tragedy. Therefore, the first part examines the strategies implemented to rearrange the mythical pattern, the historical context and the tragic genre. This leads to the conclusion that there is no permanent mythical core nor a fully recurrent referential scheme. As such, the notion of “contemporary (re)configurations” through the prism of politics seems relevant to describe the rewritings. The second part analyses the aesthetic convergences and the recurring themes and metaphors throughout the texts and concludes that in the contemporary Spanish Antigones, the image of the margins embodying exclusion takes on centre stage while the image of the path is resorted to in order to evoke broken destinies and exile. Basically, these plays create a literary tomb for the forgotten deceased but also a monument in honour of the invisible –alive– ones. The aesthetic dimension of this compensatory play requires a reflection upon its cathartic sense in a transforming society during the Transition to democracy. Indeed, the third part of this work focuses on the dramatization of History, making it crucial to study the scenic devices that dismantle the official stories and political myths. This reveals the strategies of “demystification” followed by new mythifications that portray a distorting image of the Spanish community in crisis. Ultimately, these practices of rewriting show that the playwrights conceived their time as an epic and mythical phase which could be purged by theatrical ceremonial thanks to a distancing effect that covers a large prism, from sacred to grotesque

碩士
國立臺南藝術大學
音像紀錄研究所
97
The making of “The Virus of The Truth” is an effort based on the discussion and dialogue of a group of Net E-generation and myself. In the work, I take the phenomenon of“Chang Pa”as the base for discussion after the “ Chang Zen Sheng Accident”. I also try to piece together the humane pictures in the Internet, and to exchange the experiences and opinions of one another. The work tries to make audience aware the Chang family’s difficult situation and the dilemma of the minority and unfortunate groups by juxtaposing the daily activities of Chang’s and the discussion of the net community. I also hope audience concern the future of virtual community besides active regulation and passive letting alone.

This thesis aims to characterize the way philosopher and politician Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk viewed philosophy and religion. Since an individual's thinking in these aspects is formed gradually in line with one's life experiences and events, it is necessary to discuss some parts of his life for a deeper understanding of the issue at hand. These not only had influence on the formation of the above-mentioned views, but the very approach that Masaryk adopted in these situations and causes has a considerable value itself. For example the Hilsner trials or the issue of the authenticity of the Manuscripts - in both cases Masaryk had a clear opinion he would stick to, despite sharp criticism he had to face. Some philosophers, thinkers and clergymen also had a major influence on Masaryk. From a religious point of view, he most likely took on the thoughts of Jesus and Hus. On the philosophical level, it is difficult to choose the most influential one, but this position would most likely be occupied by Plato, whom Masaryk as a philosopher highly respected. On the other hand, Masaryk himself fundamentally influenced some of his followers, for example Jan Patočka, whose struggle with Masaryk's philosophy is also discussed. Although Masaryk's concept of religion and philosophy is a very complex subject, we can...

Both Plato and the Cambridge Platonists hold the view that moral knowledge depends primarily on cognitive resources which are innate to the mind. There is, nevertheless, a need for our minds to be prompted through experience in order for knowledge to occur. The following study is an attempt to reconstruct and compare the accounts in Plato and the Cambridge Platonists of the empirical conditions that are required for knowledge. For Plato, these conditions are a result of a decline in political and psychological constitutions, through which the intellect is increasingly developed. Dialectical analysis of received customs, laws, opinions, and language may then reveal the moral ideas upon which the polity was initially based and which remain implicit in common sense throughout the historical decline. Philosophical knowledge consists of a recollection of the ancient wisdom which was revealed to the original lawgiver by the gods. In the Cambridge Platonists, philosophical knowledge likewise consists of a recollection of revealed knowledge that stood at the foundation of a form of life, namely, Judaism. The revival of ancient Greek and Jewish philosophical theories in modern times heralds the end of history, in which the complete system of knowledge is both attainable and necessary for salvation. From the perspective of humanity as a whole, knowledge is initially granted through revelation, then generally forgotten, and finally recollected in a highly intellectual age of deteriorating morality and stability. The esoteric traditions of knowledge, coupled with recent developments in science and philosophy, act as the prompts for knowledge, given an intuitive basis that has been formed through the spread of Christianity. This intuitive basis serves as the concrete way in which the natural anticipations of the mind are gradually shaped in order to recognize the truth when it appears in a shrouded manner in modern philosophy. Both Plato and the Cambridge Platonists are critics of the similar intellectual trends in their times and they respond with similar arguments; however, unlike Plato, the Cambridge Platonists are unable to connect their rational critique with their genetic critique of modern ideas, rendering the latter ineffective.
Thesis (Ph.D, Philosophy) -- Queen's University, 2009-09-24 16:19:49.145

