Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Decolonization – Malaysia – History »

Museums play an important role in preserving and conserving all artifacts related to the past history as well as the heritage and culture of a society's civilization. Malaysia as a country that consists of various races and rich in various heritages and cultures, the museum institution plays an important role in preserving the heritage of knowledge for future generations. Museum institutions have undergone changes over time in producing an excellent management in preserving knowledge of past history. The development of museums at the European level is seen to have influenced the entry of the ideology of the field of museums in Malaysia. This study uses a qualitative method by analyzing the research data on the history of the development of museums in the world until it was brought in by the British colonial to Malaysia before independence. The focus of the study focuses on how and what is the influence brought by the west in museum institutions in Malaysia. The results show that, the Renaissance philosophy practiced by Europeans around the 14th century, has urged them to sail out to the ocean and explore other regions. This indirectly led to colonization of non-European territories. In the British colonial context, their arrival to colonize Malaya was not empty handed, but brought in colonial knowledge which later became the basis for the establishment of museum institutions in Malaysia. However, the interpretation of artifacts, history, heritage and culture that is euro-centric, led to the implementation of the decolonization of museums after independence. This is so that a local history can be interpreted correctly through the point of view and knowledge of the local community.

The mergers and separations that shaped the decolonizing third world also made media history. Singapore’s separation from Malaysia on August 9, 1965, after two tumultuous years of union was no exception. Radio and television, which broadcasted the seminal moments, embodied the mergers and separations of media forms—this is a fact overlooked in both national histories and regional media scholarship. Reconfigured with the complex, shifting intersections of radio and television, the otherwise familiar account of merger and separation in the “Singapore Story” emerges anew with static noises, pauses, iterations, and interruptions. The technical effects of cuts and jumps in early radio and television editing undergird and thereby challenge the politics of representation in studies of decolonization. At the same time, technological transfer and adaptation in the former British colonies open the provincial confines of media theory to a more global, materialist trajectory. This article connects the televised broadcast of Singapore’s independence in 1965 to early enthusiasm for radio’s disembodied voice during the colonial, interwar period. The discussion then examines how Amir Muhammad’s 2007 independent documentary Village People Radio Show (Apa khabar orang kampung) recovers radio’s forgotten role in the Second Malayan Emergency, also known as the Communist Insurgency War (1967–89).

The wave of the struggle against “white privilege” and “systemic racism” did not pass the field of classics, the study of Ancient Greece and Rome. Critical Race Theory, broadly recognized in American colleges and universities, presents reality in two colors only. It overshadows and even substitutes any merit by the color – white is wrong, non-white is good. This approach is quite convenient for replacing professional knowledge with the loud noise of mind “decolonization,” disorients presumed beneficiaries and turns out to be new racism, in this case, aimed as discrimination against whites. The spark of its prominence in classics and humanities was given by Dan-el Padilla Peralta, who is a black, undocumented immigrant from the Dominican Republic. He has been supported by white people against the US immigration law all the way up to Princeton, Oxford, and Stanford, some of the best educational institutions, to master Greek and Latin and, finally, teach Classics at Princeton. At the pinnacle of that, he speaks against the historical foundation of this society, what he has understood to be a white man-dominated slaves-holding structure fraught with systemic racism. Positive Discrimination or Affirmative Action programs exist in the USA, India, Malaysia, Nigeria, and other countries as a broadly recognized way to correct historical injustice. Winners, who, in most visible cases, happen to be white, try to pay dues to the retrospective non-white victims of oppression. It is possible to apply Affirmative Action to history classes through acceptance and grading, but not to History itself. Slavery and the dominance of men, which nullify the value of classics in the eyes of fighters against “white supremacy,” were everywhere, while Democracy was in Athens and Rome only. So, to promote truth and our dignity, Classics must stay. Keywords: antiquity, classics, colorism, discrimination, immigration, merit, prejudice, racism, slavery, western civilization

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Abstract Prior scholarship has treated the Philippines as an outside party to the conflict over the formation of Malaysia, known as Konfrontasi, which has been dealt with as a dispute between Malaysia and Indonesia. This article demonstrates the centrality of the Macapagal administration to the origins of Konfrontasi. Treating Manila as a core actor gives new insight into Konfrontasi, which can be best understood as a regional conflict over the racial and social shape of island Southeast Asia in the final stages of decolonization. Racialized anticommunism, expressed through the forcible redivision of the region to ensure social stability, emerges as the preoccupation of all the state actors promoting and opposing the formation of Malaysia. At the same time, an examination of developments in the Philippines and the actions of the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) gives new insight into the critical function of the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) in this affair.