This work narrates a qualitative sociological exploration with auto-ethnographic underpinnings. It deals with the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (SATRC) as a contextual case among others. The thesis seeks to answer the question of whether countries following a TRC route did better than those that did not use TRCs, when it comes to establishing civil control over the military. The author's exposure and involvement in the process as participant, participant observer, observer participant and observer inform the study. With the SATRC as one cornerstone other cases reflected upon include Argentina and Chile (Latin America), Spain and Portugal (Southern Europe), Namibia, Nigeria and Rwanda (Africa).
Sociology
D.Litt. et. Phil. (Sociology)

This study evaluated the effectiveness of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (SATRC), using the theoretical and conceptual framework of the five pillars of transitional justice. Chitsike (2012) identified the five Pillars of Transitional Justice that the study uses. For that reason, Truth-Seeking and Truth-Telling, Trials and Tribunals, Reparations, Institutional Reform and Memorialisation are the Five Pillars of Transitional Justice that this study elected to use as the conceptual and theoretical framework. The Five Pillars of Transitional Justice that were delineated by Boraine (2005) are referred to for analytical purposes in the study. Methodologically, the study assumes a qualitative posture. Literature study through content analysis that uses description and exploration is deployed to make interpretation of the used literature. This study notes that each one of the pillars of transitional justice has its recommendations and limitations, and the pillars are much more enriched and enriching when applied in complementarity to each other rather than in isolation. The SATRC process also had its achievements and limitations, and its popularity was based on political impressions rather than concrete transitional justice achievements on the ground, in the view of the present study. Furthermore, it appears to the present study that more time is needed for much more reliable evaluations of the effectiveness of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to be made, some of its successes and limitations will take many years and or even decades to manifest because at the end of the day, TRCs are historical process and not events.
Political Sciences
M.A. (Politics)

Mon objectif dans ce mémoire est d’analyser le concept d’aletheia et ses critères chez Protagoras et Gorgias, les deux plus célèbres figures de la première sophistique. Nous connaissons leurs théories par le biais de leurs détracteurs, le plus célèbre d’entre eux étant Platon, ou, à l’inverse, d’auteurs plutôt sympathiques à leurs égards comme Sextus Empiricus. D’après ces doxographes, les deux sophistes et les sophistes de manière générale passent pour les défenseurs, en philosophie, d’un relativisme, d’un scepticisme, et même dans certains cas, d’un nihilisme. Par l’examen tout aussi minutieux qu’objectif de leurs œuvres on ne peut plus fragmentaires, je tente de dégager, chez les deux penseurs, une théorie de la vérité et de ses critères, qui fait l’économie des miroirs déformants platonicien et sceptique.
With this thesis, I intend to analyze the concept of aletheia and its criteria in Protagoras and Gorgias, the two renowned figures of the original Sophistic movement. We mostly know their theories through their detractors, the most famous of them being Plato. Conversely, many an author sympathetic to them such as Sextus Empiricus has also enlightened us on the matter. According to these doxographers, sophists, essentially, are advocates of relativism, skepticism and even nihilism in some cases. Through an objective and careful analysis of the works of these two scholars – their treatises being quite fragmentary – I will attempt to establish a theory of truth and its criteria while avoiding the pitfalls of a Platonic and skeptical distorted reflection.

This study is an attempt to critique the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission from a theological ethical perspective. The central critique and argument of this study will be that, it is impossible to reconcile the dispossessor and the dispossessed or the oppressor and oppressed in the way the South African TRC did. As such, it will be befitting to start off this study which explores some of the noticeable lessons and challenges emerging from the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (hereafter, the TRC) by elucidating that this study is an attempt to contribute to the on-going discussions on reconciliation. It is also vital to mention up front that this study attempts to contribute to the discussion on reconciliation which seeks to remove injustice at the root. It contributes to a discussion of the weeds of alienation and fragmentation, and it stands in contrast to the frequent use of reconciliation merely to reach some political accommodation and not to address the critical questions of justice, equality and dignity (Boesak & DeYoung 2012). It is also befitting to point out that two central themes – political pietism and Christian quietism – form the backdrop to this study (Boesak & DeYoung 2012). The study contends that reconciliation in South Africa was used merely to reach some political accommodation and did not address the three critical questions of justice, equality and dignity. These arrangements perpetually favour the rich and powerful but deprive the powerless of justice and dignity. Hitherto, this reconciliation is presented as if it does respond to the need for genuine reconciliation and employs a language that sounds like the truth, but it is in fact deceitful – and this we call political pietism. It is also vital to mention that “reconciliation” is a Christian concept, and as such, Christians’ measure matters of reconciliation with the yardstick of the gospel and therefore should know better. However, as it will be shown in this study, when Christians in South Africa discovered that the TRC was not really promoting reconciliation, they became complicit in a deceitful reconciliation. This may have been for reasons of self-protection, fear or a desire for acceptance by the powers that govern the world. Whichever way one looks at it, they tried to seek to accommodate the situation, to justify it and to refuse to run the risk of challenge and prophetic truth telling. As a result, they denied the demands of the gospel and refused solidarity with the powerless and oppressed. This is called Christian quietism (Boesak & DeYoung 2012:1). This study in its attempt to critique the South Africa TRC from a theological ethical perspective will point out that, the TRC which was obviously the product of the negotiated settlement needs to be understood against the background of the global struggle of particularly Third-World countries which were resisting authoritarian regimes put in place by the West for the benefit of the West. As such, this study will point out how the West, in their attempt to keep a grip on the Third-World countries – particularly on their resources – had to recommend and promote their notion of democracy. Democracy became the only option for Third-World countries as a result of the fall of the Soviet Union. It must, however, be mentioned that the problem is not democracy but the manifestation thereof under capitalism. This is because the notion of democracy was recommended to Third-World countries when capitalism was becoming global. As such, this presented some contradictions because democracy emphasizes joint interests, equality and common loyalties whilst capitalism is based on self-seeking inequality and conflicting individual and group interest (Terriblanche 2002). This means that a transition to democracy (especially constitutional democracy) means that the former oppressor or dispossessor will hold on to economic power. As such, the sudden interest of both the NP and the corporate sector in South Africa to a transition to democracy needs to be understood against this background. This study will argue and demonstrate how the ANC was outsmarted during the negotiations in that, at the formal negotiations, the ANC won political power whilst the NP/corporate sector in South Africa won economic power. This is mentioned to here to point out that both the elite compromise reached at the formal and informal negotiations and the influence of the Latin-American truth commissions led to the inability or unwillingness of the TRC to uncover the truth about systemic exploitation. As such, this study will argue and demonstrate that, on the one hand, reconciliation was not added to the truth commission for the purpose of confronting the country with the demands of the gospel and, on the other hand, the TRC was set up (from its inception) for failure.
Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology
D.Th. (Theological Ethics)

Este trabalho tem como tema “O Papel dos Media na Luta pela Consolidação da Paz em Angola”. A problemática do tema diz respeito às seguintes questões: será que os media angolanos estão a trabalhar na educação pela paz? Será que os media vivem pelo lucro? Pela fama? Pelo prestígio social que granjeiam na sociedade angolana? Não será que os media servem interesses de grupos económicos ou, de forma velada, interesses políticos diversos? Será que o envolvimento de certos jornalistas na vida privada das pessoas constitui um motivo para o descrédito dos jornalistas como os promotores da paz? Será que a ambição tribal, partidária e a influência dos media estrangeiros, influenciam os media na verdade sobre a realidade do país, perigando a paz e a reconciliação nacional? O trabalho tem como tese “O Estudo sobre o que os Media têm Feito em Favor da Paz e da Reconciliação Nacional, e sua Manutenção em Angola.”, sejam os media públicos ou privados, até certo ponto os estrangeiros. Leva-me a crer que há maior preocupação por outros interesses em relação à manutenção da paz. A maior preocupação é de saber o que os media fazem e o que devem fazer para que o povo de Angola consolide a paz e viva em paz. Não tem como objectivo criticar o mau funcionamento dos media, mas incentivar os profissionais na defesa acérrima da paz que se conquistou com muito sangue dos angolanos, através da criação de programas que dinamizem o angolano na vivência da paz não permitindo que os nossos egoísmos, ambições e projectos, sejam eles pessoais ou institucionais, destruam os maiores tesouros da vida humana, a PAZ, a LIBERDADE, e a DEMOCRACIA.
The theme of this work is, "The Role of the Media Struggle for Consolidation of Peace in Angola." This problematic issue concerns the following questions: Are the media working for the Angolan peace? Could it be that the media only work as a means to make money? Or for the prestige? Or to gain social elevation within the Angolan society? It is possible that the media serves the interests of economic groups or various political interests? Could it be that the poor work ethics of some journalists means all journalists are discredited as peacemaker? Could it be that the ambition for the tribe and influence over the foreign media, maybe affect the Angolan media and distort the truth about the reality of country? Which endangers possible peace and national reconciliation of nation? The proposition of this work is "The Study on the Media are made in Favor of Peace and National Reconciliation in Angola and its maintenance.", whether public or private media, to some extent foreigners. I am aware there is greater concern for other interests in relation to peacekeeping. The main concern is to know what the media do and what it must do for the people of Angola to consolidate the peace and live in peace. I do not intend to criticize the aims malfunction of the media, but to encourage media professionals’ staunch defense of peace that is won with much blood of Angolans, through creation of programs that restructure the Angolan living in peace. And it is important not allow selfishness, ambition, and projects whether they are personal, institutional or otherwise, to destroy the greatest treasures of human life, PEACE, FREEDOM, and DEMOCRACY.