Defence date: 8 May 2017
Examining Board: Professor A. Dirk Moses, EUI (Supervisor); Professor L. Riall, EUI; Professor M. Thomas, University of Exeter (external adviser); Professor P. Romijn, NOID Institute for War, Holocaust and Genocide Studies
'Collaboration is a Very Delicate Concept : Alliance-formation and the Wars of Independence in Indonesia and Malaysia, 1945-1957' is a case study in the interface between late colonial empires and colonized societies. Unlike traditional studies that continue to focus on British or Dutch (military-political) efforts to open specific avenues towards independence, the thesis analyses how local elites, their constituencies or individuals determined and navigated their own course— through violent insurgencies—towards independence. The thesis dispenses with (colonial) notions of ‘loyalty’ and ‘colonizedcolonizer’. Instead, it takes the much more fluid concept of local allianceformation and combines it with theories on territorial control to elucidate why certain individuals or groups co-operated with colonial authorities one moment only to switch to the freedom fighters’ side the next. In showing the complexities and ambiguities of association, the thesis advocates and executes an agenda that transcends the narrow politicaldiplomatic scope of decolonization to restore the agency and motivations of local political parties, communities and individuals. The red thread throughout the thesis, then, is that Indonesians, Chinese and Malays pursued their own, narrow—often violent—interests to survive and secure a (political) future beyond decolonization. Ultimately, the limits of alliance-formation are probed. The search for territorial control by colonial and anti-colonial forces necessitated zero-sum outcomes to pre-empt alliance breakdowns. As such, coercion remained the major motivational force during decolonization: coercion local communities participated in more than has been hitherto acknowledged in relation to the decolonization of Southeast Asia.
Chapter 2 ‘Collaboration is a Very Delicate Concept’: The Negara Pasundan and the Malayan Chinese Association' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Gathered on the Point of a Bayonet': The Negara Pasundan and the Colonial Defence of Indonesia, 1946-50' in the journal ‘International history review'

This book recasts the history of American empire in Southeast and East Asia from the Pacific War through the end of U.S. intervention in Vietnam. It argues that anticommunist nationalism in Southeast Asia intersected with pre-existing local antipathy toward China and the Chinese diaspora to usher the region from European-dominated colonialism into U.S. hegemony. Between the late 1940s and 1960s, Britain and its indigenous collaborators in Malaya and Singapore overcame the mostly Chinese communist parties of both countries by crafting a pro-West nationalism that was anticommunist by virtue of its anti-Chinese bent. London’s neocolonial schemes in Malaya and Singapore prolonged its influence in the region. But as British power waned, Malaya and Singapore’s anticommunist leaders cast their lot with the United States, mirroring developments in the Philippines, Thailand and, in the late 1960s, Indonesia. In effect, these five anticommunist states established, with U.S. support, a geostrategic arc of containment that encircled China and its regional allies. Southeast Asia’s imperial transition from colonial order to U.S. empire, through the tumult of decolonization and the Cold War, was more characteristic of the region’s history after 1945 than Indochina’s embrace of communism.

Abstract This chapter examines the fraying relationship between Western Anglicans and their armed forces in the first three decades of the Cold War. While prompting closer engagement with the just war tradition, nuclear weapons fed an uneasiness with the British military among an influential minority, an attitude reflected in the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament. The imperatives of decolonization also increased the scope for friction between Archbishop Geoffrey Fisher and successive Conservative governments in the 1950s. However, in the initial confrontation with atheistic Communism, Anglican approaches to war and military service remained robust. Given the existential threat to faith and freedom, the atom bomb was widely countenanced as a weapon of last resort. Some Anglican contributions to the military and ideological conflicts in Malaya and Korea proved highly effective. However, in the Protestant Episcopal Church, whose importance in the Communion increased with the rise of US hegemony in the non-Communist world, the ‘long 1960s’—and the Vietnam War especially—helped unseam its ascendancy in America’s armed forces. Amidst a more general crisis of identity, the profile of Episcopalian conscientious objectors and war-resisters rose, and with it a keen, outspoken hostility to military chaplaincy. These divisions were also felt by Australasian Anglicans, while the reverberations of Vietnam—compounded with the policies of South Africa’s apartheid regime—fuelled an ambient disquiet with the military (and especially the military chaplain) in the wider Anglican Communion. Consequently, by the end of the ‘long 1960s’, the historic relationship between Western Anglicans and their armed forces had never been weaker.