Centrée essentiellement autour de la parole épiscopale congolaise, la présente recherche porte sur les articulations de la religion et du politique dans une perspective limitée au catholicisme en RDC. En prenant pour base empirique la ville de Kinshasa, elle thématise les effets des dynamiques religieuses sur les fermentations sociales et les changements politiques dans un contexte d’autoritarisme. Celui-ci est, dans ce travail, problématisé comme le fait conjoint de l’institution étatique et de l’organisation religieuse catholique. Le choix de cette approche relationnelle basée sur les interactions entre religion et politique, permet d’inscrire ce travail dans le champ d’études des sciences des religions. L’approche retenue s’appuie également sur les avancées de la sociologie politique et éclaire la régulation religieuse du politique, rarement étudiée par les sciences humaines. Cette recherche s’inscrit donc à l’intersection entre l’histoire, la sociologie, les sciences politiques, l’anthropologie, l’analyse du discours, la philosophie et la théologie. Sa thèse centrale est organisée autour d’une question principale : comment la religion participe-t-elle à la régulation du politique dans le contexte d’autoritarisme caractéristique de la RDC ? La réponse à cette question croise l’approche fonctionnelle de la religion et l’analyse des déclarations institutionnelles de l’épiscopat congolais. Elle esquisse les relations entre, d’une part, contextes et événements sociopolitiques et d’autre part, discours et pratiques religieuses. Elle construit la scène religieuse à partir de la trajectoire sociopolitique, économique et culturelle de la RDC entre 1990 et 2015, sous les Présidents J.-D. Mobutu, L.-D. Kabila et J. Kabila. Elle étudie l'offre normative de sens de leurs éminences J.-A. Malula, F. Etsou et L. Monsengwo. L’analyse de la rhétorique de l’épiscopat sur les élections vérifie la plausibilité sociale et l’efficience politique de la parole épiscopale congolaise. Elle se ressource dans la pragmatique de la communication telle que mise en œuvre dans l’analyse argumentative du discours de R. Amossy et dans celle du discours politique de P. Charaudeau. En mettant la focale sur l’objet linguistique « vérité des urnes », la recherche pose au niveau normatif, juridique et éthique, le problème de l’institutionnalisation d’un État de droit en RDC. Les élaborations sur ce dernier niveau s’articulent autour de l’inscription de l’éthique dans l’agir politique. L’examen des modes conventionnels d’action des chrétiens (élections de 2006 et 2011) et non conventionnels (marche des chrétiens de 1992 et 2012) conduit à éclairer les modes de reproduction ou de contestation de l’autoritarisme étatique par l’organisation religieuse. Il permet de promouvoir une démocratie des valeurs et d’action adossée à la parrhêsia. L’introduction de l’aléthique dans la vie publique donne à voir la parole épiscopale congolaise comme un discours ethopoïétique. C’est sur ce point précis que les élaborations de M. Foucault sur la parrhêsia aident à thématiser la capacité de la religion à informer et à influencer la démocratisation de la RDC. De là, la requête formulée pour un nouveau système d’action institutionnelle de l’organisation religieuse, susceptible de promouvoir le courage de la vérité en situation autoritaire. Cette innovation permet de tenir ensemble les valeurs démocratiques et les valeurs de l’Évangile, en les corrélant à la cohérence axiologique, à la probité morale et à l’intégrité existentielle des protagonistes de la démocratisation de la RDC.
Articulated mainly around the Congolese Episcopal speech, this research focuses on the joints of religion and politics in a limited perspective to Catholicism in the DRC. Taking as empirical basis Kinshasa, she thematizes the effects of religious dynamics on social fermentations and policy changes in an authoritarian context. This is, in this work, problematized as Partner of state institution and the Catholic religious organization. The choice of this relational approach based on the interaction between religion and politics, allows to place this work in the field of study of Religious Studies. The approach is also based on the advances in political sociology and illuminates the religious regulation policy, rarely studied by the humanities. This research is therefore the intersection between history, sociology, political science, anthropology, discourse analysis and theology. Its central thesis is organized around a central question: how religion she participates in the policy of regulation in the context of authoritarianism characteristic of the DRC? The answer to this question crosses functional approach to religion and the analysis of institutional statements by the Congolese bishops. It outlines the relationship between on the one hand, and socio-political events and contexts other, speech and religious practices. It built the religious scene from the sociopolitical, economic and cultural trajectory of the DRC between 1990-2015, Under the Presidents J.-D. Mobutu L.-D. Kabila and J. Kabila. She studies the normative sense to offer their eminences J.-A. Malula, F. Etsou and L. Monsengwo. The analysis of the rhetoric of the episcopate on elections plausibility checks social and political efficiency of the Congolese Bishops' word. The resource in the pragmatics of communication as implemented in the argumentative discourse analysis R. Amossy and in the political discourse of P. Charaudeau. By putting the focus on linguistic object "truth of the polls", the research raises the normative, legal and ethics, institutionalization problem of the rule of law in the DRC. Elaborations on this last level revolve around the inclusion of ethics in political action. The review of conventional modes of action of Christians (2006 elections and 2011) and unconventional (on Christians in 1992 and 2012) led to enlighten reproduction modes or challenge to the state authoritarianism by the religious organization. It helps promote democracy values and action backed parrhesia. The introduction of the alethic in public life gives you the Congolese Episcopal ethopoïétique speech as a speech. It is on this point that M. Foucault elaborations on parrhesia help thematize the ability of religion to inform and influence the democratization of the DRC. From there, the request made for a new system of institutional action of the religious organization, capable of promoting the courage of truth in authoritarian situation. This innovation allows to hold together the democratic values and the values of the Gospel, by correlating the consistency axiological, moral probity and existential integrity of the protagonists of democratization of the DRC.

Nos recherches ont pour point de départ le constat d’un manque de dialogue entre trois philosophies politiques du XXe siècle nous provenant des États-Unis alors même que cet État devrait être le chef de file et un modèle d’ouverture en matière de réflexion sur la démocratie libérale. Les trois philosophies politiques en question sont celles de John Rawls, de Richard Rorty et de Leo Strauss. Nous avons donc procédé à l’amorce d’un dialogue en mettant en relation les idées des trois auteurs sur les grands thèmes de la vérité, de l’histoire, des dimensions de l’homme et des principes démocratiques, et avons fait un effort supplémentaire de rapprochement en montrant le rapport de chacun à onze dualismes classiques liés à ces quatre thèmes. Ces dualismes sont des oppositions binaires habituellement vénérables qui classent et divisent deux ordres de réalité. Avec ce langage commun des dualismes classiques, les obstacles aux rapprochements dus aux jeux de langage ou aux vocabulaires trop particuliers des trois auteurs sont tombés. Nous montrons d’abord qu’aucun vainqueur clair ne ressort de notre confrontation, mais qu’il y a moyen de porter un jugement sur les trois auteurs en fonction de critères non controversés (cohérence, complexité ou nuances, capacité à réfuter les deux autres). Ensuite, une confrontation et un dialogue directs des trois positions permettent de les faire s’exprimer sur les mêmes enjeux et de dégager des conclusions d’intérêt général dépassant le débat d’auteurs. Ces conclusions montrent quel genre de compromis peut être trouvé entre les principes de vérité et d’histoire, approuvent le projet de résoudre les tensions dans la vision de l’homme, en particulier entre les sphères publiques et privées, mais rappellent l’importance du point de vue ancien sur les principes repris par la démocratie (liberté, égalité, justice), ne serait-ce que pour faire contrepoids à la tendance générale. Ultimement, nous montrons comment de cette confrontation peut se dégager le programme pour la philosophie politique de vivre dans une tension féconde entre critique (prémoderne) et confiance (moderne), ainsi que la nécessité réaffirmée de poursuivre les efforts de dialogue pour rendre notre pensée digne de l’idée de la démocratie libérale.
Our study stems from the awareness that three twentieth-century political philosophies emanating from the United States have not partaken in any serious dialogue, even though this country should be a leader and model of openness regarding the topic of liberal democracy. The three political philosophies in question are those of John Rawls, Richard Rorty and Leo Strauss. Consequently, we have initiated a dialogue by confronting the ideas of these three thinkers on matters concerning truth, history, the dimensions of man, and democratic principles, having furthered this effort by highlighting the opinion of each on eleven classical dualisms related to these four matters. These dualisms are binary oppositions, generally venerable, which classify and divide two orders of reality. Using the common language of classical dualisms allowed us to overcome the obstacles due to the particular language game or vocabulary of each. In the first place, we show that if no real victor emerges from our confrontation, it is possible to judge each of the thinkers according to non contentious criteria (consistency, complexity or subtlety, capacity to refute the other positions). Then we illustrate that the direct confrontation through dialogue allows each of the three positions to express itself on the same issues and leads one to conclusions regarding matters beyond simple exegetic analysis. These conclusions show what kind of compromise is possible between the principles of truth and history. They support the project of resolving the tensions in our understanding of man, in particular, between the public and private spheres. Finally, they remind us of the importance of the ancient view of democratic principles (freedom, equality, justice), if only to counterbalance the current overwhelming trend. Ultimately, we explain how this confrontation can lead to a program for a political philosophy which balances the claims of (premodern) criticism and (modern) confidence, as well as restates the importance of continuing the dialogue in order that our thought be worthy of the idea of liberal democracy.
Réalisé en cotutelle avec l'Université de Paris-Sorbonne (Paris IV).

The thesis "Ethical aspects in the New Year's speeches by Vaclav Havel" interprets and evaluates the content of the New Year's speeches by President Havel in the light of civil and political ethics. In the study part first deals with the theoretical background (the areas of ethical consideration; relationship of ethics, politics, freedom) and also represents Havel`s ethical and philosophical dimension (the philosophical roots and sources of inspiration - the ideas, personalities). The core of thesis analyzes the ethical content and the development of the main ideas New Year's speeches, as well as their contribution to value creation on the road to moral autonomy and a more mature political culture. From the perspective of a new relation and in the context of the former regime, the last chapter reflects on Havel's considerations of ethical topics that are necessary for meaningful functioning of person in society with regard to civil and political ethos. Keywords Vaclav Havel, New Year`s speeches, ethics, political ethics, truth, love, conscience, liberty, responsibility, morals, morality, values, democracy, totality, civil courage.

This essay argues that John F. Kennedy and Richard Nixon demonstrated ambivalent feelings toward democracy as they participated in the American presidential campaign of 1960. Their oratory, on the one hand, suggested unqualified reverence for the Western democratic tradition. Both devoted considerable attention in their campaigns to establishing before voters their shared belief that America would eventually triumph over the communist enemy because of the strength and greatness that accrues to a society which recognizes freedom at home. In their campaign discussions of Cuba, Kennedy and Nixon argued that Fidel Castro would ultimately fall from power not because Americans opposed him, but rather because he was reviled and despised as an anti-democratic leader by Cubans. By implication Kennedy and Nixon were suggesting that democracy was not only an ideal ,they held dear, but one that was universal and intrinsic to the human essence. As they venerated democracy in these terms, however, Kennedy and Nixon showed by their behavior that they had a marked lack of reverence for the ideals and values underpinning the U.S. political system. Both candidates were ambitious and driven in their pursuit of the presidency, and both were willing to distort truth and contrive public images if these measures appeared expedient to their efforts to achieve victory. Clearly, Kennedy and Nixon must be held accountable for sanctioning and employing campaign tactics of this sort. The essay concludes, however, that scholars should also hold them accountable for their ambivalence, for failure to recognize their duplicity in portraying democracy in iconographic terms while simultaneously demonstrating that they held victory as more important than principles like honesty. Throughout, an important secondary theme of this study concerns the discourse Kennedy and Nixon used in discussing Cuba and Cubans, and the essay critiques in equal measure their scornful portrayal of Fidel Castro, and their paternalistic attitudes toward the Cuban nation.